Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / New Zealand elections / Journal articles

Journal articles on the topic 'New Zealand elections'

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: New Zealand elections.

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'New Zealand elections.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Gauld, Robin. "Democratising health care governance? New Zealand's inaugural district health board elections, 2001." Australian Health Review 25, no. 4 (2002): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah020142.

Full text

Abstract:

New Zealand's 'district health board' (DHB) system has been under implementation since the 1999 general election. A key factor motivating the change to DHBs is the democratisation of health care governance. A majority of the new DHB members are popularly elected. Previously, hospital board members were government appointees. Inaugural DHB elections were held in October 2001. This article reports on the election results and the wider operating context for DHBs. It notes organisational issues to be considered for the next DHB elections in 2004, and questions the extent to which the elections and DHB governance structure will enhance health care democratisation in New Zealand.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

CONEY, S. "Health and New Zealand elections." Lancet 342, no. 8879 (October 1993): 1103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0140-6736(93)92073-3.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Bullock, David. "Electoral Expression With Institutional Bounds: Framing Judicial Treatment of Elections in New Zealand." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 42, no. 3 (October 3, 2011): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v42i3.5122.

Full text

Abstract:

This article explores the way in which the courts have treated cases involving electoral broadcasting in New Zealand. Cases involving electoral broadcasting have been decided on a range of approaches. This article uses an "institutional" conception of elections to determine whether certain bounds can be drawn to define a category of election expression, comprising certain rules and norms, which the courts can use when dealing with expression around elections. New Zealand's case law to date is broadly consistent with an institutional model of electoral expression within which a higher level of judicial scrutiny of broadcasters is exhibited. This paper proposes that an express recognition of this institutional conception would provide some clarity and unity to decisions involving the sensitive issue of electoral broadcasting.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Tan, Alexander C., Dawn Miller-McTaggart, and Stephanie Borthwick. "New Zealand parliamentary elections of 2011." Electoral Studies 34 (June 2014): 291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.08.009.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Gauld, Robin. "Delivering democracy? An analysis of New Zealand's District Health Board elections, 2001 and 2004." Australian Health Review 29, no. 3 (2005): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050345.

Full text

Abstract:

The district health board (DHB) system is New Zealand?s present structure for the governance and delivery of publicly-funded health care. An aim of the DHB system is to democratise health care governance, and a key element of DHBs is elected membership of their governing boards. This article focuses on the electoral component of DHBs. It reports on the first DHB elections of 2001 and recent 2004 elections. The article presents and discusses data regarding candidates, the electoral process, voter behaviour and election results. It suggests that the extent to which the DHB elections are contributing to aims of democratisation is questionable.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Paull, John. "Pandemic Elections and the Covid-Safe Effect: Incumbents Re-elected in Six Covid-19 Safe Havens." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 12, no. 1(S) (June 22, 2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v12i1(s).3159.

Full text

Abstract:

The Antipodes have been amongst the safest places on the planet during the Covid-19 pandemic. The governments of Australia and New Zealand (national, state, and territory governments) have acted promptly, decisively, and cohesively in closing borders, quarantining incoming returnees, instigating rigorous contact tracing and extensive testing, social distancing, hand washing, masks, and occasional lockdowns. Antipodean governments and populations have long experience of awareness and compliance with biosecurity issues. Isolation and distance have long served to keep Australia and New Zealand free of many pests and diseases. Each Antipodean election held during the Covid-19 pandemic has returned the incumbent. During the first 14 months of the pandemic, six out of six incumbent governments facing elections during the Covid pandemic have been returned. Five returned incumbents were center-left while the sixth was center-right. Four of the elections have rewarded the incumbent government with an increased majority, the Northern Territory election returned a reduced majority, and the Tasmanian election returned the status quo with the narrowest of majorities maintained. The New Zealand election returned the Labor government to power in their own right and released them from the coalition. The Western Australian election saw Labor returned with a landslide result with an unprecedented, win of 53 out of 59 seats (90% of seats). The object of the present paper is to report the outcomes of the six antipodean elections conducted during the Covid-19 pandemic (to date) and to reflect on the Covid-safe effect on them if any.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Zvulun, Jacky Yaakov. "The New Zealand Print Media and the 2004-2007 Local Elections: A Case Study." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 897–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.897-914(2015).

