Journal articles on the topic 'New Zealand government and politics'
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1
Wieciech, Tomasz. "Republika Czeska: Wyrok Sądu Konstytucyjnego Republiki Czeskiej z dnia 12 grudnia 2017 r. w sprawie o numerze 11/17." Przegląd Sejmowy 1(168) (2022): 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.93.
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The Mixed Member Proportional electoral system introduced in New Zealand in 1993 resulted in major changes to the political system. In a multi-party environment, government formation required cooperation between different political parties. Hence, single-party majority governments have been replaced by coalition governments, and support contracts emerged as a new form of an agreement made between parties in addition to or instead of the traditional coalition agreement. This book discusses coalition politics and government formation in New Zealand after 1993. It argues that support contracts, as an innovative form of cooperation between political parties in the government formation process question traditional government-opposition and minority government-majority government divides.
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Pugh, Michael C. "The fourth government: radical politics in New Zealand." International Affairs 65, no. 1 (1988): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621069.
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Butcher, John R. "New Zealand’s Relationship Accord: A case study in the politics of cross-sector rapprochement." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7, no. 2 (August 14, 2015): 32–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v7i2.4467.
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In New Zealand the Clark Labour government (1999-2008) advocated entering into a compact with the country’s community and voluntary sector. However, owing in part to the reticence of New Zealand’s national umbrella organisations, a bilateral framework agreement between government and the sector was never formalised. It was not until May 2011 that a framework document – Kia Tūtahi Standing Together: The Relationship Accord between the Communities of Aotearoa New Zealand and the Government of New Zealand – was ratified by the National Party government led by Prime Minister, John Key, thus marking the culmination of a decade-long national discussion. This paper charts that policy journey and highlights the importance of key political events and the ways in which key policy actors exploited the windows of policy opportunity associated with those events.
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Morton, John. "The future of New Zealand conservation: Ethics and Politics." Pacific Conservation Biology 2, no. 1 (1995): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc950002.
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The natural environment raises moral questions. Its evaluation calls for a concern with ethics, visible in our public decisions and having regard ultimately to some qualities intrinsic to the system itself. This need brings no irresolvable conflict with proper economic or cultural aspirations; but there is reason and necessity to look to ecology for the normative code by which environmental decisions are to be instructed and must ultimately abide. This article examines the sufficiency of the Resource Management Act as New Zealand's base-line code of practice, and the ways it is juridically evolving. It proceeds to discuss the need and scope of public intervention, with the question, how far should governments go? It advocates that environmental regulation at the commanding heights should ? like the safeguarding of the monetary economy ? be removed from the day-to-day intervention of executive government, into the hands of a properly chosen and resourced faculty of Guardians of the Environment; and considers what should be the character and status of such a new public estate.
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Lochhead, Ian. "The Politics of Empire and the Architecture of Identity: Public Architecture in New Zealand 1900-1918." Architectural History Aotearoa 1 (December 5, 2004): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/aha.v1i0.7893.
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During the period from 1900 to 1918 new governmental buildings were constructed throughout New Zealand as part of a campaign to provide accommodation for government departments. Post offices, court houses and departmental buildings appeared in provincial towns as well as in major cities, almost all products of the government's architectural office, led by John Campbell. The exuberant Imperial Baroque style adopted for these buildings reflects a new national confidence but also follows closely the precedent of British public building of the period. Auckland's former Chief Post Office (1908-11) for example, is closely modelled on Sir Henry Tanner's Central Post Office in London (1907).
The extent and consistency of the Government's building programme was intended to promote a sense of national unity although its dependence on British models seems to confirm Hurst Seager's argument that New Zealand had yet to develop a distinctive architectural style. The use of the Imperial Baroque style, culminating in Campbell's design for Parliament Buildings of 1911, reflected New Zealand's strong sense of identification with the British Empire, also expressed through the contributions of its politicians at Imperial Conferences from 1897 to 1911. Unlike their counterparts from Canada and Australia, New Zealand politicians argued for stronger imperial bonds as a way of ensuring greater influence over imperial policies. This paper will argue that in fact, New Zealand public architecture of the period 1900-18 reflects a clear sense of national identity but one that is defined in terms of Britishness and conceived within the larger framework of the security provided by imperial solidarity.
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Boyle, Brendan, and David Nicholson. "E-Government in New Zealand." Journal of Political Marketing 2, no. 3-4 (June 2003): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j199v02n03_06.
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WISTRICH, ENID. "RESTRUCTURING GOVERNMENT NEW ZEALAND STYLE." Public Administration 70, no. 1 (March 1992): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1992.tb00929.x.
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Alves, Dora. "U.S.-New Zealand Relations: The National Government of New Zealand." Asian Survey 31, no. 11 (November 1, 1991): 1061–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645307.
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Alves, Dora. "U.S.-New Zealand Relations: The National Government of New Zealand." Asian Survey 31, no. 11 (November 1991): 1061–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1991.31.11.00p0108b.
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Roper, Brian. "Book Review: Extended Review The Transition of New Zealand Government and Politics." Political Science 63, no. 2 (December 2011): 244–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032318711424274.
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Mollgaard, Matt. "Radio New Zealand International: Reporting the Pacific in tight times." Pacific Journalism Review 22, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v22i2.72.
