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1
Grant, Susannah, and n/a. "God's governor : George Grey and racial amalgamation in New Zealand 1845-1853." University of Otago. Department of History, 2005. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070501.133119.
Full textAbstract:
The legend of Governor Grey is a major feature of nineteenth century New Zealand historiography. This thesis seeks to understand Grey as a real person. Acknowledging the past as a strange and foreign place, it argues that Grey (and previous interpretations of him) can only be understood in context. The intellectual milieu of liberal Anglicanism and Victorian structures of imperial authority are crucial to understanding Grey's policies of racial amalgamation.
Focusing on Grey's first governorship of New Zealand, 1845 - 1853, this thesis begins by exploring the imperial networks within which he operated. The members of Grey's web gathered and shared information to further a range of different agendas - scientific, humanitarian, and political. Grey's main focus was native civilisation. His ideas about race were informed by liberal Anglican theology, scientific investigation and personal experience. Grey believed in the unity and improvability of all mankind. His mission as governor was to elevate natives to a state of true equality with Europeans so that all could progress together still further up the scale of civilisation. This model formed the basis of Grey's 1840 plan for civilising native peoples, in which he proposed a range of measures to promote racial amalgamation in Australia.
Between 1845 and 1853 Grey implemented those measures in New Zealand. He used military force and British law to establish peace and enforce Crown authority. He used economic policies to encourage Maori integration in the colonial economy. He built schools and hospitals and enacted legislation to encourage the best features of British culture and limit the effects of its worst. He also augmented his power and encouraged amalgamation through personal relationships, official reports and the structures of colonial authority.
Grey was driven by complex, sometimes contradictory motives including personal gain, economic imperatives and political pressures. His policies have had ongoing, often devastating effects, on Maori and on race relations in New Zealand. This thesis brings to light the ideas and attitudes which formed them. Grey understood himself as a Christian governor ordained to civilise Maori and join them with British settlers in accordance with God's divine plan for improving humankind.
2
Marett, Alexandra. "Participating Online: The Internet and its Role in Political Participatory Behaviour in the Context of the New Zealand General Election 2008." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Science, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4962.
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Recent developments in Internet technology have opened up new doors for political campaigning and related news information with video and social networking applications. These have created new spaces that the voting public can politically participate in. This study explores the extent to which such participation takes place, in order to contribute to the wider question of whether changes in the media can rejuvenate a growing apathetic electorate that has become increasingly isolated from the more traditional methods of political participation (Putnam 2000). There are now many unanswered questions regarding how this new technology will play a role in influencing voter preferences and behaviour compared to other forms of traditional mass media. The exponential growth of Internet technology and its use means that the majority of literature written on the subject becomes time-bound leaving large gaps of research and analysis that needs to be done. This thesis examined the opportunities made available for political campaigning by the Internet and how widening political knowledge can ultimately influence Internet consumers at the voting booth. The research undertaken was a combination of quantitative and qualitative analysis using participatory groups in a controlled environment. Participants consumed different forms of mass media and any significant changes in preferences and behaviour was noted. The overall hypothesis of this thesis is that the Internet does have an effect on potential voters by providing a wider and more in-depth look at politics that broadens political knowledge, leading to greater political participation.
3
Smith, Bruce H., and n/a. "Without motion there cannot be any life : the rise & fall of the 1889 Railway Commissioners : railway management & colonial politics in nineteenth century New Zealand." University of Otago. Department of History, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070619.154352.
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In the nineteenth century, the steam railway became, for many people, the superior conduit for the inland translocation of people and freight. Once devised, steam railways offered such a huge improvement on previous modes and made such a dramatic change to the unity, organisation and commerce of most countries that almost everyone wanted one. New Zealand proved no different, but was faced with not only the twin problems of low population and often rugged geography, but also serious economic problems from difficult world trading conditions and a debt greatly increased by railway construction costs. In the later 1880s, a conservative government decided to vest the Government Railways in independent Commissioners to try to improve productivity and cut out political influence, corruption and jobbery in the huge commercial presence the colony�s railways represented. While this move was successful, a change to one-man-one-vote, together with the pivotal 1890 Maritime Strike, saw the country move left in the elections of 1890, bringing to power a Liberal Government. This new Ministry then set out to reduce the autonomy of the Railway Commissioners, taking four years to return the management of Railways to the direct control of the Government.
While interesting in itself, this is part of the story of the process of the democratic development of New Zealand. This was a community struggling with the often conflicting demands of using railways to not only service the railway debt but also fulfil public transit requirements, including encouraging settlement and economic growth. The organisation�s monopolistic nature and great economic presence, however, offered multiple, including corrupt, opportunities to support the political aspirations of those in power, while offering a less than wonderful service to its customers. Taking place against a backdrop of agitation for railway reform, particularly orchestrated by railway activist Samuel Vaile, the outcome can be seen to have been less than completely desirable for the economic development of the country or its people. This was despite huge support for the principal activist against the Railway Commissioners, Liberal Premier Richard Seddon.
4
Cornell, Stephen. "Processes of Native Nationhood: The Indigenous Politics of Self-Government." UNIV WESTERN ONTARIO, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621710.
Full textAbstract:
Over the last three decades, Indigenous peoples in the CANZUS countries (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States) have been reclaiming self-government as an Indigenous right and practice. In the process, they have been asserting various forms of Indigenous nationhood. This article argues that this development involves a common set of activities on the part of Indigenous peoples: (1) identifying as a nation or a people (determining who the appropriate collective "self " is in self-determination and self-government); (2) organizing as a political body (not just as a corporate holder of assets); and (3) acting on behalf of Indigenous goals (asserting and exercising practical decision-making power and responsibility, even in cases where central governments deny recognition). The article compares these activities in the four countries and argues that, while contexts and circumstances differ, the Indigenous politics of self-government show striking commonalities across the four. Among those commonalities: it is a positional as opposed to a distributional politics; while not ignoring individual welfare, it measures success in terms of collective power; and it focuses less on what central governments are willing to do in the way of recognition and rights than on what Indigenous nations or communities can do for themselves.
5
Jennings, Peter. "New Zealand defence policy under Labour." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/113894.
Full textAbstract:
It is now two and a half years since the United States suspended military co-operation with the Armed Forces of New Zealand (AFNZ) following the Labour Government's refusal to
grant port-access to the USS Buchanan in January 1985. In this thesis I propose to study the
consequences of the breakdown for the AFNZ with a view to establishing exactly what areas of
co-operation have been affected and the significance this has for the professionalism and
capability of the Services. Thus far, very few public studies have been made of the direct military
costs of the ANZUS rift. Most attention has been focused on the state of political relations
between the ANZUS powers. It is however, impossible to make a fully informed judgement about the
merits of the Government's present defence policy of developing closer relations with Australia in
the context of what it claims is a more self-reliant defence posture without some
understanding of the problems that policy seeks to remedy. Accordingly, I hope to
present that necessary background, and from this point will go on to discuss the extent to which
the Government's defence policy addresses itself to the problems generated by the rift with the
United States.
6
Grant, Susannah, and n/a. "God�s governor : George Grey and racial amalgamation in New Zealand 1845-1853." University of Otago. Department of History, 2006. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070427.112933.
Full textAbstract:
The legend of Governor Grey is a major feature of nineteenth century New Zealand historiography. This thesis seeks to understand Grey as a real person. Acknowledging the past as a strange and foreign place, it argues that Grey (and previous interpretations of him) can only be understood in context. The intellectual milieu of liberal Anglicanism and Victorian structures of imperial authority are crucial to understanding Grey�s policies of racial amalgamation.
Focusing on Grey�s first governorship of New Zealand, 1845 - 1853, this thesis begins by exploring the imperial networks within which he operated. The members of Grey�s web gathered and shared information to further a range of different agendas - scientific, humanitarian, and political. Grey�s main focus was native civilisation. His ideas about race were informed by liberal Anglican theology, scientific investigation and personal experience. Grey believed in the unity and improvability of all mankind. His mission as governor was to elevate natives to a state of true equality with Europeans so that all could progress together still further up the scale of civilisation. This model formed the basis of Grey�s 1840 plan for civilising native peoples, in which he proposed a range of measures to promote racial amalgamation in Australia.
Between 1845 and 1853 Grey implemented those measures in New Zealand. He used military force and British law to establish peace and enforce Crown authority. He used economic policies to encourage Maori integration in the colonial economy. He built schools and hospitals and enacted legislation to encourage the best features of British culture and limit the effects of its worst. He also augmented his power and encouraged amalgamation through personal relationships, official reports and the structures of colonial authority.
Grey was driven by complex, sometimes contradictory motives including personal gain, economic imperatives and political pressures. His policies have had ongoing, often devastating effects, on Maori and on race relations in New Zealand. This thesis brings to light the ideas and attitudes which formed them. Grey understood himself as a Christian governor ordained to civilise Maori and join them with British settlers in accordance with God�s divine plan for improving humankind.
