Relevant bibliographies by topics / New Zealand government and politics

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'New Zealand government and politics'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "New Zealand government and politics"

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Wieciech, Tomasz. "Republika Czeska: Wyrok Sądu Konstytucyjnego Republiki Czeskiej z dnia 12 grudnia 2017 r. w sprawie o numerze 11/17." Przegląd Sejmowy 1(168) (2022): 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.93.

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The Mixed Member Proportional electoral system introduced in New Zealand in 1993 resulted in major changes to the political system. In a multi-party environment, government formation required cooperation between different political parties. Hence, single-party majority governments have been replaced by coalition governments, and support contracts emerged as a new form of an agreement made between parties in addition to or instead of the traditional coalition agreement. This book discusses coalition politics and government formation in New Zealand after 1993. It argues that support contracts, as an innovative form of cooperation between political parties in the government formation process question traditional government-opposition and minority government-majority government divides.
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Pugh, Michael C. "The fourth government: radical politics in New Zealand." International Affairs 65, no. 1 (1988): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621069.

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Butcher, John R. "New Zealand’s Relationship Accord: A case study in the politics of cross-sector rapprochement." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7, no. 2 (August 14, 2015): 32–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v7i2.4467.

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In New Zealand the Clark Labour government (1999-2008) advocated entering into a compact with the country’s community and voluntary sector. However, owing in part to the reticence of New Zealand’s national umbrella organisations, a bilateral framework agreement between government and the sector was never formalised. It was not until May 2011 that a framework document – Kia Tūtahi Standing Together: The Relationship Accord between the Communities of Aotearoa New Zealand and the Government of New Zealand – was ratified by the National Party government led by Prime Minister, John Key, thus marking the culmination of a decade-long national discussion. This paper charts that policy journey and highlights the importance of key political events and the ways in which key policy actors exploited the windows of policy opportunity associated with those events.
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Morton, John. "The future of New Zealand conservation: Ethics and Politics." Pacific Conservation Biology 2, no. 1 (1995): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc950002.

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The natural environment raises moral questions. Its evaluation calls for a concern with ethics, visible in our public decisions and having regard ultimately to some qualities intrinsic to the system itself. This need brings no irresolvable conflict with proper economic or cultural aspirations; but there is reason and necessity to look to ecology for the normative code by which environmental decisions are to be instructed and must ultimately abide. This article examines the sufficiency of the Resource Management Act as New Zealand's base-line code of practice, and the ways it is juridically evolving. It proceeds to discuss the need and scope of public intervention, with the question, how far should governments go? It advocates that environmental regulation at the commanding heights should ? like the safeguarding of the monetary economy ? be removed from the day-to-day intervention of executive government, into the hands of a properly chosen and resourced faculty of Guardians of the Environment; and considers what should be the character and status of such a new public estate.
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Lochhead, Ian. "The Politics of Empire and the Architecture of Identity: Public Architecture in New Zealand 1900-1918." Architectural History Aotearoa 1 (December 5, 2004): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/aha.v1i0.7893.

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During the period from 1900 to 1918 new governmental buildings were constructed throughout New Zealand as part of a campaign to provide accommodation for government departments. Post offices, court houses and departmental buildings appeared in provincial towns as well as in major cities, almost all products of the government's architectural office, led by John Campbell. The exuberant Imperial Baroque style adopted for these buildings reflects a new national confidence but also follows closely the precedent of British public building of the period. Auckland's former Chief Post Office (1908-11) for example, is closely modelled on Sir Henry Tanner's Central Post Office in London (1907). The extent and consistency of the Government's building programme was intended to promote a sense of national unity although its dependence on British models seems to confirm Hurst Seager's argument that New Zealand had yet to develop a distinctive architectural style. The use of the Imperial Baroque style, culminating in Campbell's design for Parliament Buildings of 1911, reflected New Zealand's strong sense of identification with the British Empire, also expressed through the contributions of its politicians at Imperial Conferences from 1897 to 1911. Unlike their counterparts from Canada and Australia, New Zealand politicians argued for stronger imperial bonds as a way of ensuring greater influence over imperial policies. This paper will argue that in fact, New Zealand public architecture of the period 1900-18 reflects a clear sense of national identity but one that is defined in terms of Britishness and conceived within the larger framework of the security provided by imperial solidarity.
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Boyle, Brendan, and David Nicholson. "E-Government in New Zealand." Journal of Political Marketing 2, no. 3-4 (June 2003): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j199v02n03_06.

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WISTRICH, ENID. "RESTRUCTURING GOVERNMENT NEW ZEALAND STYLE." Public Administration 70, no. 1 (March 1992): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1992.tb00929.x.