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New Zealand International (RNZI) broadcasts from New Zealand into the South Pacific and is relayed to South Pacific listeners by their various national news services. In 2006, American academic Andrew M. Clark characterised the role of RNZI as ‘providing a service for the people of the South Pacific’ that also provided ‘an important public diplomacy tool for the New Zealand government’ (Clark, 2006). A decade on, this article evaluates the ongoing use and utility of RNZI as a taxpayer-funded voice of and from New Zealand, as a service for the diverse peoples of the South Pacific and as a tool of New Zealand’s transnational diplomatic efforts. RNZI is still a key source of local and regional information and connection for the distinct cultures and nations of the vast South Pacific area, whose peoples have strong links to New Zealand through historical ties and contemporary diasporas living in the country. But, RNZI now faces mounting financial pressure, a government swinging between indifferent and hostile to public broadcasting and questions of legitimacy and reach in the ‘digital age’. With RNZI under pressure in 2016, key questions arise about its present and future. What is RNZI doing well and not so well? What role should New Zealand’s domestic and international politics play in the organisation and its outputs? And how might its importance and impact be measured and understood in such a culturally and geographically diverse region as the South Pacific? Using a variety of sources, including documents released to the author under the New Zealand Official Information Act, this article explores the role of RNZI in the contemporary New Zealand and South Pacific media environments.
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Boston, Jonathan. "The Fourth Labour Government in New Zealand: The Economics and Politics of Liberalization." Australian Quarterly 59, no. 3/4 (1987): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20635450.
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Bryder, Linda, and John Stewart. "‘Some Abstract Socialistic Ideal or Principle’: British Reactions to New Zealand's 1938 Social Security Act." Britain and the World 8, no. 1 (March 2015): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2015.0167.
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This article, utilising British and New Zealand primary sources, examines the impact of New Zealand's 1938 Social Security Act on British health care reform. The Act, brought in by the Dominion's first Labour government, sought to socialize health care. It was opposed by most New Zealand and British doctors, organised by the British Medical Association in both countries; but supported by the political left in both New Zealand and Britain. This episode is neglected in the historiography of Britain's National Health Service but what happened in New Zealand significantly shaped British thinking about health care reform in the late 1930s and 1940s.
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Palmer, Geoffrey. "Rethinking Public Law in a Time of Democratic Decline." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 52, no. 2 (September 21, 2021): 413–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v52i2.7127.
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The thirteen separate segments of this article are designed to explore the consequences for New Zealand public law of the global decline of democracy in many parts of the world, although not in New Zealand. The trend towards autocracy is evident in many countries and has been increasing. There was a time when democracy was thought to be inevitable, but that time has passed. Since New Zealand is a small and open society, democratic rot and decline could set in, as it has in other democracies. In order to combat these tendencies, it is necessary to think about the implications of these developments for teaching public law and for the need to bolster education in citizenship, so people can better understand the advantages of democracy, participate in it and feel a commitment to it. Many New Zealanders not born here may not understand the culture, may not have English as their first language and may be discouraged from engagement. New Zealand is increasingly diverse.The article explores the recent history of the United States and to a lesser extent, the United Kingdom, to discern the tendencies at work in those democracies. Returning to the fundamental elements of public law, it is suggested that the analysis begins with the nature and character of the state, followed by international law. Then it is argued it is necessary in the New Zealand context to examine the situation of Māori, Te Tiriti o Waitangi, the activities of the settler governments and the remaining consequences of colonisation. There appears at this time to be an opportunity to more significantly recognise indigenous Māori culture. From there, an examination of some important principles of political philosophy is provided. This leads to a summary of the main types of government that are available for any state. Then are set out the main political ideologies that often impel political actors. The changes in democratic practice that have resulted from the digital revolution are then examined with the effects upon political parties and how they have changed New Zealand. The manner in which public opinion can be manipulated and the need to become literate in politics and political practice is emphasised. The article concludes with a discussion of public law as an autonomous discipline and a final conclusion about what all this means for New Zealand. In the mind of the author, after a long career in public law and politics, these separate elements combine into a message about the need for democratic refurbishment and future vigilance in New Zealand.
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Shone, Michael C., and P. Ali Memon. "Tourism, Public Policy and Regional Development: A Turn from Neo-liberalism to the New Regionalism." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 23, no. 4 (November 2008): 290–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690940802408011.
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The use of tourism as a driver of economic development is widely acknowledged. In New Zealand and internationally, tourism is used overtly as a mechanism by which governments are able to address a variety of national, regional and local development objectives. In this paper, we present a critique of recent responses in New Zealand to the task of guiding tourism development from a strategic and collaborative sustainable development perspective. As argued in this paper, the roles and responsibilities of government in tourism were reinvented during the 1980s and 1990s. These changes, inspired by a neo-liberal political ideology to deregulate the New Zealand economy and to restructure the state sector and local government, ultimately included the tourism sector. More recently, however, public sector policy initiatives indicate a shift towards a more pro-active role for the local state (local and regional government) in managing tourism development. This shift, informed by a New Regionalism policy framework, anticipates a devolved tourism planning mandate that fosters longer-term strategic and collaborative planning of the sector in order to enhance the contribution of tourism to sustainable community wellbeing. We reflect on the likely effectiveness of a devolved tourism planning mandate and interrogate the role and potential of tourism to contribute to regional development, as framed by the political philosophies of the New Regionalism.
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Mollgaard, Matt. "New Zealand Music in the Popular Imagination 1988-2010: Revisiting a Moment for ‘Our Music’." Back Story Journal of New Zealand Art, Media & Design History, no. 5 (December 1, 2018): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/backstory.vi5.37.