7
Ward, Damen Andrew. "The politics of jurisdiction : 'British' law, indigenous peoples and colonial government in South Australia and New Zealand, c.1834-60." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289016.
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8
Rector, Chad. "Federations in international politics /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3089474.
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9
Dann, Christine R. "From earth's last islands: The global origins of Green politics." Lincoln University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1905.
Full textAbstract:
Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrate the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provide an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics.
10
Zahra, Anne. "Regional Tourism Organisations in New Zealand from 1980 to 2005: Process of Transition and Change." The University of Waikato, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2554.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a historical case study tracing the establishment and evolution of Regional Tourism Organisations (RTOs) in New Zealand. It describes their role, structure and functions and the political processes that have influenced how they have operated and changed from 1980 to 2005. RTOs are examined in the context of government policies, local and national politics and tourism private and public sector relationships. RTOs were central to many of the key recommendations of the New Zealand Tourism Strategy 2010 (NZTS 2010) released in 2001. The NZTS 2010 attempted to address a range of tourism policy gaps created by a policy vacuum in the 1990s whereby the public and private tourism sectors focused mainly on international marketing. This strategy shaped government policy during this decade. The research findings show that although public and private sector institutional arrangements impacting on RTOs have changed, there remains, as in the past, no uniformity in their role, structure, functions and their future financial and political viability remains insecure. The NZTS 2010 raised destination management and its alignment with destination marketing as a major policy issue that needed to be addressed in the decade leading up to 2010 with RTOs having a pivotal role. A generic regional destination management model is presented. Structures and processes incorporated into this model include: a national destination management tourism policy; support for tourism by local government at the national level; a well defined destination management team; community collaboration; and tourism being integrated into the wider planning processes of local government. The model identified requisite building blocks to support regional destination management such as: the provision of staff and financial resources for regional tourism; the building of a high tourism profile in the community; the availability of statistics and research data at the regional level; local government planners acknowledging the impacts of tourism; and the existence of a legal mandate for tourism at the regional and/or local government level. When applying this model to the New Zealand context, it was found that a number of the structures and processes required for effective regional destination management were lacking, such as regional statistics and research data, staffing and financial resources for both RTOs and local government, the ability of council planners to understand and integrate tourism into the wider planning processes and a legislative mandate for tourism. The thesis concluded that a vacuum remains in the alignment of destination marketing and management. The historical and political processes of RTO change were also examined in the context of chaos and complexity theory. Chaos and complexity theory provided a complementary and different means to view change. This thesis also presented the opportunity to reflect upon the research process which led to the adoption of a multi-paradigmatic and bricoleur research methodology. Further reflexivity and reflection towards the end of the research process articulated ontological and epistemological philosophical investigations that underlay the multi-paradigmatic approach. A model is presented emphasising that a multi-paradigmatic research approach rests on ultimate reality (metaphysics) which informs the ontology. The model then highlights that ontology precedes and directs epistemology and that both inform the multi-paradigmatic research framework.
11
Thomson, Grant. "Community small scale wind farms for New Zealand: a comparative study of Austrian development, with consideration for New Zealand’s future wind energy development." Lincoln University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/961.
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In New Zealand, the development of wind energy is occurring predominantly at a large scale level with very little opportunity for local people to become involved, either financially or conceptually. These conditions are creating situations of conflict between communities and wind energy developers – and are limiting the potential of the New Zealand wind energy industry. The inception of community ownership in small scale wind farms, developed in Europe in the late 20th Century, has helped to make a vital connection between wind energy and end users. Arguably, community wind farms are able to alleviate public concerns of wind energy’s impact on landscapes, amongst a wide range of other advantages. In Austria, community wind farms have offered significant development opportunities to local people, ushered in distributed generation, and all the while increasing the amount of renewable energy in the electricity mix. This thesis investigates whether community small scale wind (SSW) farms, such as those developed in Austria, are a viable and feasible option for the New Zealand context. The approach of this thesis examines the history of the Austrian wind industry and explores several community wind farm developments. In addition, interviews with stakeholders from Austria and New Zealand were conducted to develop an understanding of impressions and processes in developing community wind energy (CWE) in the New Zealand context. From this research an assessment of the transfer of the Austrian framework to the New Zealand situation is offered, with analysis of the differences between the wind energy industries in the two countries. Furthermore, future strategies are suggested for CWE development in New Zealand with recommendations for an integrated governmental approach. This research determines that the feasibility for the transfer of the Austrian framework development of ‘grassroots’ community wind farms in the next 10 years is relatively unlikely without greater support assistance from the New Zealand Government. This is principally due to the restricted economic viability of community wind farms and also significant regulatory and policy limitations. In the mid to long term, the New Zealand government should take an integrated approach to assist the development of community wind farms which includes: a collaborative government planning approach on the issue; detailed assessment of the introduction of feed-in tariff mechanisms and controlled activity status (RMA) for community wind farms; and development of limited liability company law for community energy companies. In the short term, however, the most feasible option available for the formation of community wind farms lies in quasi community developments with corporate partnerships.
12
Hayes, Dorothy Maora. "Wāhine kaihautū, wāhine whai mana navigating the tides of change : Whakatōhea women and tribal socio-politics : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Māori Studies at Massey University." Massey University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1111.
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This thesis explored the socio-political experiences and views of seven Maori women from the tribe of Whakatahea. The project adopted a Maori-centred theoretical and research approach that included the researcher as a member of the researched group. It aimed to draw out the common themes, from the women's recollections of their experiences and views of the socio-political decision-making affairs within whanau, hapu, and iwi. The women identified barriers to participation and strategies to overcome these barriers. Qualifications reflected traditional Maori values and practices. Rights according to whakapapa, and the principle "he kanohi kitea", being seen, were the obvious criterion. Poor information channels, minimal consultation, gender bias, age and time constraints were some of the issues identified as barriers to participation. It was found that whanau governance committees more closely reflected traditional values and customs that saw women and men as sharing power, more so than hapu and iwi organisations. The gender imbalance was viewed, by the women participants, as problematic. They concluded that better gender balance at all levels of the socio-political affairs of Whakatohea would ensure greater informed decision-making for the social, educational, economic, and spiritual well-being of the tribe today and for future generations.
13
Lawrence, Hugh David Vincent. "Government Involvement in New Zealand Sport - Sport Policy: a Cautionary Tale." The University of Waikato, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2351.
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Government involvement in New Zealand sport spans over 70 years from provisions of the Physical Welfare Act in 1937 to current provisions of the Sport and Recreation Act 2002. Thousands of volunteers in non-profit organisations continue to underpin New Zealand's sport system. It is axiomatic that sport defines part of what it means to be a New Zealander. Governments frequently use the rhetoric of community cohesion, national pride, life skills and public health benefits to justify its involvement. This thesis examines the impact of government intervention on the sport sector, its funding paradigms and the extent of sector engagement in a policy for sport. Through an examination of available government and sport sector records, and the author's own experience as a participant in events, the thesis recounts a sequence of five milestones for the New Zealand sport system and views them through a public management system lens. The passing of the Physical Welfare and Recreation Act in 1937, the establishment of a Ministry and Council for Recreation and Sport in 1973, the ministerial Sports Development Inquiry in 1984, the Prime Minister's Review of High Performance Sport in 1995 and the Sport, Fitness and Leisure Ministerial Taskforce. Government funding of sport now stands at around $100 million annually from small beginnings of $3,295 in 1945/1946, despite the absence of a comprehensive national policy for sport. By examining the chronology through a wider state sector lens, the thesis opens a window to the practical effect of public policy processes on matters of importance to the New Zealand sport sector and its voluntary sector foundations. This thesis also provides a rationale for revitalising the engagement between government and the New Zealand sport sector to meet the expectations of a modern state sector to meaningfully engage citizens and the non-government sector in the formation of policy and planning its implementation.
14
Pratchett, Lawrence. "The politics of new technologies in local government." Thesis, De Montfort University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4107.
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15
Gagné, Natacha. "Maori identities and visions : politics of everyday life in Auckland, New Zealand." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84994.