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Alves, Dora. "U.S.-New Zealand Relations: The National Government of New Zealand." Asian Survey 31, no. 11 (November 1, 1991): 1061–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645307.

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Alves, Dora. "U.S.-New Zealand Relations: The National Government of New Zealand." Asian Survey 31, no. 11 (November 1991): 1061–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1991.31.11.00p0108b.

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Roper, Brian. "Book Review: Extended Review The Transition of New Zealand Government and Politics." Political Science 63, no. 2 (December 2011): 244–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032318711424274.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "New Zealand government and politics"

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Grant, Susannah, and n/a. "God's governor : George Grey and racial amalgamation in New Zealand 1845-1853." University of Otago. Department of History, 2005. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070501.133119.

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The legend of Governor Grey is a major feature of nineteenth century New Zealand historiography. This thesis seeks to understand Grey as a real person. Acknowledging the past as a strange and foreign place, it argues that Grey (and previous interpretations of him) can only be understood in context. The intellectual milieu of liberal Anglicanism and Victorian structures of imperial authority are crucial to understanding Grey's policies of racial amalgamation. Focusing on Grey's first governorship of New Zealand, 1845 - 1853, this thesis begins by exploring the imperial networks within which he operated. The members of Grey's web gathered and shared information to further a range of different agendas - scientific, humanitarian, and political. Grey's main focus was native civilisation. His ideas about race were informed by liberal Anglican theology, scientific investigation and personal experience. Grey believed in the unity and improvability of all mankind. His mission as governor was to elevate natives to a state of true equality with Europeans so that all could progress together still further up the scale of civilisation. This model formed the basis of Grey's 1840 plan for civilising native peoples, in which he proposed a range of measures to promote racial amalgamation in Australia. Between 1845 and 1853 Grey implemented those measures in New Zealand. He used military force and British law to establish peace and enforce Crown authority. He used economic policies to encourage Maori integration in the colonial economy. He built schools and hospitals and enacted legislation to encourage the best features of British culture and limit the effects of its worst. He also augmented his power and encouraged amalgamation through personal relationships, official reports and the structures of colonial authority. Grey was driven by complex, sometimes contradictory motives including personal gain, economic imperatives and political pressures. His policies have had ongoing, often devastating effects, on Maori and on race relations in New Zealand. This thesis brings to light the ideas and attitudes which formed them. Grey understood himself as a Christian governor ordained to civilise Maori and join them with British settlers in accordance with God's divine plan for improving humankind.
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Marett, Alexandra. "Participating Online: The Internet and its Role in Political Participatory Behaviour in the Context of the New Zealand General Election 2008." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Science, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4962.

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Recent developments in Internet technology have opened up new doors for political campaigning and related news information with video and social networking applications. These have created new spaces that the voting public can politically participate in. This study explores the extent to which such participation takes place, in order to contribute to the wider question of whether changes in the media can rejuvenate a growing apathetic electorate that has become increasingly isolated from the more traditional methods of political participation (Putnam 2000). There are now many unanswered questions regarding how this new technology will play a role in influencing voter preferences and behaviour compared to other forms of traditional mass media. The exponential growth of Internet technology and its use means that the majority of literature written on the subject becomes time-bound leaving large gaps of research and analysis that needs to be done. This thesis examined the opportunities made available for political campaigning by the Internet and how widening political knowledge can ultimately influence Internet consumers at the voting booth. The research undertaken was a combination of quantitative and qualitative analysis using participatory groups in a controlled environment. Participants consumed different forms of mass media and any significant changes in preferences and behaviour was noted. The overall hypothesis of this thesis is that the Internet does have an effect on potential voters by providing a wider and more in-depth look at politics that broadens political knowledge, leading to greater political participation.
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Smith, Bruce H., and n/a. "Without motion there cannot be any life : the rise & fall of the 1889 Railway Commissioners : railway management & colonial politics in nineteenth century New Zealand." University of Otago. Department of History, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070619.154352.