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From the late 1980s until around 2010 a new type of national conversation arose around music created in Aotearoa/ New Zealand. This conversation was played out in popular literature, public forums, academic research and ultimately in government policy outputs. This period of energy and enthusiasm for claiming a unique musical heritage and in developing the cultural, social and economic potential of this music was brief, but notable. Looking back, we can clean interesting insights into a period of real enthusiasm for New Zealand music as an important signifier of what it meant to be ‘from New Zealand’ through books about New Zealand music aimed at mainstream audiences. This interest in discussing New Zealand music in new ways was also reflected in the academy, with attempts to deconstruct the popularity of New Zealand music and government involvement in it being published around the same time. This article is by no means an exhaustive history of this period in New Zealand music literature, but a review of key books and the common themes that strung them together in what represents not a canon, but a moment in New Zealand music that captured the popular imagination and was celebrated in print as well as discussed in broader academic forums too. This moment can be critiqued as gendered – dominated by male writers and therefore male perspectives, but that is not the purpose of this article. This flurry of publishing is cast here as a reaction to popular culture that was very much of its time and the wider contexts of New Zealand’s socio-political culture during that period. It is argued that ultimately, this rash of books about New Zealand music reflected an energy around trying to connect New Zealand music to the wider work of identifying and celebrating a maturing and definitive understanding of what it meant to be from New Zealand. This fed a wider interest in New Zealand music as significant inside the academy andalso within government agencies charged with supporting cultural work.
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Baehler, Karen, Paul Callister, Bob Gregory, Gary Hawke, Andrew Ladley, Bill Ryan, Claudia Scott, Bob Stephens, Ann Walker, and Amanda Wolf. "Surveying Research on New Zealand Government: What Next?" Australian Journal of Public Administration 64, no. 1 (March 2005): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.2005.00415.x.
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Holster, Bonnie, and Matthew Castle. "Between Innovation and Precedent the Treaty of Waitangi exception clause in Aotearoa New Zealand’s free trade agreements." Policy Quarterly 18, no. 4 (November 6, 2022): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/pq.v18i4.8014.
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New Zealand includes a Treaty of Waitangi exception clause in all its free trade agreements. The clause aims to protect Māori interests arising from the government’s Treaty of Waitangi obligations. But despite changes to New Zealand’s trade agreements, an evolving relationship between the New Zealand government and Māori, and debate over the adequacy of the clause, the exception clause has remained unchanged for 20 years. We suggest that the reproduction the same text helps New Zealand negotiators to credibly argue that inclusion of the clause is required for domestic political reasons. Yet this textual stability also hinders innovation. At the international level, FTA partners might balk at any widening of policy discretion afforded by a revised clause. At the domestic level, revising the clause would require difficult debate over the extent of appropriate protections for Māori in New Zealand’s trade agreements. As calls to change the exception clause grow, New Zealand trade policymakers will need to carefully balance innovation and precedent.
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UTTLEY, STEPHEN. "Lone Mothers and Policy Discourse in New Zealand." Journal of Social Policy 29, no. 3 (July 2000): 441–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400006012.
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Lone mother families are seen as a major policy problem facing governments throughout the OECD. Responses to this problem in New Zealand, as in many other countries, are couched in terms of imposing work and training programmes to encourage exit from dependency on government financial support. This article uses ideas of ‘needs talk’ and discourse coalitions to explore the language of policy framing. Two periods in the development of the women's movement in New Zealand during which opportunities within political institutions have been available to women are examined. It is argued that an unintended consequence of naming needs for many women has been to contribute to the marginalisation of needs of lone mothers and indirectly to encourage policies which seek control and normalisation of this group.
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Cullen, Rowena, Deborah O'connor, and Anna Veritt. "An Evaluation of Local Government Websites in New Zealand." Journal of Political Marketing 2, no. 3-4 (June 2003): 184–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j199v02n03_11.
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Baker, Astrid. "Governments, Firms, and National Wealth: A New Pulp and Paper Industry in Postwar New Zealand." Enterprise & Society 5, no. 4 (December 2004): 669–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700014026.
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The state played an important role as political and economic manager in postwar New Zealand. By fostering manufacturing, governments aimed to provide paid, productive employment, conserve foreign exchange, and support a welfare state. The history of pulp and papermaking using state-planted pine forests is a good example of a government-business joint venture to create a new export industry and new national wealth. Governments of both major political parties cooperated in capital formation, land use, hydroelectricity, roads, railroads, a modern port, and town construction. This longterm state commitment helped propel the industry toward largescale vertical integration so that it could achieve economies of scale and scope and compete in world markets.
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McAllister, Ian, and Jack Vowles. "The Rise of New Politics and Market Liberalism in Australia and New Zealand." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 3 (July 1994): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006906.
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The rise of ‘New Politics’ concerns since the 1970s parallels the rise in popularity of market liberalism. Although often considered to be opposites, both goals have been pursued vigorously and simultaneously by social democratic governments in Australia and New Zealand. This article examines the circumstances of this unlikely marriage and, by applying multivariate analysis to election survey data collected in each country in 1990, examines the implications of these apparently contradictory policies for public opinion and party support. We conclude that value orientations associated with New Politics have mixed associations with party support. Postmaterialist and materialist value orientations are linked to attitudes towards the specifically Australasian old left strategy of ‘domestic defence’. The findings suggest that the effects of value change are more far-reaching in New Zealand, where social liberalism may have overtaken collectivism as the dominant value cleavage in the party system.
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Kuehn, Kathleen M. "Framing mass surveillance: Analyzing New Zealand’s media coverage of the early Snowden files." Journalism 19, no. 3 (March 17, 2017): 402–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917699238.