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Indigenous peoples around the world have been involved, especially since the 1970s, in nationalist or sovereigntist movements, as well as in struggles for decolonization, self-determination, and recognition of their rights. Maaori of Aotearoa/New Zealand are engaged in just such processes and, particularly since the 1960s and 1970s, as part of the Maaori "cultural renaissance". Since about 70% of Maaori live in urban areas, cities---Auckland in particular---have become important sites of affirmation and struggle. This study, which falls within the field of urban anthropology, is an investigation of what being Maaori today means and how it is experienced, in particular in the city. The sense of place of Maaori living in Auckland and the appropriation of space in the urban context are important dimensions of this study. It explores the complexity of Maaori relationships to the urban milieu, which is often perceived as an alien and colonized site; the ways they create places and spaces for themselves; and the ongoing struggles to (re)affirm Maaori identities and cultural aspects considered important elements of these identities. The focus of this research is on everyday life and "ordinary" Maaori (in contrast to elites). It reveals the significance and importance to Maaori affirmation and resistance of the extended family and certain types of "city houses" which are based on "traditional" marae (Maaori traditional meeting places) principles. In contrast to many studies that have stressed the assimilation pressures of the urban milieu and global forces on indigenous societies, this research underlines processes of (re)affirmation. It shows how indigenous visions, and ways of being are maintained and even strengthened through changes and openness to the larger society. Coming to understand these processes also led to the exploration of Maaori realms of interpretation or figured worlds, the heteroglossic and complex ways people engage in or rel
16
Schneider, Annika Barbara Sabine. "Intellectual Capital Reporting by the New Zealand Local Government Sector." The University of Waikato, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2382.
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Sweeping financial management reforms occurred in New Zealand during the late 1980s and early 1990s which radically changed the face of the New Zealand public sector. These reforms sought to significantly restructure and reorganise local government thereby improving their effectiveness and efficiency and improving their accountability to their stakeholders. The principal vehicle for the discharge of this accountability is the annual report, which must be prepared according to Generally Accepted Accounting Practice (GAAP) and commercial principles. Organisations in the private sector are beginning to recognise the value of accounting for intellectual capital (IC) (see for example Quinn, 1992; Brooking, 1996; Sveiby, 1997; Edvinsson Malone, 1997; Bontis, Dragonetti, Jacobsen Roos, 1999; Guthrie, Petty Johanson, 2001; Bounfour, 2003). Studies on the measurement, management and reporting of IC have been undertaken internationally in Asia (Abeysekera Guthrie, 2005; Goh Lim, 2004; Ordenez de Pablos, 2002), Australia (Guthrie Petty, 2000), Europe (Bozzolan, Favotto and Ricceri, 2003; Olsson, 2001; Ordenez de Pablos, 2004), United Kingdom (Collier, 2001; Williams, 2001) and Ireland (Brennan, 2001). Despite the significant research interest in the field of intellectual capital internationally, scant attention has been paid to intellectual capital reporting by commercial organisations in New Zealand. An extensive review of the IC literature yielded only two New Zealand based studies (Miller Whiting, 2005; Wong Gardner, 2005). Further, no studies to date have addressed intellectual capital reporting by local governments in either New Zealand or internationally. This study aims to fill this gap through the development of an intellectual capital disclosure model that could be applied to local authorities. The research describes and explains the development of a disclosure index used to measure the extent and quality of current intellectual capital disclosure by local authorities in New Zealand. The index was developed through a consultative process with a panel of local government stakeholders which was used to establish the weightings for each item. The final index comprised 26 items divided into three categories: internal capital, external capital and human capital. The 2004/2005 annual reports of 82 New Zealand local authorities were scored for extent and quality of disclosure against the index. The results indicate that intellectual capital reporting by local authorities is varied. Manukau City Council scored the achieved the highest overall score (76%) out of the 82 reports analysed while Whakatane District Council scored the lowest with 33%. The most reported items were joint ventures/business collaborations and management processes. The least reported items were intellectual property and licensing agreements. The most reported category of intellectual capital was internal capital, followed by external capital. The least reported category was human capital. The findings indicate a number of areas of reporting that could be improved in order to meet with stakeholder disclosure expectations. In the internal capital category, intellectual property disclosures could be improved. In the external capital category disclosure concerning ratepayer demographics and licensing agreements could be improved. In the human capital category, disclosure of most items could be improved, in particular, entrepreneurial innovativeness and vocational qualifications. The study provided an insight into the current level and quality of intellectual capital disclosure by the NZ local government sector. The results indicated that local authorities are disclosing some aspects of intellectual capital in their annual report, however there is no consistent reporting framework, and many areas of IC disclosures are not meeting stakeholder expectations. More research is needed in the area of intellectual capital reporting in the public sector. This study provides a preliminary framework which can be used by local authorities to enhance intellectual capital disclosures in their annual reports.
17
Richardson, Peter. "Building the dominion : government architecture in New Zealand, 1840-1922." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Art History, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7558.
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The evolution of the architecture of government buildings erected by the Crown's principal architectural office in New Zealand is surveyed from 1840, when New Zealand was annexed by Britain, to 1922, when its first Government Architect retired. The focus is on the emergence of a unified approach towards government architecture
across the broad range of building-types erected by the office: colonial hospitals, courthouses, customs houses, departmental offices, gaols, government printing offices, lunatic asylums, native schools, police stations, post and telegraph offices, Government
Houses and Parliament Buildings.
Constitutional arrangements and political initiatives which shaped the evolution and work of the office are outlined throughout the survey and form the basis of chapter divisions. In chapters one and two, the mainly primitive, timber government buildings of the Crown Colony period of government (1840-52) are considered as the
first efforts of British officials to assert an architectural presence in the colony, as well as the beginnings of a New Zealand tradition of timber governmental architecture. Buildings erected by the early Superintendents of Public Works, notably William Mason
(1810-97) and Frederick Thatcher (1814-90), are discussed. Chapter three documents the Crown's residual involvement in design and construction of governmental buildings from 1853 to 1868 when Provincial Governments assumed responsibility for erection of their own accommodation. Both the unrealised projects and government buildings the Crown commissioned are discussed.
The remaining chapters examine the General Government's efforts to link disparate settlements and to house the growing government bureaucracy after centralised control of design of government buildings was reasserted in 1869. Chapter four documents the
creation of the Colonial Architect's office, headed by New Zealand's first and only Colonial Architect, William Henry Clayton (1823-77), and his work designing mainly timber government buildings. It is argued that together such buildings created a unified architectural expression of government which reflected and complemented the efforts
of the Colonial Treasurer, (Sir) Julius Vogel (1835-99), to 'build a nation' by assisting immigration and linking remote settlements via construction of a comprehensive road and rail network. The long decline of the Colonial Architect's office (1878-88), following
Clayton's death in 1877, is traced in chapter five. Two remaining chapters examine a renewed burst of building activity initiated by the Liberal Government (1891-1912) and directed by Premier Richard John Seddon (1845-1906) and others. The emergence of the state's architectural office, headed by John Campbell (1857-1942), as the largest architectural practice in the country is documented, as well as the creation of a new architectural image of government. The Queen Anne and Imperial Baroque government buildings erected by the office are discussed and it is argued that the increasing monumentality of buildings marked New Zealand's attainment of Dominion status in 1907. The survey concludes with the construction of a new Parliament House through which the architectural message of Crown sovereignty was conveyed more emphatically than ever before.
Viewed as a whole the survey reveals that by 1922 the Government's architects had achieved what early colonial administrators envisioned as early as 1840 - the assertion through architecture of the authority of the British Crown in buildings erected in brick and stone which resembled those at 'Home', but that New Zealand government architecture had also developed a distinctive character of its own. The use of timber (in response to budgetary constraints, its ready availability and the threat of earthquakes),
an additive and piecemeal approach typical of colonial New Zealand architecture as a whole and a commitment to following British architectural fashion emerge as the characteristics of New Zealand's colonial and early Dominion government buildings. Government architecture thus emerges as a powerful expression of New Zealand's loyalty to the Crown.
18
Goodwin, Mark. "Education governance, politics and policy under New Labour." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1771/.
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This thesis investigates the political management of state schooling under New Labour from 1997-2010. The thesis considers and rejects two mainstream approaches to the analysis of New Labour‟s education strategy which characterise the New Labour education project as either a process of marketisation or as a symptom of a shift to a new governance through networks of diffused power. Instead, the thesis argues that the best general characterisation of New Labour‟s education strategy is as a centralising project which has increased the power and discretion of the core of the core executive over the education sector at the expense of alternative centres of power. The thesis proposes that the trajectory of education policy under New Labour is congruent with a broader strategy for the modification of the British state which sought to enhance administrative efficiency and governing competence. Changes to education strategies can then be explained as the result of changing social and economic contexts filtered through the governing projects of strategic political actors. The thesis argues that New Labour‟s education strategy was largely successful in terms of securing governing competence and altering power relations and behaviour in the sector despite continuing controversy over the programmatic and political performance of its education policies.
19
Sweetman, Rory Matthew. "New Zealand Catholicism, war, politics and the Irish issue, 1912-1922." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1991. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251505.
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Jowitt, Deborah Mary. "Government policy relating to hepatitis B in New Zealand 1970-2005." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/6110.
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Hepatitis B emerged as a significant public health problem in New Zealand in the early
1980s. Initially seen as an infectious threat to transfusion recipients and an occupational
hazard for health care workers, epidemiological studies revealed the unexpectedly high
prevalence of the disease, particularly among Maori children, who were found to be at
higher risk of developing chronic hepatitis B and its longterm complications. Despite
these findings, however, factors other than scientific research influenced policy makers.