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In the nineteenth century, the steam railway became, for many people, the superior conduit for the inland translocation of people and freight. Once devised, steam railways offered such a huge improvement on previous modes and made such a dramatic change to the unity, organisation and commerce of most countries that almost everyone wanted one. New Zealand proved no different, but was faced with not only the twin problems of low population and often rugged geography, but also serious economic problems from difficult world trading conditions and a debt greatly increased by railway construction costs. In the later 1880s, a conservative government decided to vest the Government Railways in independent Commissioners to try to improve productivity and cut out political influence, corruption and jobbery in the huge commercial presence the colony�s railways represented. While this move was successful, a change to one-man-one-vote, together with the pivotal 1890 Maritime Strike, saw the country move left in the elections of 1890, bringing to power a Liberal Government. This new Ministry then set out to reduce the autonomy of the Railway Commissioners, taking four years to return the management of Railways to the direct control of the Government. While interesting in itself, this is part of the story of the process of the democratic development of New Zealand. This was a community struggling with the often conflicting demands of using railways to not only service the railway debt but also fulfil public transit requirements, including encouraging settlement and economic growth. The organisation�s monopolistic nature and great economic presence, however, offered multiple, including corrupt, opportunities to support the political aspirations of those in power, while offering a less than wonderful service to its customers. Taking place against a backdrop of agitation for railway reform, particularly orchestrated by railway activist Samuel Vaile, the outcome can be seen to have been less than completely desirable for the economic development of the country or its people. This was despite huge support for the principal activist against the Railway Commissioners, Liberal Premier Richard Seddon.
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Cornell, Stephen. "Processes of Native Nationhood: The Indigenous Politics of Self-Government." UNIV WESTERN ONTARIO, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621710.

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Over the last three decades, Indigenous peoples in the CANZUS countries (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States) have been reclaiming self-government as an Indigenous right and practice. In the process, they have been asserting various forms of Indigenous nationhood. This article argues that this development involves a common set of activities on the part of Indigenous peoples: (1) identifying as a nation or a people (determining who the appropriate collective "self " is in self-determination and self-government); (2) organizing as a political body (not just as a corporate holder of assets); and (3) acting on behalf of Indigenous goals (asserting and exercising practical decision-making power and responsibility, even in cases where central governments deny recognition). The article compares these activities in the four countries and argues that, while contexts and circumstances differ, the Indigenous politics of self-government show striking commonalities across the four. Among those commonalities: it is a positional as opposed to a distributional politics; while not ignoring individual welfare, it measures success in terms of collective power; and it focuses less on what central governments are willing to do in the way of recognition and rights than on what Indigenous nations or communities can do for themselves.
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Jennings, Peter. "New Zealand defence policy under Labour." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/113894.

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It is now two and a half years since the United States suspended military co­-operation with the Armed Forces of New Zealand (AFNZ) following the Labour Government's refusal to grant port-access to the USS Buchanan in January 1985. In this thesis I propose to study the consequences of the breakdown for the AFNZ with a view to establishing exactly what areas of co-operation have been affected and the significance this has for the professionalism and capability of the Services. Thus far, very few public studies have been made of the direct military costs of the ANZUS rift. Most attention has been focused on the state of political relations between the ANZUS powers. It is however, impossible to make a fully informed judgement about the merits of the Government's present defence policy of developing closer relations with Australia in the context of what it claims is a more self-reliant defence posture without some understanding of the problems that policy seeks to remedy. Accordingly, I hope to present that necessary background, and from this point will go on to discuss the extent to which the Government's defence policy addresses itself to the problems generated by the rift with the United States.
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Grant, Susannah, and n/a. "God�s governor : George Grey and racial amalgamation in New Zealand 1845-1853." University of Otago. Department of History, 2006. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070427.112933.

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The legend of Governor Grey is a major feature of nineteenth century New Zealand historiography. This thesis seeks to understand Grey as a real person. Acknowledging the past as a strange and foreign place, it argues that Grey (and previous interpretations of him) can only be understood in context. The intellectual milieu of liberal Anglicanism and Victorian structures of imperial authority are crucial to understanding Grey�s policies of racial amalgamation. Focusing on Grey�s first governorship of New Zealand, 1845 - 1853, this thesis begins by exploring the imperial networks within which he operated. The members of Grey�s web gathered and shared information to further a range of different agendas - scientific, humanitarian, and political. Grey�s main focus was native civilisation. His ideas about race were informed by liberal Anglican theology, scientific investigation and personal experience. Grey believed in the unity and improvability of all mankind. His mission as governor was to elevate natives to a state of true equality with Europeans so that all could progress together still further up the scale of civilisation. This model formed the basis of Grey�s 1840 plan for civilising native peoples, in which he proposed a range of measures to promote racial amalgamation in Australia. Between 1845 and 1853 Grey implemented those measures in New Zealand. He used military force and British law to establish peace and enforce Crown authority. He used economic policies to encourage Maori integration in the colonial economy. He built schools and hospitals and enacted legislation to encourage the best features of British culture and limit the effects of its worst. He also augmented his power and encouraged amalgamation through personal relationships, official reports and the structures of colonial authority. Grey was driven by complex, sometimes contradictory motives including personal gain, economic imperatives and political pressures. His policies have had ongoing, often devastating effects, on Maori and on race relations in New Zealand. This thesis brings to light the ideas and attitudes which formed them. Grey understood himself as a Christian governor ordained to civilise Maori and join them with British settlers in accordance with God�s divine plan for improving humankind.
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Ward, Damen Andrew. "The politics of jurisdiction : 'British' law, indigenous peoples and colonial government in South Australia and New Zealand, c.1834-60." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289016.