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This research investigates how New Zealand media framed the mass surveillance debates in the immediate months following the June 2013 Snowden revelations up to the passage of the Government Communications and Security Bureau Amendment Bill 2013. A media framing analysis of news stories from two commercial newspapers and the national public broadcaster in New Zealand (N = 156) revealed frames of lawfulness, conflict, and democratic values dominated coverage; public radio drew upon one additional frame, Edward Snowden the individual. A comparative analysis reveals the commercial newspapers’ reliance on episodic frames opposed to public media’s thematic framing, yet coverage across both samples was overwhelmingly negative. Both samples also privileged official government and foreign media sources. Together, these strategies worked to distance citizens from the surveillance debate by framing it as a political – rather than a civic – issue to be resolved by government leaders. The media’s inability to build a consensus around the surveillance debate and engage citizen voices may at least partially explain the lack of coordinated public resistance against subsequent surveillance policy reforms that effectively expanded New Zealand’s intelligence community’s spy powers.
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Prastya, Narayana Mahendra, and Mutia Dewi. "Framing analysis of government crisis communication in terrorist attacks (Case in New Zealand and Sri Lanka)." Informasi 50, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/informasi.v50i2.31444.
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This article aims to analyze the frame of the government official statement in Mosque Christhurch Attack in New Zealand (March 2019) and Easter Sunday Attack in Sri Lanka (April 2019). The two cases were chosen because they place Muslim in contradictory positions: as victim in New Zealand and as perpetrator in Sri Lanka. This study uses framing analysis method to examine the official statement uploaded in the official websites of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of New Zealand and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka, within seven days after the incident. The data gathered from the text analysis is then followed by data triangulation using expert judgement technique. The result shows that there are differences in information content. The New Zealand government emphasizes their own actions in the country, while the Sri Lankan government focuses on the activities carried out abroad and the supports, they receive from other countries. In doing so, the New Zealand government highlights the presence of Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern while the Sri Lankan government presents information from many state officials, instead of the head of state. These differences show that the content of official statement is highly influenced by the socio-political condition in the country.
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Lewis, N., and W. Moran. "Restructuring, Democracy, and Geography in New Zealand." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 16, no. 2 (April 1998): 127–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c160127.
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The speed, transparency, and extent of the reregulation of New Zealand society over the last decade offer many insights into issues of social change and systems of regulation and governance. The forms of reregulation have been embedded by the set of new regulations and reorganised state practices referred to as the ‘reforms’. These have involved a major shift in the sites and exercise of power within and between economic, social, and political spheres. They have been promoted and articulated in a restructuring discourse which has dominated New Zealand's reaction to the expiry of its social democratic settlement. Reconstructions of space and democracy have been heavily implicated within the processes of change, both as explicit goals of the reform programme and as overt strategies for the achievement of other redistributions. They are also definitive outcomes of a decade of upheaval. The authors explore the spatialities of core-state reform. They develop the concept of an altered dominant representation of space to explore new configurations of space and democratic practice. They seek to inform contemporary debates over the stability of New Zealand's reconstructed social formation. The discussion is illustrated with references to the spatial reorganisation of the institutions of government and core-state activities; in particular the altered administration of education and public health, and changes in local government organisation.
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Narayan, Anil Kumar. "The development and use of performance measures in New Zealand tertiary education institutions." Accounting History 25, no. 2 (April 18, 2019): 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373219842383.
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This article provides a 30-year history of the development, use and impact of performance measures on tertiary education institutions in New Zealand. The study reveals that performance measurement emerged from the new public management initiatives and the multiple logics of government reforms to help address efficiency and accountability concerns of the tertiary education sector. The performance measurement culture became central to shaping and reshaping the character of educational politics, government policies and the management of educational outcomes. Performance measurement also created a web of unintended consequences with its own tensions, cynicism and complications. Enacted by the market logic and complemented by the business logic to maximise profits, performance measures compromised academic quality and caused rivalry with the norms of the academic profession. The study recommends that the distorting effects of performance measurement requires profound rethinking and careful management to ensure that it accomplishes what it is intended to accomplish.
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Bonelli, Diego. "Manufacturing urban identities: The emergence of Auckland’s and Wellington’s ‘character’ in New Zealand tourism film." Journal of New Zealand & Pacific Studies 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/nzps_00047_1.
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Since its inception, New Zealand film production has often been characterized by a strong focus on the promotion and marketing of local scenic locations. However, over the last few decades and simultaneously with New Zealand’s rapidly increasing urbanization rates, urban narratives have gained prominence in the cinematic representation of the country, gradually becoming important aspects of national tourism marketing campaigns. This article first provides an overview of New Zealand tourism film’s dynamics of production and recurring themes and narratives from the early twentieth century to the 1960s. It then focuses on Toehold on a Harbour and This Auckland – tourism films produced by the government-led New Zealand National Film Unit and released respectively in 1967 and 1966 – and identifies a turning point in the manufacturing of local urban narratives and in New Zealand urban tourism marketing. My critical and textual analysis of these two case studies notably relies on the examination of archival documents related to their production and on an interview with This Auckland’s director Hugh Macdonald. It ultimately shows how the emergence of ‘cities with a character’ as a tourism marketing tool was in fact a carefully planned, articulated and years-long government-driven strategy.
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Claus, Iris. "Tax Policy Reform and Economic Performance in New Zealand." Asian Economic Papers 6, no. 2 (May 2007): 79–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep.2007.6.2.79.
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New Zealand's tax system is relatively simple and transparent by international standards. But there may still be scope for reducing the costs of taxation. This paper develops a stylized model for New Zealand to evaluate the effects of reducing higher-income tax rates. The results suggest that a reduction in higher-income tax rates would improve New Zealand's long-run economic performance if it were financed by a decline in (non-productive) government spending and/or increases in revenue from other less distortional taxes. Despite the reductions in the higher-income tax rates, higher-income taxpayers would continue to pay a larger proportion of the tax burden than lower-income taxpayers.