The Health Department was reluctant to acknowledge that New Zealand, unlike other
Western countries, had a high prevalence of a ‘third world’ disease. An effective vaccine
was available from late 1982, but in an era of increasing fiscal constraints, the Health
Department cited its high cost as a barrier to state-funded immunisation.
From the mid-1980s community-based health activists and prominent Maori, rather than
public health officials, drove the hepatitis B policy agenda. Individual policy players
proved more influential than central policy advisors; nevertheless, in the absence of a
comprehensive control strategy, attempts at hepatitis B prevention faltered. Despite the
introduction of universal childhood hepatitis B immunisation in 1990, vaccine uptake was
persistently poor, particularly among ‘high risk’ children. Equally, a three-year screening
programme to identify and follow up hepatitis B carriers, introduced in 1999 in spite of
strong opposition from official advisors, reached less than half of its targeted population.
Adopting a chronological approach and drawing on archival sources and oral history
interviews, this thesis examines the factors that shaped the formation of hepatitis B policy
in New Zealand from 1970, when the first test for hepatitis B provided the means of
protecting the blood supply, to 2005 when policy makers finally took a firm stand on the
management of hepatitis B infected health care workers. It considers the debates around
the introduction of hepatitis B immunisation and screening policies and locates the
individuals and issues that influenced those debates within an international context.
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Doyle, James Lawrence. "Accounting for infrastructural assets : perspectives from within New Zealand local government." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Accountancy, Finance and Information Systems, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/10428.
Full textAbstract:
There is no generally accepted accounting practice for infrastructural assets with respect to either their definition or how to account for them. Renewal accounting is an alternative to the generally accepted basis of accounting for fixed assets-traditional depreciation. It assumes that infrastructural networks have indefinite useful lives. Expenditure on maintenance is expensed and no depreciation is charged, provided the network's service potential is maintained. This thesis examines recent developments in accounting for infrastructural assets in New Zealand local government. A survey, comprising 18 senior managers from within 12local authorities, was undertaken with the aim of ascertaining accounting practices and gaining their views on key issues identified from the literature. The survey found that local government managers perceive asset management planning to be very important. Consequently, there is a concerted effort toward collecting information on infrastructural assets and developing asset management plans (AMPs). Developments in these areas will improve both the reliability of information for internal management purposes and for general purpose financial reporting, whether under renewal accounting or traditional depreciation.
It is concluded from the study that infrastructural assets should be defined as a conceptually distinct group which have the characteristics of networks with indefinite useful lives. The study also revealed that renewal accounting has widespread acceptance within New Zealand local government and is, arguably, the preferred alternative for infrastructural assets. This is because it contributes to better asset management; it makes maintenance and deferred maintenance on infrastructure transparent; and it supports the democratic process, where levels of service in AMPs are agreed in consultation with the public.
Following the direction suggested by the interviewees' views canvassed in this thesis, the next stage requires the development of a financial reporting standard which addresses renewal accounting and the circumstances under which it should be applied.
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Griffith, Stephen Neil. "The effectiveness of parliamentary petitioning in New Zealand 1969-1983." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1006.
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Among commentators and Parliamentarians in both Britain and New Zealand, petitioning has been viewed as an ineffective means of influencing Government. Yet this opinion has never been verified with data on the outcome of petition campaigns. Such data was available to this study for petitions considered in New Zealand between 1969 and 1983. It was analysed and revealed that less than one in twelve petitions were actioned in any way. In addition it was found that none of the petition characteristics tested were significantly associated with the success of petitions. Similarly it was found that a petition's chances of success were not significantly affected by the way it was considered. Few variables changed appreciably over time. These findings are laid out in detail in chapters four and five, and are summarized at the start of the conclusion. The conclusion also contains a discussion of this study's limitations and a tentative exploration of two questions suggested by this study. Specifically, factors which may contribute to petition ineffectiveness, and to the continued popularity of petition organization despite their ineffectiveness, are suggested.
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Lewin, Joanna Alice. "Global Environmental Change and the Politics of Sustainable Consumption in New Zealand." The University of Waikato, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2787.
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Consumption has emerged as a pivotal concept in environmental sustainability debates. Since the 1992 Earth Summit, there has been an increasing focus on the role that consumption and consumer lifestyles play in global environmental change. Agenda 21 called on countries to promote more 'sustainable consumption' patterns and lifestyles. Despite these recommendations, there are significant political and ideological challenges to implementing effective sustainable consumption policies at a global and national level. This thesis explores the politics of sustainable consumption in New Zealand. Using critical discourse analysis and in-depth semi-structured interviews with nine consumers, I employ post-structural and cultural geography theories to unpack the problematic nature of sustainable consumption. In particular, I examine dominant environmental and consumption discourses to explore why barriers to sustainable consumption exist. It is important to examine these issues from a socio-cultural perspective, as the dominant hegemonic discourses relating to the environment and sustainability shape both policy responses and public understandings of environmental change and sustainability issues. Prevailing policy responses to environmental change in New Zealand construct the 'environmental problem' in narrowly scientific and economic terms. Concern has centred on 'managing' carbon emissions, rather than addressing the underlying drivers of environmental degradation which lie in current political-economic structures and consumption levels. As such, environmental policy has been embedded within an ecological modernisation discourse which links sustainability with notions of 'progress' and efficiency. Under this discourse, the consumer has been repositioned as an important 'political' agent responsible for fostering sustainable consumption and environmental care. Through largely non-political and non-regulatory measures, consumers have been encouraged to reduce their 'carbon footprints' by considering the environmental impacts of their daily personal consumption habits. This approach has individualised and depoliticised environmental issues, obscured the complexities of personal consumption and sustainability, and left limited options for participation in processes of change.
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Kepa, Tangiwai Mere Appleton. "Language matters: The politics of teaching immigrant adolescents school English (New Zealand)." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3046046.
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The purpose of this thesis is to reflect upon the complex process of educating the sons and daughters of immigrant parents from diverse cultural communities. The study stresses the importance of valuing the language and culture of students in Aotearoa-New Zealand for whom English is another language. It is argued that the discourse of what shall be called ‘technocratic pedagogy’ falls short of meeting this goal. What is needed is more expansive and inclusive programmes that apprehend the social, economic, and political contexts of learning. This is necessary if the students are to continue their education not simply to absorb prescribed information and ideas but to actively understand, question, challenge, and change the school and the classroom. The thesis is written from the perspective of an indigenous Maori teacher trained in technocratic approaches of practice looking to aspects of her intimate culture, Tongan and Samoan ways of representing the world, and Paulo Freire's critical pedagogy to transform contemporary education that tends to exclude the adolescents from learning in school. This thesis is not simply another contribution to the ways in which teachers of school English in general think about methodologies and approaches to learning; rather, it is addressed more specifically to those Maori, Tongan, and Samoan teachers in this country who work with and alongside communities who are from the Kingdom of Tonga and the islands of Samoa. Thus, there is great value placed on educational experience with indigenous Tongan and Samoan teachers and students in an educational project referred to in the thesis as a ‘School-within-a-school’. The School-within-a-school refers to a site of education for teaching school English to immigrant adolescents within a large, state, secondary school in the city of Auckland. Particular attention is also paid to educational experience with indigenous teachers in a Curriculum Committee and Maori and Tongan grassroots organisations located within the same school. A fresh approach to teaching English accepts culture as the ground on which to begin to reflect on a practice within a specific context. The teachers who have a dynamic relationship with students argue that culture is a primary site for contradictions and that a revolutionary challenge to technocratic pedagogy is necessary, but not sufficient, to value and actively include the students in school. Since the English language and its attendant practices, values, traditions, and aspirations are the grounds for the students' marginalisation, immediate, consciously organised changes in the teaching beliefs, contents of education, and society at large in Aotearoa are necessary parts of any reintegrative pedagogy. On this account, the belief is that pedagogy is vitally important since it can enable the students to understand the technocratic discourse and draw upon the personal and collective experiences to counter the tendency that denies them full participation in school and the classroom.Subscription resource available via Digital Dissertations only.
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Sadorski, Shane S. "The politics of avoiding accountability, the new politics of the welfare state and welfare state retrenchment in New Zealand, 1984-1993." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ53023.pdf.
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Merridew, Tanya Suzanne. "Third sector politics in the new local governance." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10227/.