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Rector, Chad. "Federations in international politics /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3089474.

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Dann, Christine R. "From earth's last islands: The global origins of Green politics." Lincoln University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1905.

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Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrate the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provide an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics.
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Zahra, Anne. "Regional Tourism Organisations in New Zealand from 1980 to 2005: Process of Transition and Change." The University of Waikato, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2554.

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This thesis is a historical case study tracing the establishment and evolution of Regional Tourism Organisations (RTOs) in New Zealand. It describes their role, structure and functions and the political processes that have influenced how they have operated and changed from 1980 to 2005. RTOs are examined in the context of government policies, local and national politics and tourism private and public sector relationships. RTOs were central to many of the key recommendations of the New Zealand Tourism Strategy 2010 (NZTS 2010) released in 2001. The NZTS 2010 attempted to address a range of tourism policy gaps created by a policy vacuum in the 1990s whereby the public and private tourism sectors focused mainly on international marketing. This strategy shaped government policy during this decade. The research findings show that although public and private sector institutional arrangements impacting on RTOs have changed, there remains, as in the past, no uniformity in their role, structure, functions and their future financial and political viability remains insecure. The NZTS 2010 raised destination management and its alignment with destination marketing as a major policy issue that needed to be addressed in the decade leading up to 2010 with RTOs having a pivotal role. A generic regional destination management model is presented. Structures and processes incorporated into this model include: a national destination management tourism policy; support for tourism by local government at the national level; a well defined destination management team; community collaboration; and tourism being integrated into the wider planning processes of local government. The model identified requisite building blocks to support regional destination management such as: the provision of staff and financial resources for regional tourism; the building of a high tourism profile in the community; the availability of statistics and research data at the regional level; local government planners acknowledging the impacts of tourism; and the existence of a legal mandate for tourism at the regional and/or local government level. When applying this model to the New Zealand context, it was found that a number of the structures and processes required for effective regional destination management were lacking, such as regional statistics and research data, staffing and financial resources for both RTOs and local government, the ability of council planners to understand and integrate tourism into the wider planning processes and a legislative mandate for tourism. The thesis concluded that a vacuum remains in the alignment of destination marketing and management. The historical and political processes of RTO change were also examined in the context of chaos and complexity theory. Chaos and complexity theory provided a complementary and different means to view change. This thesis also presented the opportunity to reflect upon the research process which led to the adoption of a multi-paradigmatic and bricoleur research methodology. Further reflexivity and reflection towards the end of the research process articulated ontological and epistemological philosophical investigations that underlay the multi-paradigmatic approach. A model is presented emphasising that a multi-paradigmatic research approach rests on ultimate reality (metaphysics) which informs the ontology. The model then highlights that ontology precedes and directs epistemology and that both inform the multi-paradigmatic research framework.
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Books on the topic "New Zealand government and politics"

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Local government & politics in New Zealand. 2nd ed. Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1995.

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Peter, Aimer, ed. Politics in New Zealand. 3rd ed. Auckland, N.Z: Auckland University Press, 2004.

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Politics in New Zealand. Auckland, N.Z: Auckland University Press, 1994.

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Politics in New Zealand. 2nd ed. Auckland, N.Z: Auckland University Press, 1997.

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Governing New Zealand. Auckland, New Zealand: Longman Paul, 1988.

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Party politics in New Zealand. South Melbourne, Vic: Oxford University Press, 2005.

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Fund, International Monetary. Government reform in New Zealand. Washington D.C: International Monetary Fund, 1996.

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Mulgan, R. G. Democracy and power in New Zealand: A study of New Zealand politics. 2nd ed. Auckland: Oxford University Press, 1989.

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Mulgan, R. G. Democracy and power in New Zealand: A study of New Zealand politics. 2nd ed. Auckland: Oxford University Press, 1989.

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J, Ahdar Rex, and Stenhouse John, eds. God and government: The New Zealand experience. Dunedin, N.Z: University of Otago Press, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "New Zealand government and politics"

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Sawyer, Adrian. "Incentivizing Research and Development Through Entrepreneurship in New Zealand: Politics to the Fore." In Government Incentives for Innovation and Entrepreneurship, 223–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10119-9_10.