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Strong, Catherine, and Fran Tyler. "New Zealand media camouflage political lobbying." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 23, no. 2 (November 30, 2017): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v23i2.96.
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Political lobbyists are a part of government decision-making processes, and many countries have stringent regulations to ensure their activities are somewhat transparent, especially as some use ethically questionable tactics. In New Zealand, however, there are no similar legislative regulations and lobbyists can stay undetected while trying to influence policymaking. More concerning, however, is that the results of this study indicates that lobbyists are also able to skirt around scrutiny in New Zealand media because of current journalism practices. This research’s content analysis indicates the media neglects to identify lobby organisations, thereby allowing them to operate without detection of their agenda, leaving the public unaware of who is influencing decision makers.
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Wałdoch, Marcin. "Postawy polityczne w Nowej Zelandii wobec stanu wojennego w Polsce." Cywilizacja i Polityka 15, no. 15 (October 26, 2017): 412–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.5481.
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In this article an author highlighted political attitudes towards martial low introduction in Poland (1981) among Poles in New Zealand and New Zealanders. The course of the research has revealed the following phenomena accompanying the political attitudes in New Zealand in times of martial law in Poland: worker’s unions showed dichotomy toward “Solidarity” movement; anticommunism of New Zealand government; political conflict in the circles of polish political emigration; high ability of Poles abroad to political mobilization. The conducted research allowed to positively verify the hypothesis, being an assumption that Poles as well as New Zealanders showed anticommunism attitudes in the time of martial law introduction in Poland, and New Zealand society support Poles in New Zealand in theirs anticommunism and disagreement for communism regime and dismantling of democratic opposition centered around “Solidarity”.
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Boston, Jonathan. "Government formation in New Zealand under MMP: Theory and practice." Political Science 63, no. 1 (June 2011): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032318711406879.
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Chandler, David. "New Zealand in Great Famine Era Irish politics: The strange case of A Narrative of the Sufferings of Maria Bennett." Journal of New Zealand & Pacific Studies 9, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/nzps_00068_1.
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A Narrative of the Sufferings of Maria Bennett, a crudely printed, eight-page pamphlet, was published in Dublin in spring 1846. It has been interpreted as an early fiction concerning New Zealand, or alternatively as a New Zealand ‘captivity narrative’, possibly based on the author’s own experiences. Against these readings, it is argued here that Maria Bennett, more concerned with Ireland than New Zealand, is a piece of pro-British propaganda hurried out in connection with the British Government’s ‘Protection of Life (Ireland) Bill’ ‐ generally referred to simply as the ‘Coercion Bill’ ‐ first debated on 23 February 1846. The Great Famine had begun with the substantial failure of Ireland’s staple potato crop in autumn 1845. This led to an increase in lawlessness, and the Government planned to combine its relief measures with draconian new security regulations. The story of Maria Bennett, a fictional young Irishwoman transported to Australia but shipwrecked in New Zealand, was designed to advertise the humanity of British law. Having escaped from the Māori, she manages to get to London, where she is pardoned by Sir James Graham, the Home Secretary, the man responsible for the Coercion Bill. New Zealand, imagined at the very beginning of the British colonial era, functions in the text as a dark analogy to Ireland, a sort of pristine example of the ‘savage’ conditions making British rule necessary and desirable in the first place. A hungry, lawless Ireland could descend to that level of uncivilization, unless, the propagandist urges, it accepts more British law.
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Lundberg, Thomas Carl. "Electoral System Reviews in New Zealand, Britain and Canada: A Critical Comparison." Government and Opposition 42, no. 4 (2007): 471–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00232.x.
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AbstractThis article compares the use of people outside government to consider electoral reform in three countries using the single-member plurality electoral system. The composition of electoral reform bodies, ranging from commissions of experts (New Zealand) and ex-politicians (Britain) to assemblies of randomly selected citizens (British Columbia), appears to have influenced how well their recommendations were received by the public. Governments should be careful not to assume that they can retain control of the electoral reform process once they let it out of their hands, as the cases of New Zealand and British Columbia show, where majorities of the voters chose reform.
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Alam, Manzurul. "Resource allocation and service design in local government: a case study." International Journal of Public Sector Management 28, no. 1 (January 12, 2015): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-01-2014-0013.
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Purpose – Following the introduction of the New Zealand Local Government Amendment Acts (1996, 2002), some significant changes have taken place in resource allocation and service design of local government organizations. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the effect of local government reforms on budgetary processes and service design in a New Zealand local government entity. Design/methodology/approach – The paper adopts a qualitative case study research involving semi-structured interviews with the key informants to understand the evolving role of resource allocation the study investigates the budgetary processes in a metropolitan city council. Findings – The traditional role of budget has changed to a more active and visible instrument in explaining the effectiveness and efficiency in the use and allocation of resources. Budgets have been given a central role in the management of local government finances. The reform process in New Zealand has enabled local government organizations to organize their activities by using the concepts of public and private goods. Research limitations/implications – This is a single local government entity case study. Any generalization of the conclusions from this study should undertaken with care even though there are similarities between New Zealand and other countries even though they operate under different institutional contexts in different countries. Originality/value – This paper makes important contribution by highlighting the implications of resource allocation on service design within New Zealand local government entities.