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This thesis explores the operation of third sector politics within the changing context of local governance. Throughout the history of urban policy the concept of community has fonned a recurrent, if fluctuating theme (Eisenschitz and Gough, 1993; Raco, 1998a). Recent literature has tended to assume the emergence of a new local governance characterised by restructured local political relations. A related strand of thinking suggests that within this new context, the community role has been elevated. The recent turn to community seems to present a vision in which public participation is something of a panacea to secure successful and lasting urban regeneration and more effective local governance. The tendency within the literature has been to focus on new institutional configurations rather than the detailed operation of the new arrangements. This thesis seeks to assess in detail how the third sector is engaging in processes of local governance and the mechanisms that support this. The research focuses on the fine-grain of spatial and institutional representation of community interests and the fonn and function of community politics. It develops this focus through a specific concern with the operation of community politics and the constitution of governance roles through two in-depth case studies conducted in the North-East. These provide contrasting examples of third sector organisation and coordination, thus highlighting the locally distinctive nature of third sector politics. The thesis concludes that attempts at specifying changing local governance and models of community engagement have tended to ignore the complexity of community politics. Therefore, it is argued that future theoretical developments need to address these complexities in order to capture any change in the fonn and nature of local political relations in general and third sector politics in particular.
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Brooks, Josephine Tamarra. "New right think tanks and English local government : old anxieties and new hegemonies." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 1997. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/1262/.
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Within a Gramscian analysis, concepts of hegemony, passive revolution and organic intellectuals are employed to investigate and theorise the New Right think tanks' critique of English local government. Unlike other accounts, it is argued that the New Right think tanks successfully modernised traditional Conservative party concerns that elected local government was susceptible to demands for social welfare and of bureaucrats and politicians self-seeking efforts. The Gramscian analysis further suggests that in a highly centralised state elected local government was never only concerned with locality but was often embroiled in the statecraft strategy if the dominant bloc. Previously when the dominant hegemony had been endangered, elected local government has been usefully deployed to resolve social tensions. This strategy however, has been problematic and has been destructive of the relative independence of elected local government. More generally, elected local government's decisive role in civil society means that it too has become a site where counter hegemonic projects have clustered. During the 1980s, such tensions become critical. The organic intellectuals associated with Thatcherism, the New Right think tanks, acted as a clarion for demands to end elected local government's role in providing social welfare that effectively questioned its existence. Elswhere in a parallel development increased regulation of elected local government by the centre restricted the activities of local authorities, a strategy that also adversly affected those who supported the dominant bloc's hegemony.
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Mack, Hugh Jonathan Devereux. "How has gambling become normalised in New Zealand?" Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Business and Economics, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/11033.
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This study investigated the normalisation of gambling within the New Zealand context to explore whether an ausugenic environment exists, using qualitative interviews in combination with a self-ethnography. An ausugenic environment is one where gambling has become embedded in the cultural attitudes and behaviour of a society to the extent that it is no longer considered to be an abnormal or noteworthy activity.
In order to investigate this two phases of qualitative interviews were conducted with the first being with members of the public who were also asked to record a diary of gambling related things they noticed over the course of a weekend. To better understand the results for diary participant responses, the researcher underwent the same diary keeping process during the same weekend while also revisiting locations described by the participants to validate their reports. The second phase involved interviews with counsellors from the Problem Gambling Foundation of New Zealand to explore their attitudes towards gambling and experiences that their clients who were most affected by gambling in New Zealand.
The outcomes of this research were two conceptual models that propose how individuals normalise gambling behaviour personally as well as how society both creates and perpetuates an ausugenic environment.
This study also discusses the concept of environmental normalisation as a development upon advertising wearout theory. It suggests that individuals may become blind to attitudes and stimuli within their environment after prolonged periods of exposure through many different sources. The idea that this may be not simply something that advertisers seek to avoid as is classically thought, but implemented as a deliberate strategy for organisations seeking to gain wide acceptance of their product or service is also proposed.
The study ten seeks to make significant contributions towards the betterment of society through use of the findings to recommend policy alterations the New Zealand Government should implement and suggest alternative ways that the treatment of problem gambling is addressed in future.
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Soutar, Monty. "Ngāti Porou leadership : Rāpata Wahawaha and the politics of conflict : "Kei te ora nei hoki tātou, me tō tātou whenua" /." Online version, 2000. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/20809.
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Mathias, Megan Jane. "Making sense of leadership-in-government." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/11978.
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This thesis explores the phenomenon of leadership by senior public servants in Westminster system governments. Despite the important constitutional position held by senior public servants (SPS), we know relatively little about what they do day-to-day – in particular what their ‘leadership’ looks like, or how and why it occurs. To address this gap in knowledge, I use an inductive lens to study individual SPS leadership practices in response to strategic challenges they face, and the sensemaking pathways that lead them to engage in those practices. My approach in this study draws upon a critical realist application of the Gioia Methodology, a systematic approach to the development of new concepts designed to bring qualitative rigour into the process and presentation of inductive research (Gioia, Corley, Kevin and Hamilton, 2013). I examine SPS leadership and sensemaking in two sites of Westminster system government – New Zealand and Wales – and draw upon qualitative interview data to forge narratives and a conceptual model to explain how SPS leadership is accomplished. The findings reveal that SPS are not neutral, impartial bureaucrats, but are individuals whose identities and preferences shape their leadership on strategic challenges. Their preferences can align them to their minister’s agenda (agenda leadership), or lead them to try to alter an agenda, by engaging in practices to reframe the challenge and/or proposed government response (steward leadership). The model maps two distinct sensemaking pathways underpinning agenda and steward –leadership respectively, revealing how key extrinsic and intrinsic factors combine to shape each. The model, and its component freshly-instantiated concepts, afford new empirical evidence to the debate on the appropriate role of SPS in Westminster system governments, which to date has been dominated by theoretical and normative contributions. Drawing upon this new evidence, I argue that both agenda leadership and steward leadership by SPS are demanded to supplement the bounded leadership of elected ministers; and recommend updating socialisation, scrutiny and accountability routines to recognise the reality of SPS as independent, human sensemakers and leaders in government.
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Vevaina, Paeterasp Darayas. "Factors affecting the implementation of enterprise systems within government organisations in New Zealand." AUT University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10292/287.
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The 1990's saw a rapid growth in the use of Enterprise Systems by organisations to undertake quick and strategic decisions. Significant to the use of Enterprise systems, is their implementation in the organisation. The increased use of paper documents in government organisations and the augmented implementation rate of Electronic Document Management Systems within government organisations in New Zealand, is what triggered this research and subsequently the framing of the research objectives and thereby the research question. This research encompasses the factors which affect the implementation process of an Enterprise Document Management System and thereby render it a success or a failure. The study used an ethnographic approach in order to introduce rigour in the research. The data was collected by conducting eight semi-structured interviews at the client organisation. The interviews were transcribed and later coded using an open - coding methodology. A thematic analysis based schema was developed to later analyse the coded data.The research found that, factors such as change management, behaviour management / emotions, communication, implementation process approach and system functionality had profound effects on the implementation success of the Electronic Document Management System in the research organisation. The thesis has been mostly written in the first person to represent the author's interpretation of the implementation process and its related factors.
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Richardson, Peter. "An architecture of empire : The government buildings of John Campbell in New Zealand." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Art History, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/6700.
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A study of the architecture of John Campbell (1857-1922), an architectural employee of the New Zealand Government between 1890 and 1922. Campbell's early designs in the ‘Queen Anne’ style are discussed and the increasing use of Baroque elements in his work is traced as he establishes a new government style of architecture throughout New Zealand, namely, Imperial Baroque. The buildings Campbell designed in that style are then discussed and the same search for a new government style traced in the design of one particular building type, post offices. Finally Campbell's designs for Parliament Buildings are discussed. Campbell emerges as an inventive and intuitive designer whose work, by virtue of its distinctively British character, is expressive of New Zealand's former status as a member nation of the British Empire.
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Farquhar, Russell Murray. "Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Sociology and Anthropology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/944.
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Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.
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Truna, Dody S. "Islam and politics under the 'new order' government in Indonesia, 1966-1990." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56901.
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The 'New Order' government, under President Suharto's leadership, has undertaken different initiatives in the face of both 'political' Islam and 'religious' Islam in Indonesia. Since coming into power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over 'political' Islam; on the other hand, its attitude towards 'religious' Islam has generally been tolerant and even supportive. The result has been a considerable weakening of Islamic political forces but a rapidly developing 'religious' Islam. This reality has forced the present-day generation of Indonesian Muslim thinkers to take an approach which is different from that of the previous generation in responding to the government's policies towards Islam. Unlike their predecessors, some of whom had too ideological and formalistic a conception of an Islamic state, the present Muslim thinkers take an approach which is for the most part politically non-partisan. There has been a growing tendency among them to denounce the efficacy of Islamic political parties. They see that the realization of an Islamic community and the well-being of the ummah will come about not through exclusive and uncompromising political actions but through socioeconomic and cultural means and the ability to be less exclusive and willing to work with those who share different ideas. As a result of efforts along these lines, the relationship between the Muslim community and the government has improved substantially. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether or not this developing 'religious' Islam will, at some future date, be transformed into a powerful 'political' Islam.
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Neitzert, Eva. "Making power, doing politics : the film industry and economic development in Aotearoa/New Zealand." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2570/.