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Ward, Damen. "Imperial Policy, Colonial Government, and Indigenous Testimony in South Australia and New Zealand in the 1840s." In Law and Politics in British Colonial Thought, 229–47. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230114388_13.

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Rajan, Rashmi Pachauri. "‘Go Hard, Go Early’: New Zealand’s COVID-19 Elimination Strategy." In Health Dimensions of COVID-19 in India and Beyond, 319–33. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7385-6_18.

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AbstractThe author describes how New Zealand successfully eliminated the virus. ‘Go ahead, Go early’ was New Zealand’s moto. Strict border controls and high compliance with lockdown measures proved to be effective in controlling the pandemic.New Zealand’s official campaign ‘Unite Against COVID-19’, was later changed to ‘Unite for Recovery’ as the focus shifted from elimination to recovery. It has now changed back to ‘Unite for Recovery’ and this will remain until the international threat of COVID-19 is eliminated.The strategy was guided by science and data. The government relied on public health advice and evolving evidence. And, of course, leadership played a crucial role. The Prime Minister was resolute, confident, and pragmatic. The messages she re-iterated at the daily press conferences became catch phrases. Discipline came to the fore. People did not complain. They did not protest. They simply followed the rules, placing utmost trust in their government and its clear communications. Trust in political leaders and health experts was the key reason for the success of the program. And kindness was the Mantra!Amid the gloom and doom that our world is currently battling, God was spotted in New Zealand. Someone asked God ‘What are you doing?’ ‘Working from home, Bro’.
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Lees-Marshment, Jennifer, Edward Elder, Julia Büdler, Daniel Barraclough, Alexa Frost, Laura Hemingway, Zach Lee, Shai Navot, and ‘Olita Tu’ifua. "Labour’s Delivery in Government: Limited Transformation Masked by Crisis Management and Polite Populism." In Political Marketing and Management in the 2020 New Zealand General Election, 79–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77333-5_6.

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Gregory, Robert. "New Zealand." In Government Agencies, 51–56. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230359512_5.

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Hartley, Cathy. "New Zealand." In The International Directory of Government 2021, 459–66. 18th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179931-126.

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Woldendorp, Jaap, Hans Keman, and Ian Budge. "New Zealand." In Party Government in 48 Democracies (1945–1998), 402–19. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2547-7_36.

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Aitken, Judith. "Open Government in New Zealand." In Open Government, 117–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14729-8_7.

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Buchanan, Paul G., and Kate Nicholls. "New Zealand and Uruguay." In Labour Politics in Small Open Democracies, 89–154. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403937407_3.

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Scully, Gerald W. "Taxation and Employment in New Zealand." In Taxation and the Limits of Government, 129–43. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-4433-3_7.

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Conference papers on the topic "New Zealand government and politics"

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Amirjani, Rahmatollah. "Labour Housing and the Normalisation of Modernity in 1970s Iran." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4020p1tmw.

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In the 1970s, rapid modernisation fuelled population displacement and increased the number of workers in the large cities of Iran, in particular Tehran. In response, the Imperial Government initiated several housing programs focusing on the provision of megastructures on a large scale. Consequently, a new opposition formed among some sectors of society, regarding the dissemination of gigantic buildings in the International or Brutalist styles. Critics and clerics argued that the radical government interventions not only polarised the image of Islamic identity in cities, but also affected the behaviour of people towards, and their opinions concerning, the Islamic lifestyle. Additionally, some claimed the state aimed to normalise its project of modernity and rapid westernisation for the mid- and lower classes using housing. In this regard, this article investigates the 1970s imperial government social housing programs to verify these claims. Using an extensive literature review, documentary research, observation, and descriptive data analysis, this article argues that, despite the government politics and modernisation tendencies in the 1970s, consumerism, political competition, the state of Cold War, and the emergence of new construction techniques, all resulted in the emergence of mass-produced megastructures offering a new luxurious lifestyle to residents. While the life and hygiene of the different classes were improved, these instant products inevitably facilitated the normalisation of Western lifestyle among the mid- and low-income groups of the society. Eventually, this visible social transition was utilised by opposition leaders as another excuse to topple the Pahlavi regime under the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
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Purwaningrum, Diah Asih. "The Nusantaran Architecture Design Competition: A ‘Forced’ Traditionalisation of Indonesia’s Architectural Identity Translation?" In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4011patat.