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Ware, Felicity, Mary Breheny, and Margaret Forster. "The politics of government ‘support’ in Aotearoa/New Zealand: Reinforcing and reproducing the poor citizenship of young Māori parents." Critical Social Policy 37, no. 4 (October 3, 2016): 499–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018316672111.
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Despite the poor outcomes of early childbearing increasingly found to be equivocal, there remains a persistent pathologising of teen parenting, which structures government response. By applying a Foucauldian analysis to the recently introduced Young Parent Payment, this article examines the political rationalities that shape government responses and welfare assistance for young parents in Aotearoa/New Zealand. A biopolitical concern for the good economic citizen and right parent is found to inform the social investment approach, and exclude those who do not conform. Discourses about being Māori, young, a parent and needing financial assistance frame young Māori parents as at risk of long-term welfare-dependency and a threat to their own children. Welfare assistance is demonstrated to be a disciplinary practice to punish young Māori mother beneficiaries for deviating from the preferred normative life-course trajectory.
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Cullen, Rowena, and Caroline Houghton. "Democracy online: an assessment of New Zealand government web sites." Government Information Quarterly 17, no. 3 (July 2000): 243–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0740-624x(00)00033-2.
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Church, Stephen. "Book Review: Raymond Miller (ed.), New Zealand Government and Politics (Auckland: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp.572, $65." Political Science 54, no. 1 (June 2002): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231870205400116.
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den Heyer, Garth. "Is the development of policy in New Zealand based on Prevention First?" Public Policy and Administration 33, no. 2 (January 9, 2017): 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076716687354.
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The New Zealand Police, in response to the global financial crisis and escalating operating costs, implemented in 2008 the first of a number of change programs to increase its service delivery efficiency and effectiveness. The programs concentrated on reallocating resources from reactive service delivery to more proactive or preventative activities. By 2012, the change in emphasis enabled the police to reduce its organizational costs and achieve a number of government outcomes. It was hypothesized that owing to the success of the New Zealand Police, other New Zealand Government departments have adopted a preventative approach to reduce long-term social costs. By analyzing the strategic documents of three randomly selected, nonjustice sector government agencies, it was found that all three agencies had changed the focus of their service delivery to concentrate on specific prevention outputs with the intention of improving services and decreasing operating costs.
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Thompson, Peter A. "The return of public media policy in New Zealand: New hope or lost cause?" Journal of Digital Media & Policy 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jdmp.10.1.89_1.
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The formation of a new coalition government in New Zealand in the wake of the 2017 election ended three terms of National-led governments and raised the prospect of a significant shift in media policy. National had insisted that in the digital media ecology, the funding of public broadcasting institutions was no longer a priority and that platform-neutral contestable funding of local content would ensure the quality and diversity of content. This saw the demise of the TVNZ Charter and its two commercial-free channels (TVNZ 6 and 7), while both Radio New Zealand (RNZ) and the local content funding agency, NZ On Air, had their funding frozen. The 2017 election of the Labour-NZ First-Green government came with the promise of an additional investment of NZ$38m in public media, the expansion of RNZ’s remit to include a commercial-free television channel, and the establishment of an independent commission to assess funding needs for public media. However, the media ecology Labour now faces entails new policy complexities. Deregulation, financialization and convergence have not only intensified commercial pressures on the media, they have led to important shifts in the ways audiences discover and engage with media content. In turn, this complicates the traditional models of state intervention intended to deliver public service outcomes. Adopting a critical institutionalist framework this article will highlight key shifts in media policy trajectory since 1999 and highlight some key differences between the public broadcasting initiatives of 1999–2008 and the approach thus far of the incoming government. The article analyses how competing intra-party and inter-ministerial priorities have circumscribed the media policy options available and thereby highlight the way political–economic interests in the media ecology manifest in public policy.
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Hannis, Grant. "The Len Brown Affair: The roles of new and old media in a New Zealand political sex scandal." Pacific Journalism Review 22, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v22i2.63.
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The power of online media to influence New Zealand local government politics was made clear in 2013 when a blogger revealed that Len Brown, the popular mayor of Auckland, had conducted a two-year, extramarital affair. The mainstream media picked up the story, Brown’s popularity collapsed and in late 2015 he announced he would not stand again for mayor. This media scandal was, in part, driven by the fact that Brown was a celebrity. Unlike several high-profile sex scandals involving politicians overseas, Brown’s career did not survive the controversy, perhaps because the public came to regard him as a practised liar. The media itself engaged in self-serving scandalous activity during the controversy. Today’s shock bloggers are similar to the proto-journalists of the 17th century. Members of new and old media researching the scandal treated their secret sources very differently. The existence of the internet means such scandals can now exist in perpetuity. If the Len Brown Affair was an example of the media fulfilling its watchdog role - by exposing a lying politician - it was also an example of journalists furthering their own ends - political and commercial - by appealing to their audiences’ purient interests.
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Bonoli, Giuliano, and Martin Powell. "Third Ways in Europe?" Social Policy and Society 1, no. 1 (January 2002): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746402001082.
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It has been claimed that there is a global Third Way (TW) debate. Giddens (2001: 1) writes that, ‘Across the world left of centre governments are attempting to institute third way programmes – whether or not they favour the term itself. ‘ He claims that there are self-declared third way parties in power in the UK, New Zealand, Korea, Taiwan, Brazil, Argentina and Chile, among many other countries. Similarly, according to Blair (2001), the ideas associated with the TW are still the wave of the future for progressive politics. From Latin America to Europe to parts of Asia, TW politics or ‘progressive government’ is exerting a huge influence on global politics. The TW is seen as a trailblazer for a new global social policy, a new model for a new millennium (e.g. McGuire, 1998/9). One of the main blueprints for the new politics (Giddens, 1998) has been translated into many languages. A number of international meetings in Paris and Florence have discussed the TW. British Prime Minister Tony Blair and German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder issued a joint paper, ‘The Third Way/Die Neue Mitte’ (Blair and Schröder, 1999) that was drafted by Peter Mandelson and Bodo Hombach. Hombach's book has been translated into English as ‘The New Centre’ (Hombach, 2000), with a preface by Tony Giddens and an introduction by Mark Leonard.