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Over the last decade creative industries, such as film and fashion, have become increasingly commonplace items on economic development agendas at urban, regional, and national scales. A sizeable academic literature has emerged to document this 'creative turn' in economic policy. The existing literature often locates the widespread adoption of creative industry policies within either a capitalist system that increasingly demands creativity if accumulation is to be secured or a series of powerful travelling policy discourses which impose themselves on local landscapes irrespective of fit. These explanations are, however, rarely substantiated empirically to show how, in very material ways, capitalism or travelling policy discourses make demands of a particular locality. In this thesis, Actor- Network Theory (ANT) is used to argue for a less 'determined' approach to the study of creative industries in economic development: the assumptions about macro phenomena structuring the local are put aside in order to tell the story of one situated case of creative industries-based economic development. The specific case that is examined is the film industry of Aotearoa/New Zealand. In the period from 1999 to 2005, the Aotearoa/New Zealand film industry went from being almost entirely absent from economic development policy to playing a central role. The thesis draws on extensive documentary analysis and 58 interviews to construct a description of the practices, devices, techniques, and knowledges that were deployed to constitute, shape, contest, and stabilise the role of the film industry within economic development. What emerges from this description is that contingency and opportunism, rather than capitalist demands or global travelling policy discourses, are key to explaining the prioritisation of the film industry. This suggests that ANT makes visible political processes that often remain hidden from view but are crucial to understanding the way that power is made and politics is done.
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Piggin, Joe, and n/a. "Power, politics and policy : creating, deploying and resisting meaning in New Zealand public sport policy." University of Otago. School of Physical Education, 2008. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20081117.154305.
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All policy involves the transmission of language and ideas and therefore power. Public sport and recreation policy, through which millions of tax dollars are allocated and which disseminates knowledge and understandings about sport and recreation, is one arena where power relations are constantly formed, reformed and challenged. To understand more about the exercise of power in New Zealand sport and recreation policy, this research examines the dissemination and challenge of policies written by Sparc (Sport and Recreation New Zealand), the organisation responsible for public sport and recreation policy in New Zealand.
Three questions were used to understand the exercise of power in New Zealand public policy. These questions included: How is knowledge about sport and recreation produced and disseminated through public policy? How is �the truth� about sport and recreation proclaimed and constructed in public policy? How can individuals affected by sport and recreation policy challenge existing relations of power?
Theoretically, this research draws on Foucauldian conceptions about power, knowledge, truth and the self. Foucault argued that individuals and groups exercise power discursively, by promoting and deploying certain dominant discourses (or understandings) to the exclusion of other (subjugated) knowledges. As such, the way in which individuals within a society understand knowledge, truth and the self is governed by dominant discourses, and is continually formed discursively over time. Discourses are deployed through a variety of means, including the writing, implementation and resistance of public policy.
Methodologically, the thesis merges Foucault�s archaeological and genealogical approaches to studying discourses. Further, it is guided by a critical discourse analysis, which enables the researcher to question the assumptions behind policy discourses. Data is gathered from various sources, including policy documents, public debate over policy, media articulations of policy and interviews with individuals involved in the writing and resistance of public policy.
This research highlights four distinct practices (or techniques) that illustrate how power is exercised in public sport and recreation policy. These techniques include an analysis of bio-power, techniques used to analyse, control, and define the body; governmentality, which dictates the range of possible actions of individuals and citizens; games of truth, through which �the truth� is part of a constant discursive debate; and parrhesia, a practice through which citizens can lessen the effect of dominant discourses on their lives. These practices are analysed through specific case studies within the discursive terrain of public sport and recreation policy. With each case study both theoretical considerations and practical suggestions for policy making are offered.
Four findings are discussed. Firstly, public policy can discursively and problematically construct understandings of the world through policy goals and measurements. Secondly, the thesis suggests that while public sport and recreation policy is often defended by policy makers as scientific and rational, its writing and implementation is formed by a number of other understandings which cannot be reconciled with the espoused, positivist logic. Thirdly, the thesis suggests that because policy writing is an ongoing process, and because of changing social conditions, �the truth� about particular policies is also susceptible to change. Fourthly, despite protestors of public policy often believing their resistance is in vain, this study suggests that their efforts do appear to influence the subsequent writing of policy.
The research concludes with reflections about the problematic discursive effects of public policy as well as a consideration of the potential for groups and individuals to challenge or resist understandings about sport and recreation which they do not agree with. In turn, it offers recommendations about the future development of sport public policy, as well as a reflection of this particular type of research approach used. Finally, using this research as a pivot point, sites for future research are considered. In particular, an examination of the effect of public policy on individuals� lived experiences (as distinct from communities or nations) might be of interest, as would an investigation of effects of global discourses about sport, recreation and physical activity on national public policy.
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Ones, Synnøve. "The politics of government in the Audiencia of New Granada, 1681-1719." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2579/.
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This is a study of government and governance in the Audiencia of Santa Fe during the last two decades of Habsburg rule and the first two decades of Bourbon rule, a period largely neglected by historians of New Granada and of Spanish America in general. However, it is not simply an administrative history. Rather than focus primarily on the structure of government and formal mechanisms of power and authority, this study aims, as the title indicates, to examine the political activity contained within the formal structure of institutions and laws. It looks at the ways in which institutions of government actually functioned within the society they were designed to govern and control, in other words the workings of government. These are themes which have been little studied by historians of the region, despite the importance which has been attached to the colonial state as a force which played a primary role in shaping New Granada's history. Studies of the colonial state have tended to portray it as a hierarchy of institutions, closely controlled from the centre, which developed as Spain's monarchs sought to legitimise their dominion and impose their control over the vast territories of the Americas. They have presented royal institutions of government in the Indies, the audiencia and provincial governors in the case of New Granada as the tools of an absolutist monarchy, employed by the Spanish crown to expand royal power over Spanish American subjects. The present study thus aims to challenge this picture by making detailed reference to contemporary documentation and taking into account recent research on early modern government and governance in areas outside New Granada. We will attempt to show that government in the Audiencia of Santa Fe was not a rigid structure but very political in nature.
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Burke, Lawrence. "Probation, politics, policy and practice : from New Labour to the Coalition Government." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2016. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4478/.
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The outputs presented in part submission of a PhD by publication represent the body of my published work over the past ten years. They cover policy, practice and legislative developments during both the New Labour and Coalition Governments that have ultimately led to the demise of the Probation Service as a unified public sector organisation. Two main themes are evident in my writing. The first is a critique of how an ideological commitment to economic neo-liberalism and accompanying social conservatism has shaped contemporary probation policy and public sector provision more generally. The second significant strand has been an exploration of the impact of these developments on the occupational culture and working practices of probation work.
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Felton, Gregory. "Perestroika : a new stage in Soviet reform." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28044.
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Perestroika, unlike previous attempts at economic reform, represents the beginning of a new era in post-war Soviet politics. If one were to categorize the major Soviet leaders since Stalin it would be more accurate to term
Khrushchev a liberal Stalinist, Brezhnev a conservative Stalinist, and Gorbachev, may be properly classified as an anti-Stalinist. Gorbachev's accession to power represents the beginning of what might be termed post-post-Stalin reform.
To illustrate the uniqueness of perestroika, this thesis is structured around a comparison of Gorbachev's economic, political, and social reforms with those of Nikita Khrushchev. A contrast with Khrushchev is necessary because it is impossible to determine the uniqueness of perestroika and to draw informed conclusions about Gorbachev unless the record of the first-post Stalin reformer is examined.
Because Gorbachev and Khrushchev are both reformers, it is to be expected that they should share certain common objectives. But the similarities are far less significant than the differences. The differences between Gorbachev's and Khrushchev's approaches to reform are a function both of substantive policy differences and historical circumstance. Historical Context
Khrushchev came to power at a time when the Soviet Union was weak relative to the United States. Externally, the most pressing need was for the Soviet Union to achieve military parity with the United States. Internally, Khrushchev's first years were ones of struggle for absolute leadership with other Politburo figures who had differing notions of reform. The world that Brezhnev and his successors bequeathed to Gorbachev bore little resemblance to the one which Stalin left to Khrushchev. By the time of Gorbachev's accession to power, the Soviet Union had become the military equal of the United States. Political Reform
Khrushchev's main objective was to weaken the power of the bureaucracy largely in order to enhance his own personal power. Gorbachev's focus is less Stalin than it is the Stalinist system. The lack of subordination of political and economic reform to the pursuit of personal one-man rule marks perestzoika as a distinct improvement over de-Stalinization. Economic Reform
In economic policy, Khrushchev followed Stalin's practice of meeting economic problems with administrative measures. Although Khrushchev made his reputation by denouncing Stalin's leadership, he did nothing to address the root of the Soviet Union's troubles—the Stalinist economic system. Perestroika is theoretically superior to de-Stalinization because Gorbachev eschews administrative tinkering in favour of economic change. Gorbachev has rediscovered the co-operative socialism and limited tolerance for free-enterprise of the 1920s. The implication of this return to 'Leninism' is an admission that the Stalinist system is a failure. CONCLUSION
The essence of Khrushchev's reforms, and their subsequent failure, can be traced to his fixation with appearance over substance. For all of his 'liberal' reforms, Khrushchev is essentially a 'Stalinist' politician. Perestzoika is superior to de-Stalinization both because of historical circumstance and substantive philosophical differences. Gorbachev's return to Leninist principles effectively ends the period of reformed Stalinism. But the objective need for reform does imply its necessary success. There are many obstacles to effecting deep change in the Soviet Union, obstacles which cannot be surmounted soon. It cannot be expected that a people will cast off the habits of a lifetime. Nonetheless, Gorbachev's reforms are rigorous and potentially longlasting, as opposed to Khrushchev's 'administrative' changes which did not really address the flaws of the Soviet system.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Feditchkina, Tracy Elena. "Resilient governance : the politics of nature protection in New Zealand, Norway and Canada's British Columbia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/50316.