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The Indonesian government has recently adopted the term ‘Nusantaran Architecture’ as an alternative representation of Indonesia’s architectural identity. This term is employed to capture the locality of the country, whose narration is developed around the idea of bringing back the indigenous culture as part of preserving the ‘authentic’ identity of the country. The term is incorporated in the national tourism plan, and is literally adopted in the Nusantaran Architecture Design Competition, a platform from which the government obtains design translations of the perceived identity. However, this design competition leads to ‘traditionalising’ architecture, depicted in how the winning designs incorporate the traditional design elements to ‘localise’ the buildings. This design competition is problematic not only for its top-down Javacentric method employed, but also for its direction in appropriating traditionalism in contemporary built form based on the architects’ and the juries’ arbitrary approaches. Since economic motive through ‘romantic tourist gaze’ dominates the translation of identity, it portrays not only the hegemony of capitalism in the way the country imagines its own identity, but also the presence of an Orientalist view as a legacy of colonialism. This paper investigates the problematic implementation of the Nusantaran Architecture Design Competition as an attempt to concretise the authorised version of the perceived identity. It also scrutinises the strong political influence that governs the whole identity construction process in adopting what is regarded as ‘given’ traditional architecture.
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Miller-Yeaman, Renee. "Producing the House: The Commonwealth Experimental Building Station and Housing Research." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a3995ptgqb.

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Established during the Second World War, the Commonwealth Experimental Building Station (CEBS) researched new building technologies with an emphasis on housing construction. The CEBS experimented with materials and design prototypes in collaboration with both industry and the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), which later became the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO). Based in North Ryde, Sydney, the CEBS was associated with the Department of Post-War Reconstruction during the Second World War and then moved to the Department of Works and Housing. The paper introduces the CEBS’s initial aims through its housing research and design experimentation with built prototypes in Sydney during the 1940s. This research into house design, positioned at the edge of innovation, is situated in the wider housing context of the period. Federally funded building research was predicated by the Commonwealth of Australia’s housing shortage during and extending beyond the Second World War. Due to a lack of traditional materials such as bricks and timber from the war effort, the agency trialled developing low-cost, prefabricated concrete and steel houses. These housing experiments are considered in connection to cultural framings of home and its physicality in circulation at the time. After the Second World War, the detached suburban house gained momentum in the political and cultural vernacular as the ideal house for ownership. By examining the CEBS’s activities in connection to this background, the paper asks how the nation-state developed mass-production systems to enable government-sponsored agencies to produce more housing for more people but also how understandings of house and home surround and influence innovation in design.
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Huanhuan, He. "E-Government in New Zealand and Its Enlightenment to China." In 2009 International Conference on Web Information Systems and Mining (WISM). IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/wism.2009.125.

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Ghimire, Dipendra, Stuart Charters, and Shirley Gibbs. "Scaling Agile Software Development Approach in Government Organization in New Zealand." In ICSIM '20: The 3rd International Conference on Software Engineering and Information Management. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3378936.3378945.

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Maaka, Margaret. "The Stories of Children Who Navigated the Politics of the New Zealand Māori School System." In 2019 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1434172.

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Chukwuere, Joshua Ebere, and Chijioke Francis Onyebukwa. "NEW MEDIA AND POLITICS: AN ASSESSMENT OF 2016 SOUTH AFRICAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS." In 31st International Academic Conference, London. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2017.031.018.

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"Participation 2.0: A Case Study of e-Participation within the New Zealand Government." In 2009 42nd Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/hicss.2009.341.

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Cullen, Rowena, and Patrick Reilly. "Information Privacy and Trust in Government: a citizen-based perspective from New Zealand." In 2007 40th Annual Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences (HICSS'07). IEEE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/hicss.2007.271.

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"New Zealand local government initiatives and incentives for sustainable design in commercial buildings." In 19th Annual European Real Estate Society Conference: ERES Conference 2012. ERES, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.15396/eres2012_057.

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Reports on the topic "New Zealand government and politics"

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Hendrikx, F., and C. Wallis. A Uniform Resource Name (URN) Formal Namespace for the New Zealand Government. RFC Editor, February 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.17487/rfc4350.

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Hall, David. Adaptation Finance: Risks and Opportunities for Aotearoa New Zealand. Mōhio Research and Auckland University of Technology (AUT), November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/10292/15670.

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Methodology: This report was developed through the co-design process of Mōhio’s Climate Innovation Lab, a fixed-term initiative which works with stakeholders to envision financial instruments to mobilise capital for climate-aligned projects and activities. A working paper was prepared through international market scanning and a review of primary and secondary literature on climate adaptation. This working paper became the basis for a workshop with local experts and stakeholders to test the viability of potential instruments in light of Aotearoa New Zealand’s unique cultural, biophysical and regulatory context. The workshop included participants from finance services, insurance, institutional investment, academia and local and central government observers. These insights were reincorporated into this final concept paper. Mōhio would like to thank the workshop participants for their time and expertise.
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Gattenhof, Sandra, Donna Hancox, Sasha Mackay, Kathryn Kelly, Te Oti Rakena, and Gabriela Baron. Valuing the Arts in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand. Queensland University of Technology, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/rep.eprints.227800.