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Rothery, Chris. "Time for a National Security Strategy." National Security Journal 1, no. 1 (October 2019): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.36878/nsj201901.05.
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The global environment is becoming more complex and aggressive, with numerous threats from, undesirable foreign influence, traditional, political and economic espionage, organised crime, bio-security; natural disasters, pandemics, and terrorism. New Zealand has experienced all of these. With this extensive, but by no means exhaustive list, the question must be asked, why then does New Zealand not have a national security strategy, one that focuses the nation’s resources on reducing these threats and risks? A national security strategy is not one that needs to give away all of the state’s secrets, it can simply be a framework for collaboration across the government on national security. It should be the basis for a joined up approach across government to crisis management and conflict. What New Zealand currently has is a collection of unrelated documents with varying levels of connectivity to national security – the only forward looking documents are those from the New Zealand Defence Force. New Zealand needs to adopt a forward looking strategic approach to national security and develop a national security strategy. This strategy needs to align the policies of different government agencies towards a cohesive national security framework that targets our most important threats, so that the harm they cause does not eventuate or is mitigated.
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Williamson, David. "The Tourist Hotel Corporation: It is time the story was told in full." Hospitality Insights 1, no. 1 (October 20, 2017): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/hi.v1i1.6.
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i te kore nga putake e mākukungia e kore te rakau e tupu ('If the roots of the tree are not watered the tree will never grow')
New Zealand is in the middle of the most dramatic and sustained boom in tourism and hospitality in its history. The hotel sector that underpins our tourism growth stands utterly transformed from its humble beginnings. Yet the history of the Tourist Hotel Corporation (THC) and its role as the ‘roots’ of the modern hotel industry still tends to be told only as a minor part of our wider tourism story. Recent PhD research [1], based on extensive archive sources and interviews with senior practitioners, argues that the time has come for the THC story to be told in full.
While there have been histories of the tourism and hospitality sector that cover the THC [2–7], they have not included in-depth discussion of the origins, structure and legacies of the organisation. Established in 1955 and sold in 1991, the THC dominated the New Zealand tourist hotel sector for 35 years, running around 10 resort-style properties and setting the standard for service. However, the current dominance of neo-liberal ideology has resulted in the achievements of the Government-owned THC being somewhat dismissed and the role of massive Government investment in the development of our hotel sector often being ‘conveniently’ forgotten. It is common for the THC to be depicted as rather archaic. Burdened with political interference and gross underfunding, the THC is sometimes depicted as a prime example of what happens when the state tries to run a business.
However, this research argues there is a more heroic telling of the THC story, one that celebrates the THC as the fundamental ‘roots’ of the modern hotel sector. The THC was a key player in transforming post-war New Zealand hospitality, raising the bar for service, food and beverage and accommodation significantly. The THC invested heavily in improving buildings, vehicles, equipment and machinery, developing the skills and careers of its staff, and innovating menus. Staff from the THC were seen as ‘A grade’ and many of today’s most successful General Managers learnt their trade in THC properties. Many THC staff also went on to set up influential restaurants outside of hotels during this period.
The THC managed significant tourism development even while showing a profit from 1974 till the late 1980s, posting a 2.7 million dollar surplus in 1986. However, a combination of perceived indebtedness, the 1987 recession and free-market Government ideology resulted in the sale of the THC to the Southern Pacific Hotel Corporation in 1991. The story of the THC involves drama, intrigue, politics, high finance, rapid growth and equally rapid collapse. But most importantly, this is the story of the origins of our hotel industry, showing the huge contribution this state funded group made to the modern industry. Surely it is time this story was told in full, on its own terms and in glorious technicolour.
If you would like to read the PhD thesis this research is based on you can access it here: https://aut.researchgateway.ac.nz/handle/10292/10412
Corresponding author
David is Senior Lecturer at the School of Hospitality and Tourism, Auckland University of Technology. He spent 18 years working in the hospitality industry as a hotel manager and restaurateur. His research includes work, employment and labour market issues in hospitality and tourism. David completed his PhD in 2017 – a history of employment relations in the New Zealand hotel sector, 1955–2000.
David Williamson can be contacted at: david.williamson@aut.ac.nz
References
(1) Williamson, D. In Search of Consensus: A History of Employment Relations in the New Zealand Hotel Sector – 1955 to 2000; Ph.D. Thesis, Auckland University of Technology, 2017.
(2) Brien, A. 100 Years of Hospitality in New Zealand: The People, the Politics, the Passion; Wellington Museums Trust in association with the Hospitality Association of NZ: Wellington, New Zealand, 2003.
(3) McClure, M. The Wonder Country: Making New Zealand Tourism; Auckland University Press: Auckland, New Zealand, 2004.
(4) Medlik, S. The Business of Hotels, 4th ed.; Butterworth-Heinemann: Oxford, U.K., 2000.
(5) Slattery, P. The Economic Ascent of the Hotel Business; Goodfellow Publishers: Oxford, U.K., 2009.
(6) Watkins, L. Billion Dollar Miracle: The Authentic Story of the Birth and Amazing Growth of the Tourism Industry in New Zealand; Travel Agents Association of New Zealand: Auckland, New Zealand, 1987.