Full text

Abstract:

Voters gain their information from news media, and in particular from print media, about politicians. More importantly, voters develop their understanding of political processes based on what they read. In this paper, I examine the print media coverage of the campaign introducing new electoral system Single Transferable Vote (STV) in the New Zealand Local Body Elections 2004 and 2007 compared with the campaign introducing Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) electoral system in the 1996 national election. I focus particularly on the coverage of the alternative electoral system, STV, by two newspapers – the Dominion Post and the Otago Daily Times from the perspective of type, nature, and number of the articles published and the attitudes toward encouraging participation and introducing new electoral system [STV]. The study shows that both newspapers offered a significantly poorer coverage of the 2004 and 2007 local elections compared to the campaign in 1996 national election. This also might lead to the prediction of one of the reason decreasing or increasing voter turnout.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Zvulun, Jacky Yaakov. "Postal Voting and Voter Turnout in Local Elections: Lessons from New Zealand and Australia." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 8, no. 2 (April 26, 2010): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/8.2.115-131(2010).

Full text

Abstract:

The relationship between postal voting and voter turnout in local elections needs to be investigated in the context of whether postal voting helps increase voter turnout in twenty-first century local elections. This assists to uplift the discourse about New Zealand and Australia local elections and its voter turnout. This article explores the method of postal voting history by looking at these two countries and analysing the method of political participation at the local level. It argues that postal voting no longer increases or decreases voter turnout in these countries. KEYWORDS: • postal voting • voter turnout • local elections • participation • New Zealand

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Zvulun, Jacky Yaakov. "Electoral System Changes and Voter Turnout: Reflections on New Zealand Local Elections." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 12, no. 1 (October 2, 2013): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/12.1.145-162(2014).

Full text

Abstract:

Voter turnout in local and general elections is a key element in measuring citizen participation. From 2004, New Zealand local elections were unique in that local councils had the choice of two different electoral systems: plurality majority and proportional representation. We have here the opportunity to study more about New Zealand local elections and changes in electoral systems. This article analyses the impact of the "Single Transferable Vote” electoral system in those councils that adopted it, comparing it to those councils which used "First Past the Post". This article explains how the STV electoral system has not increased voter turnout and was not the cause of low voter turnout in the 2004-2007 local elections. It might, however, offer voters a better way to choose their preferences.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Nagel, Jack H. "Voter Turnout in New Zealand General Elections, 1928-1988." Political Science 40, no. 2 (December 1988): 16–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231878804000202.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Hammill, Amber, Verica Rupar, and Wayne Hope. "Age and Environmental Citizenship: A Case Study of Media Coverage of the 2019 Local Body Elections in New Zealand." Journalism and Media 2, no. 3 (June 22, 2021): 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/journalmedia2030019.

Full text

Abstract:

Environmental issues in the coverage of the elections are usually framed in relation to voters’ attitudes towards the specific problems, for instance, water quality or land use. The environment is not given standing in these discussions, rather, it is an instrument or resource for voters. In this article we investigate the relationship between news and politics by looking at media coverage of the 2019 local body elections in New Zealand. We follow a call to put place at the centre of journalism research and to investigate the emerging forms of environmental citizenship. We focus on a media market at each end of New Zealand’s two main islands and relate analysis of the coverage of local body elections coverage to related social groups engaged in environmental issues. The objective of our article is to consider the extent to which age plays a role in media representation of environmental issues in the context of local body elections.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Mckenzie, Katherine. "New Zealand By-Elections and MMP: the Labour Party and the Mt Albert By-Election." Political Science 61, no. 2 (December 2009): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323187090610020401.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Levine, Stephen, and Nigel S. Roberts. "Elections and expectations: Evidence from electoral surveys in New Zealand." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 29, no. 2 (July 1991): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662049108447607.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Renwick, Alan. "DO ‘WRONG WINNER’ ELECTIONS TRIGGER ELECTORAL REFORM? LESSONS FROM NEW ZEALAND." Representation 45, no. 4 (November 2009): 357–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890903235256.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Crothers, Charles. "Using the Internet in New Zealand elections and support for e-voting." Political Science 67, no. 2 (December 2015): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032318715610165.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Крысенкова, Наталья, and Natalya Krysenkova. "SOME ASPECTS OF ORGANIZATION AND HOLDING OF LOCAL ELECTIONS IN NEW ZEALAND." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 5, no. 1 (May 20, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/art.2019.1.4.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Merelo, Guillermo. "A ritual of integration: Power, elections and cultural reconstruction among Mexican migrants in New Zealand." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 27, no. 2 (April 10, 2018): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0117196818766090.