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The degradation and collapse of the Earth’s ecosystems poses a formidable risk for humanity. Yet the effectiveness of political commitments to halt the irreversible loss of species and habitats remains critically low. The key challenge is to make the tough collective political decisions and then to follow through with real actions, despite often extreme resistance. What are the institutional mechanisms that can help increase the likelihood of the successful implementation of nature protection goals? Is decentralized, local-level governance more resilient in eventually meeting established nature protection goals than a centralized one? In attempting to answer these questions, this dissertation will rely on a qualitative analysis of nature protection policies carried out in New Zealand, Norway and British Columbia (Canada) between 1990 and 2012. In the final analysis the research will suggest the following. First, it appears that when dealing with protecting ecoregions defined by high opportunity costs, decentralized governance has very significant limitations that cannot be overcome without political coordination occurring at a higher-level. Among the most important factors for a meaningful adoption and gradual implementation is overcoming the initial discrepancy between the costs and benefits of conservation policies dividing the city and the countryside. A centralized governance offers distinct advantage in terms of bridging the divide between the countryside and the city and ensuring social partnership and cohesion between urban and rural populations over nature protection goals. Overall, resilient nature protection governance is likely to be centralized but one which allows the input of local stakeholders in both decision-making and especially at the stage of implementation. In addition, having open public access to land resources, including over privately owned lands, increases the likelihood of the implementation of conservation policies.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Tordoff, June Margaret, and n/a. "Evaluating the impact of a national hospital pharmaceutical strategy in New Zealand." University of Otago. School of Pharmacy, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070712.151527.
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Background: In September 2001, in addition to their existing management of primary care pharmaceutical expenditure, PHARMAC, the New Zealand government�s Pharmaceutical Management Agency, was authorized to manage pharmaceutical expenditure in public hospitals.[1] In February 2002 PHARMAC launched a three-part Strategy, the National Hospital Pharmaceutical Strategy (NHPS), for this purpose.[2] The Strategy focused on Price Management (PM), the Assessment of New Medicines (ANM), and promoting Quality in the Use of Medicines (QUM). Major initiatives planned were: for PM, to negotiate new, national (as opposed to current, local) contracts for frequently used pharmaceuticals; for ANM, to provide economic assessments of new hospital medicines; and for QUM, to coordinate activities in hospitals.
Aims: To assess the impact of each of the three parts of the National Hospital Pharmaceutical Strategy, and assess any impact of the Strategy�s new contracts on the availability of those medicines.
Methods: Price Management was assessed in 2003, 2004 and 2005 using data from eleven selected hospitals to estimate savings for all 29 major hospitals, and by tracking hospital pharmaceutical expenditure from 2000 to 2006. For other aspects, cross-sectional surveys were administered to chief pharmacists at all hospitals employing a pharmacist; 30 hospitals in 2002, 29 in 2004. Surveys were undertaken in 2002 and 2004 to examine ANM and QUM activity in hospitals before and after the Strategy. Surveys were undertaken in 2004 and 2005 to examine any changes in the availability of medicines on new contracts, in hospitals. In 2005 a survey was undertaken of opinions on PHARMAC�s specially-developed pharmacoeconomic (PE) assessments.
Results: PM results indicated that, by 2006, savings of $7.84-13.45m per annum (6-8%) had been made on hospital pharmaceutical expenditure, and growth in inpatient pharmaceutical expenditure appeared to slow for all types of hospitals in 2003/4. ANM surveys indicated that, by 2004, hospital new medicine assessment processes, predominantly formal, became more complex, more focused on cost-effectiveness, and the use of pharmacoeconomic information increased. The PE survey indicated that PHARMAC�s economic assessments of new medicines were mainly viewed favourably but were not sufficiently timely to be widely used in hospital formulary decisions. Availability surveys indicated that new contracts occasionally caused availability problems e.g. products that were "out of stock", or products considered inferior by respondents. Problems were usually resolved within weeks, but some took over a year. QUM activities showed little change between surveys, but during the period an independent organisation was formed by the District Health Boards of New Zealand, with representation from PHARMAC, to coordinate the Safe and Quality Use of Medicines in New Zealand.
Conclusion: The National Hospital Pharmaceutical Strategy has been moderately successful in New Zealand. Savings of NZ$7.84-13.45m per annum were made, and growth in inpatient pharmaceutical expenditure appeared to slow in the year following the Strategy�s launch. The study has indicated some important short-term effects from the Strategy, but further research is needed to ensure that favourable effects are sustained and unfavourable effects kept to a minimum. Similar, centralized, multifaceted, approaches to managing pharmaceutical expenditure may be worth considering in other countries.
1. New Zealand Parliament. New Zealand Public Health and Disability Act. In: The Statutes of New Zealand 2000. No 91.Wellington: New Zealand Parliament; 2000
2. Pharmaceutical Management Agency. National Hospital Pharmaceutical Strategy Final Version. Wellington: PHARMAC; 2002
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Lousberg, Marjan, and n/a. "Dr Edward Shortland and the politics of ethnography." University of Otago. Department of History, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20071204.160209.
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In 1840 Captain William Hobson established the colony of New Zealand under an umbrella of humanitarianism and with an agenda for the protection of Maori rights. This thesis examines this project through the work of Dr Edward Shortland (1812-1893). Although Shortland�s reports and publications have been frequently cited, there has been no detailed historical analysis of his work.
Shortland arrived in New Zealand in 1841 as the private secretary of Governor Hobson. In 1842 he was appointed Protector of Aborigines for the Eastern Districts. One of his tasks was to study Maori language and customs in order to mediate between Maori and government. He was one of the earliest European experts on Maori traditions, customary practices, religious attitudes and relationships with land. After his return to England in 1846, he lobbied the British government on behalf of Maori and published two books on New Zealand, in which he addressed prospective colonists and disputed some of the propaganda of colonising companies. Shortland came back to New Zealand in the 1860s, 1870s and 1880s, during which periods he worked as Civil Commissioner in the Hauraki area, as Native Secretary, and as adviser to the government on Native affairs.
Shortland was part of a network of concerned Christian humanitarians who were intent on bringing government and law and order to New Zealand in a manner that facilitated peaceful European settlement, without serious injury to the Maori population. Humanitarians were not opposed to colonisation or settlement and in this respect may be seen as part of the imperial enterprise. In the framework of political and philosophical thought in the nineteenth century, humanitarians expected no more than to mitigate the effects of colonisation. This study explores these issues in the context of Shortland�s interaction with and ethnography about Maori over a period of forty years.
I begin by placing the concept of aboriginal protection in context. The core of this thesis is an examination of Shortland�s work as Protector of Aborigines. He had three tasks: to mediate in disputes between Europeans and Maori; to accustom Maori to English law; and to protect Maori land rights against claims from settlers. The first of these tasks proved the most straightforward. Shortland�s attempts to fulfil the second task highlighted the complex relationship between religion and law and the role of Christianity. The land question proved the most complicated, as a result of the tension between government attempts to protect Maori land rights, the pressure from settlers for land, and European lack of understanding of Maori customs. Maori desire to sell land to attract settlers further complicated relationships. Shortland�s contribution to our understanding of these issues and of Maori traditions of land tenure is considerable. While the course of colonisation may have been inevitable, I suggest that Shortland and likeminded contemporaries laid the foundation for later recognition of Maori rights, as exemplified today by the work of the Waitangi Tribunal.
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Forbes, Huia. "A Maori experience of natural resource management in New Zealand : politics, culture and the legal framework." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2014. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/53365/.