(7) Yu, L. The International Hospitality Business: Management and Operations; Haworth Press: New York, 1999.
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Trampusch, Christine. "The financialization of the state: Government debt management reforms in New Zealand and Ireland." Competition & Change 23, no. 1 (September 23, 2018): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024529418800778.
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The financialization of sovereign debt management has received attention in comparative political economy studies. While previous studies have highlighted the cross-national commonality of this process and the congruence of interests between finance and governments, the analysis of the role of finance and state agency in domestic reform processes is still under-exposed. By analysing the financialization of government debt management in the two early adopter countries, New Zealand and Ireland, this study seeks to close this gap. The study shows that differences in the structure of financial markets and the civil service systems resulted in different policymaking processes through which Treasury civil servants brought financial economics into the reforms. In New Zealand, economists had an in-house position within the Treasury and were able to frame the decision-making process (ideational explanation), while in Ireland, finance successfully lobbied senior civil servants who sponsored these efforts (interest explanation). With this finding, this article reveals the multiple channels that lead to sovereign debt management financialization.
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Thompson, Peter. "Wired-up or Wind-up? The Political Economy of Broadband Policy in New Zealand/Aotearoa." Media International Australia 151, no. 1 (May 2014): 146–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1415100119.
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Government policy has played a crucial role in driving the development of broadband technology in New Zealand, but this has evidently been shaped by the interplay of different ministerial imperatives and rationales under different administrations. The Labour-led government's 2005 Digital Strategy primarily aimed at increasing consumer uptake of basic broadband to overcome the ‘digital divide’. This evolved into the more ambitious 2008 Digital Strategy 2.0 which, consistent with Labour's ‘third way’ philosophy, focused both on grassroots community engagement and economic goals (involving both the Ministry for Culture and Heritage and the Ministry of Economic Development). However, the election of the National-led government later in 2008 brought a shift in the principles and outcomes driving broadband policy. National's Ultra-Fast Broadband initiative has seen NZ$1.35 billion allocated to telecommunications companies that won contracts to develop a nationwide fibre-optic infrastructure. The political rationale more strongly reflects macro-economic imperatives informed primarily by the revamped Ministry for Business, Innovation and Employment. This more commercial policy orientation has nevertheless led the government into some complex and contradictory positions, particularly with respect to its reluctance to insulate the UFB initiative from demands to re-regulate the media sector in response to convergence and competition issues. Taking a critical institutionalist approach and drawing on evidence from key policy documents and interview data with policy actors, this analysis outlines several policy tensions underpinning the shifts in New Zealand's telecommunications and broadband policy between 2005 and 2013.
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Griffiths, John. "Balanced Scorecard Use in New Zealand Government Departments and Crown Entities." Australian Journal of Public Administration 62, no. 4 (December 2003): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j..2003.00350.x.
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Ahonen, Pertti. "A Weberian Study of Small, Prosperous Democracies." SAGE Open 6, no. 4 (October 2016): 215824401668068. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244016680685.
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Max Weber constructed ideal types highlighting economic, social, political, or other values in objects of inquiry to utilize these ideal types in empirical studies. In this article, Weber’s ideal type, the ideal type of Herrschaft—“domination”—is adapted first to examine New Zealand, and using New Zealand as baseline to next examine Finland. The asymmetric comparative design is applied along three dimensions of domination. In an economic dimension, New Zealand highlights ways of countering threats of volatility and stagnation by means of retrenchment and fiscal austerity—characteristics also found in Finland. In a continuum from residual welfare for the worst-off to universal welfare for all in the social dimension, New Zealand is situated closer to the former and Finland the latter end. In the political dimension, dismantling concentrations of political power but retaining capacity at the “center of government” receives emphasis in New Zealand, and counterparts can be also found in Finland.
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HUMPAGE, LOUISE. "Does having an Indigenous Political Party in Government make a Difference to Social Policy? The Māori Party in New Zealand." Journal of Social Policy 46, no. 3 (January 25, 2017): 475–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279417000022.
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AbstractIndigenous Māori in New Zealand have had significant opportunities to influence mainstream politics and policy since 2008 when the Māori Party began negotiating supply and confidence agreements with the conservative National Party in return for progress on Māori Party initiatives. This article assesses whether the Māori Party has made a difference in social policy. It argues that the holistic, whole-family-focused Whānau Ora strategy and initiatives aiming to revitalise the Māori language are significant policy innovations that uniquely embed Māori cultural values and governance into mainstream policy frameworks. A Ministerial Committee on Poverty, established as a result of National-Māori Party negotiations, put Māori politicians at the decision-making table and led to some important housing and health initiatives but fewer gains are evident regarding income/employment policies that address the disproportionate material disadvantage of Māori. Ultimately, the Māori Party has provoked policy innovation and there is some evidence of improving Māori outcomes. But political constraints inhibit opportunities for significant and lasting recognition of indigenous rights and radically improved socio-economic outcomes in the social policy arena.
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Lundberg, Thomas Carl. "Politics is Still an Adversarial Business: Minority Government and Mixed-Member Proportional Representation in Scotland and in New Zealand." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 15, no. 4 (June 18, 2012): 609–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2012.00522.x.
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Bush, Graham. "Book Review: Jean Drage, Weaving a New Pattern: Women Political Leaders in Local Government (Wellington: New Zealand Local Government Association, 1997), Local Government New Zealand Research Monograph Series paper No. 6, pp. viii, 112, $30.00." Political Science 50, no. 1 (July 1998): 134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879805000109.
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