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The arts do not exist in vacuum and cannot be valued in abstract ways; their value is how they make people feel, what they can empower people to do and how they interact with place to create legacy. This research presents insights across Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand about the value of arts and culture that may be factored into whole of government decision making to enable creative, vibrant, liveable and inclusive communities and nations. The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed a great deal about our societies, our collective wellbeing, and how urgent the choices we make now are for our futures. There has been a great deal of discussion – formally and informally – about the value of the arts in our lives at this time. Rightly, it has been pointed out that during this profound disruption entertainment has been a lifeline for many, and this argument serves to re-enforce what the public (and governments) already know about audience behaviours and the economic value of the arts and entertainment sectors. Wesley Enoch stated in The Saturday Paper, “[m]etrics for success are already skewing from qualitative to quantitative. In coming years, this will continue unabated, with impact measured by numbers of eyeballs engaged in transitory exposure or mass distraction rather than deep connection, community development and risk” (2020, 7). This disconnect between the impact of arts and culture on individuals and communities, and what is measured, will continue without leadership from the sector that involves more diverse voices and perspectives. In undertaking this research for Australia Council for the Arts and Manatū Taonga Ministry for Culture & Heritage, New Zealand, the agreed aims of this research are expressed as: 1. Significantly advance the understanding and approaches to design, development and implementation of assessment frameworks to gauge the value and impact of arts engagement with a focus on redefining evaluative practices to determine wellbeing, public value and social inclusion resulting from arts engagement in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand. 2. Develop comprehensive, contemporary, rigorous new language frameworks to account for a multiplicity of understandings related to the value and impact of arts and culture across diverse communities. 3. Conduct sector analysis around understandings of markers of impact and value of arts engagement to identify success factors for broad government, policy, professional practitioner and community engagement. This research develops innovative conceptual understandings that can be used to assess the value and impact of arts and cultural engagement. The discussion shows how interaction with arts and culture creates, supports and extends factors such as public value, wellbeing, and social inclusion. The intersection of previously published research, and interviews with key informants including artists, peak arts organisations, gallery or museum staff, community cultural development organisations, funders and researchers, illuminates the differing perceptions about public value. The report proffers opportunities to develop a new discourse about what the arts contribute, how the contribution can be described, and what opportunities exist to assist the arts sector to communicate outcomes of arts engagement in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand.
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Alach, Zhivan. Grounding Practice in Theory: The Development of a Literature-based Performance Framework in New Zealand Local Government. Unitec ePress, May 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.34074/ocds.058.

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Performance measurement is a subject of some importance within the public sector. This study examines the design and development of a performance measurement framework within a local government department. It used a narrative case study approach to follow the process used by the design team involved. The design team began by examining the performance literature at a number of levels, and from this distilled eight design principles, from which they built a performance measurement framework. The design team encountered a number of challenges during this process; challenges they expected based on the literature. From the experiences of the design team, a number of hypotheses suitable for further testing have been derived. This study provides useful advice for performance measurement professionals within the public sector in developing frameworks grounded in theory, whether at the central or local government level.
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Elliot, Sue, and David Haigh. Nothing Stands By Itself: Advocacy in the New Zealand Not-For-Profit Sector. Unitec ePress, October 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.34074/rsrp.22012.

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This research focuses on the nature of Government/Not for Profit (NFP) sector relationships with particular reference to advocacy in New Zealand. It follows up on a study of advocacy in NSW and Queensland carried by Onyx et al. (2009). There has been concern that NFP organisations in NZ have had their advocacy functions curtailed by the requirements of government contracting and by decisions from the Charities Commission. This study looks at the kinds of advocacy activities that NFP sector organisations are involved in, the language they use to describe their advocacy and the reasons given for the strategies NFPs adopt. The study shows that advocacy has not slowed down, the methods are evolving and NFPs are finding new ways to get their message across in a rapidly changing context.
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Elliot, Sue, and David Haigh. Nothing Stands By Itself: Advocacy in the New Zealand Not-For-Profit Sector. Unitec ePress, October 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.34074/rsrp.22012.