Full text

Abstract:

Drawing on four years of ethnographic research, this article explores the political integrative dynamics of members of the Mexican community in New Zealand. It illustrates how political cultural reconstruction occurs at the center of two opposing political worlds and results in contextual understandings of the role one is expected to play in a new polity. In this context, voting is collectively understood as a ritual through which people express their good character, gratitude and appreciation toward New Zealand. However, in the broadest possible sense, further political involvement is seen as an intrusion in the internal affairs of an alien nation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Iusitini, Leon, and Charles Crothers. "Turnout and voting choices at general elections of Pacific peoples in New Zealand." Political Science 65, no. 2 (December 2013): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032318713507206.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Cheyne, Christine, and Margie Comrie. "Empowerment or Encumbrance? Exercising the STV Option for Local Authority Elections in New Zealand." Local Government Studies 31, no. 2 (April 2005): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003930500032064.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

McCraw, David J. "‘Third party protest’: A note on the Australian and New Zealand elections of 1990." Australian Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (November 1992): 517–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269208402213.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Asaka, Kichimoto. "Electoral Reform in Japan: A Comparative Constitutional Law Perspective." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 27, no. 1 (April 1, 1997): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v27i1.6132.

Full text

Abstract:

The electoral systems of both Japan and New Zealand were recently reformed, and both states had their first elections under the new regimes in October 1996. This article considers some features of the two electoral systems from the point of view of the legal context in which the electoral reforms were made, and of the main reasons for those reforms.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Vowles, Jack. "COMPARING DISTRICT MAGNITUDE EFFECTS UNDER ORDINAL AND NOMINAL BALLOT STRUCTURES IN NON‐PARTISAN ELECTIONS: THE 2004 LOCAL ELECTIONS IN NEW ZEALAND." Representation 43, no. 4 (November 2007): 289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890701574930.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Vowles, Jack. "Electoral System Change, Generations, Competitiveness and Turnout in New Zealand, 1963–2005." British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 4 (July 29, 2010): 875–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409990342.

Full text

Abstract:

In 1996, New Zealand changed its electoral system from single-member plurality (SMP) to a Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system. This article addresses the effects on turnout of electoral system change, generational differences and national and district-level competitiveness. Both theory and cross-sectional empirical evidence indicate that turnout should be higher after the change to MMP. Yet turnout has declined. Most of this turns out to be an effect of lag effects generated by longer-term trends of declining competition, and generational experiences. MMP has shifted the main focus of electoral competition from the district to the national level, with consequent changes in turnout distribution. Electoral boundary changes also have negative effects under MMP, and most MMP elections have taken place after an electoral redistribution.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

JOHNSTON, R. J. "The Beginnings of Realignment? Ecological Analysis of the 1984 and 1987 New Zealand General Elections." New Zealand Geographer 45, no. 2 (October 1989): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-7939.1989.tb01136.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Fountaine, Susan, Karen Ross, and Margie Comrie. "Across the great divide: gender, Twitter, and elections in New Zealand and the United Kingdom." Communication Research and Practice 5, no. 3 (January 15, 2019): 226–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/22041451.2018.1558774.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Mir, Monir Zaman, Bikram Chatterjee, and Ross Taplin. "Political competition and environmental reporting." Asian Review of Accounting 23, no. 1 (May 5, 2015): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ara-02-2014-0027.