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The role of indigenous people in environmental management is subject to the legal framework imposed by a dominant ‘Western’ culture (McGregor, 2009, Kahn, 2013). Provision for indigenous participation in environmental decision making often allows for only a single voice, assuming homogeneity within a framework that seeks biophysical sustainability (Coombes, 2005). Indigenous people are disenfranchised from making a meaningful contribution from their perspective (Jackson, 2006). This has been the case for Maori in New Zealand who have been alienated from their lands and are reliant on statutory participatory processes to engage with environmental management. The methods of participation, their operation and failures are well documented. Yet there has been little analysis of the ways in which indigenous participation occurs that explores the political context critically (Coombes et al, 2012). In particular there is little in-depth research that examines the ways in which indigenous people might try and find a place within the legal framework and the impact this has within their own tribe, with other Maori and on their culture and identity. This ethnographic, participant observation aims to find out whether the New Zealand environmental management framework has space for distinctive Maori participation. The tribe have to create identities that fit into the non-Maori legislative structure. The iwi identity is highly contested with other Maori tribal groups. There are often negative personal consequences of engaging in environmental management leading to considerable institutional fragility. As a result strategic relationships develop between Maori themselves and with non-Maori. The implementation of the resource management framework assumes Maori issues are ‘cultural’, fixed and historic. When tribes engage in the processes they find their potential limited by this implementation. This classification is reinforced both through participation in the system and broader environmental management practices.
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Millard, A. D. "Are the people listening to Government's good advice : source credibility in Government attributed social marketing messages : a thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Commerce and Administration /." ResearchArchive @Victoria e-thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10063/1288.
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Cook, Helena Mary. "Performing identity : descriptive and symbolic representation in New Zealand and the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14927.
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Previous studies of identity and representation fail to fully recognise the complexity of identity and its inherent relevance to representation. In addition, they insufficiently acknowledge the institutional factors which mediate the performance of identity in representation. This thesis moves beyond this existing research by more critically analysing the relationship between identity and political representation through the lens of performative claim-making. Given that both representation and identity are concepts which have come to be understood as complex and multiply constructed, their interrelationship deserves a more critical and nuanced analysis. I argue that identity inherently shapes representative roles. Representation as a concept can be modelled as a series of claims to and understandings of representation. By applying Goffman’s interpretation of identity as performance, claims to representation are therefore a series of performative moves which evoke identity strategically and vary according to context and audience. Through the examples of the two case studies of New Zealand and the United Kingdom, the thesis explores the ways that MPs perform their identities in three distinct contexts: web biographies, maiden speeches and interviews. These allow for comparisons of contexts or ‘stages’ for performance of identity by MPs and shows how claim-making plays out in reality for MPs. I argue that performance of identity by MPs will vary depending on the method of selection of the MP, parliamentary norms and culture, and the audience. The potential for variation of performance due to contextual shifts requires an explicit consideration of the institutional factors which impact a representative’s performative role. Political space - its rules and regulations and its culture and norms – needs to be incorporated in more depth into studies of representation, claim-making and performance because these factors impact the extent to which MPs will engage with and perform identity within their representative roles. By investigating the ways in which MPs perform identity in different contexts and with different audiences, we can better understand the relationship between the two concepts of identity and political representation.
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Cardow, Andrew Graeme, and n/a. "Construction of entrepreneurship in publicly-owned utilities in New Zealand : local and translocal discourses, 1999-2001." University of Otago. Department of Political Science, 2005. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070202.160933.
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This research project examines how managers in local-government-owned business organisations justify their adoption of an entrepreneurial orientation and their interpretation of their role in entrepreneurial terms. To explore these justifications, interviews were conducted with the senior management of four local-government- owned business operations and one local council. They were: Metrowater, The Edge, Taieri Gorge Railway, Chatham Islands Council and Chatham Islands Enterprise Trust. These interviews were then analysed, utilising a critical discourse method. In addition, interviews were also conducted with senior managers in the Rotorua District Council and Taupo District Council who provided a sharp contrast to the former organisations and suggested a means by which the neo-liberal approach within the sector might be countered.
Through speaking with the various local govermnent business managers contacted for this project, I concluded that managers of local-government-owned business operations have a strong institutional identification with the private sector. This identity is so strong that many of the managers interviewed have rejected the very notion that they are public employees of any sort. The managers have adopted an entrepreneurial approach because they see this as essential to gain professional legitimacy with their peers in the private sector. This has caused them to place distance between themselves and the owners of the business that they manage (that is, the councils), and the local citizens they ostensibly serve, to the extent that they have described their job as providing goods and services to customers rather than providing services for citizens. I will show that the adoption of such an attitude is inappropriate when placed within the context of local-government-owned and operated business concerns.
From the point of view of European settlement, New Zealand is a very young country, especially in the administrative sector. To provide a background to this project and to suggest the main lines of development of local government in New Zealand, I have included a prologue that outlines the history of local government in New Zealand.
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Williams, Paul Harvey. "New Zealand's identity complex : a critique of cultural practices at the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa /." Connect to thesis, 2003. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/1542.
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This dissertation critically analyses New Zealand’s National Museum Te Papa Tongarewa. Since it opened in 1998, Te Papa, arguably the world’s foremost exponent of the ‘new museology’, has been popularly and critically supported for its innovations in the areas of popular accessibility, bicultural history, and Maori-government management arrangements. As the first in-depth study of Te Papa, I examine and problematise these claims to exceptionality. In producing an analysis that locates the museum within cultural, political, economic and museological contexts, I examine how the museum’s particular institutional program develop, and point to limitations in its policy and practice.
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King, Michael R. "Distributional politics and central bank independence : monetary reform in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2275/.
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Why do politicians change the legislation governing the central bank to give this institution operational independence in the setting of monetary policy. This thesis examines the political debates over central bank independence in New Zealand, Canada, Australia and New Zealand during the 1980s and 1990s. These cases were selected due to the variation in their levels of central bank independence, while holding key institutional variables constant. Four hypotheses are suggested by the political economy literature to explain the timing of this legislative change: the need to signal creditworthiness to international financial markets, in response to lobbying by domestic interest groups opposed to inflation, in response to proposals from an epistemic community of monetary experts or based on the self-interest of politicians concerned with re-election. The case studies find that politicians delegate to the central bank when this reform has the consensus support of an epistemic community of monetary experts, and a key politician is willing to champion the legislation through parliament. This epistemic community has increased influence during periods of economic uncertainty, such as following a financial crisis. A key politician is motivated to support this reform due to ideological or electoral reasons. This reform was facilitated by political institutions characterised by few checks and balances that concentrated power in the hands of the executive and offered few obstacles to changing the central bank's statute. Central bank independence was rejected in the cases where the epistemic community did not hold a consensus on the need for reform, and politicians saw only electoral risks from changing the central bank's statute. This study finds that politicians retain room to manoeuvre despite the rise of financial globalisation.
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Miles, Mary Alice, and n/a. "A critical analysis of the relationships between nursing, medicine and the government in New Zealand 1984-2001." University of Otago. Faculty of Education, 2006. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20061024.145605.
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This thesis concerns an investigation of the tripartite arrangements between the government, the nursing and the medical sectors in New Zealand over the period 1984 to 2001 with a particular focus on primary health care. The start point is the commencement of the health reforms instituted by the Fourth New Zealand Labour Government of 1984. The thesis falls within a framework of critical inquiry, specifically, the methodology of depth hermeneutics (Thompson, 1990), a development of critical theory.
The effects of political and economic policies and the methodologies of neo-liberal market reform are examined together with the concept of collaboration as an ideological symbolic form, typical of enterprise culture.
The limitations of economic models such as public choice theory, agency theory and managerialism are examined from the point of view of government strategies and their effects on the relationships between the nursing and medical professions.
The influence of American health care policies and their partial introduction into primary health care in New Zealand is traversed in some detail, together with the experiences of health reform in several other countries.
Post election 1999, the thesis considers the effect of change of political direction consequent upon the election of a Labour Coalition government and concludes that the removal of the neo-liberal ethic by Labour may terminate entrepreneurial opportunities in the nursing profession. The thesis considers the effects of a change to Third Way political direction on national health care policy and on the medical and nursing professions. The data is derived from various texts and transcripts of interviews with 12 health professionals and health commentators.
The histories and current relationships between the nursing and medical professions are examined in relation to their claims to be scientific discourses and it is argued that the issue of lack of recognition as a scientific discourse is at the root of nursing�s perceived inferiority to medicine. This is further expanded in a discussion at the end of the thesis where the structure of the two professions is compared and critiqued. A conclusion is drawn that a potential for action exists to remedy the deficient structure of nursing. The thesis argues that this is the major issue which maintains nursing in the primary sector in a perceived position of inferiority to medicine.
The thesis also concludes that the role of government in this triangular relationship is one of manipulation to bring about necessary fundamental change in the delivery of health services at the lowest possible cost without materially strengthening the autonomy of the nursing or the medical professions.
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張逸峯 and Yat-fung Cheung. "Modernization and rural politics in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B27772718.
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