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This research focuses on the nature of Government/Not for Profit (NFP) sector relationships with particular reference to advocacy in New Zealand. It follows up on a study of advocacy in NSW and Queensland carried by Onyx et al. (2009). There has been concern that NFP organisations in NZ have had their advocacy functions curtailed by the requirements of government contracting and by decisions from the Charities Commission. This study looks at the kinds of advocacy activities that NFP sector organisations are involved in, the language they use to describe their advocacy and the reasons given for the strategies NFPs adopt. The study shows that advocacy has not slowed down, the methods are evolving and NFPs are finding new ways to get their message across in a rapidly changing context.
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Ferguson, Thomas, Paul Jorgensen, and Jie Chen. The Knife Edge Election of 2020: American Politics Between Washington, Kabul, and Weimar. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp169.

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This paper analyzes the 2020 election, focusing on voters, not political money, and emphasizing the importance of economic geography. Drawing extensively on county election returns, it analyzes how spatial factors combined with industrial structures to shape the outcome. It treats COVID 19’s role at length. The paper reviews studies suggesting that COVID 19 did not matter much, but then sets out a new approach indicating it mattered a great deal. The study analyzes the impact on the vote not only of unemployment but differences in income and industry structures, along with demographic factors, including religion, ethnicity, and race. It also studies how the waves of wildcat strikes and social protests that punctuated 2020 affected the vote in specific areas. Trump’s very controversial trade policies and his little discussed farm policies receive detailed attention. The paper concludes with a look at how political money helped make the results of the Congressional election different from the Presidential race. It also highlights the continuing importance of private equity and energy sectors opposed to government action to reverse climate change as conservative forces in (especially) the Republican Party, together with agricultural interests.
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Tyson, Paul. Australia: Pioneering the New Post-Political Normal in the Bio-Security State. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp10en.

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This paper argues that liberal democratic politics in Australia is in a life-threatening crisis. Australia is on the verge of slipping into a techno-feudal (post-capitalist) and post-political (new Centrist) state of perpetual emergency. Citizens in Australia, be they of the Left or Right, must make an urgent attempt to wrest power from an increasingly non-political Centrism. Within this Centrism, government is deeply captured by the international corporate interests of Big Tech, Big Natural Resources, Big Media, and Big Pharma, as beholden to the economic necessities of the neoliberal world order (Big Finance). Australia now illustrates what the post-political ‘new normal’ of a high-tech enabled bio-security state actually looks like. It may even be that the liberal democratic state is now little more than a legal fiction in Australia. This did not happen over-night, but Australia has been sliding in this direction for the past three decades. The paper outlines that slide and shows how the final bump down (covid) has now positioned Australia as a world leader among post-political bio-security states.
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Kearns, Nick, and William Beale. Show me the Money: Perspectives on Applying for Government Research and Development Co-funding. Unitec ePress, October 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.34074/ocds.022.

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In 2012-14 Unitec Institute of Technology (in partnership with The Innovation Workshop) carried out research into the application process for New Zealand Government Research & Development [R&D] co-funding administered by the Ministry of Science & Innovation (now Callaghan Innovation Ltd). This research revealed widespread applicant frustration with the application criteria and process. A significant problem perceived by High Value Manufacturing and Service Small Medium Enterprises (HVMS SME) businesses is the focus of R&D funding on product innovation followed by a lack of funding to support later stage commercialisation of products. This later stage of product and market development is excluded from Callaghan Innovation co-funding, leading to ‘prototypes-on-a-shelf’. Applicants also found the process time consuming, due to the complexity of the application questions and the delays in response from the funding network of regional funding partners and the Government Ministry. HVMS SME often used consultants to help manage the application, which is frowned upon by both the regional funding partners and Callaghan Innovation, despite the high levels of co-funding success from these applicants. This work has been carried out during the establishment period of Callaghan Innovation Ltd and some of the above issues may be historic and/or transitional as the institutional arrangements change. This research records the HVMS SME experience in applying for R&D co-funding. Consideration of the user experience, captured in this research, may reveal opportunities to improve the process with better outcomes for the applicants and the economy.
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Alansari, Mohamed, Melinda Webber, Sinead Overbye, Renee Tuifagalele, and Kiri Edge. Conceptualising Māori and Pasifika Aspirations and Striving for Success. NZCER, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18296/rep.0019.

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The COMPASS project is part of NZCER’s Te Pae Tawhiti Government Grant programme of research. It is also aligned to the broad goals and aspirations of NZCER, in that its overarching purpose is to give effect to Te Tiriti o Waitangi and the notion of Whakatere Tōmua—Wayfinding. The COMPASS project has examined the ways kaiako, ākonga, and whānau navigate educational experiences and contexts. Using quantitative and qualitative data, the report focuses on examining the social-psychological conditions for school success from the perspectives of Māori and Pasifika students (n = 5,843), Pasifika whānau members (n = 362), and Māori kaiako (n = 311) from 102 schools across Aotearoa New Zealand.
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