Full text

Abstract:

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationship between “political competition” and “environmental reporting” by New Zealand local governments. Design/methodology/approach – The research method includes a longitudinal analysis of environmental reporting by New Zealand local governments in their annual reports for the financial years 2005-2006 to 2009-2010. “Content analysis” was used to attach scores to the extent of environmental reporting. The “number of candidates divided by the number of available positions at the previous election” was used as the proxy for “political competition”. Findings – The study reports a positive relationship between “political competition” and “environmental reporting” in 2007-2008. The number of local governments reporting voluntary environmental information increased in 2006-2007 and 2007-2008 compared to 2005-2006, followed by a reduction in such numbers following the 2007-2008 financial year. This trend in disclosure can be attributed to the local government elections in October 2007. This finding is consistent with the expectation of “agency theory” and provides insight into the pattern of perceived agency costs. The study also finds a dearth in reporting “monetary” and “bad” news. Originality/value – The study contributes towards the previous literature on environmental reporting by concentrating on the public sector and New Zealand, together with investigating the relationship of such reporting with “political competition” through a longitudinal analysis. The theoretical contribution of this study is the adoption of “agency theory” in the context of public sector voluntary reporting and investigating the significance attached by agents to environmental reporting to minimise agency cost. The practical contribution of the study is in the area of future development of reporting standards in regards to environmental reporting.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Johnston, R. J., and C. J. Pattie. "Campaigning and split-ticket voting in new electoral systems: the first MMP elections in New Zealand, Scotland and Wales." Electoral Studies 21, no. 4 (December 2002): 583–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(01)00026-9.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Leithner, Christian. "Economic Conditions and the Vote: A Contingent Rather Than Categorical Influence." British Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (July 1993): 339–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006645.

Full text

Abstract:

This article analyses the influence of economic conditions upon the behaviour of voters in elections to Australian, Canadian and New Zealand legislatures between the First and Second World Wars. It shows that this influence need be neither uniform nor unconditional: rather, it is contingent upon both political and economic phenomena. The existence of the relationship as well as its form and strength differ systematically in different settings. It varies according to the stratum of the electorate, the point in time and the type of party analysed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

BANDUCCI, SUSAN A., and JEFFREY A. KARP. "How Elections Change the Way Citizens View the Political System: Campaigns, Media Effects and Electoral Outcomes in Comparative Perspective." British Journal of Political Science 33, no. 3 (July 2003): 443–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340300019x.

Full text

Abstract:

Attitudes towards the political system have often been assumed to be stable attributes that are not easily influenced by short-term forces. We examine the extent to which attention to media coverage, campaign activity and electoral outcomes can mobilize support for the political system in the context of an election campaign. Using pre-election and post-election survey panels from the United States, Britain and New Zealand, we find only small shifts in aggregate measures of system support. However, we find that there are significant shifts in system support at the individual level that can be explained by status as election winners, attention to the media, particularly serious news coverage and economic perceptions. The results have implications for the debate over measures of system support such as trust, cynicism and efficacy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Gamlen, Alan. "The impacts of extra-territorial voting: Swings, interregnums and feedback effects in New Zealand elections from 1914 to 2011." Political Geography 44 (January 2015): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2014.08.005.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Hudson, Irene L., Linda Moore, Eric J. Beh, and David G. Steel. "Ecological inference techniques: an empirical evaluation using data describing gender and voter turnout at New Zealand elections, 1893â1919." Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series A (Statistics in Society) 173, no. 1 (January 2010): 185–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-985x.2009.00609.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Cloonan, Martin, and Peter Lynch. "Educating for Devolution: The Scottish Office Voter Education Campaign, 1999." Journal of Adult and Continuing Education 7, no. 2 (September 2001): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147797140100700203.

Full text

Abstract:

This article examines the origins and impact of a political education campaign of a type, which had not hitherto been witnessed in the UK. It examines how the Scottish Office sought to educate Scotland's adult population about a new electoral system which combined the traditional first past the post (FPTP) system used in elections to the Westminster Parliament with the additional member system (AMS). We set out events leading up to the voter-education campaign by outlining the development of the voting system and the political sensitivities which surrounded it We then review a similar voter-education campaign in New Zealand, before examining the Scottish campaign and responses to it. We conclude by drawing together common elements from the two campaigns and analysing the lessons which can be drawn from them.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Uggla, Fredrik. "Incompetence, Alienation, or Calculation?" Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 8 (February 13, 2008): 1141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007301702.

Full text

Abstract:

This article focuses on the casting of invalid ballots and voting for extra-parliamentary parties. Drawing on evidence from more than 200 elections in Western Europe, Australia, New Zealand, and the Americas during the 1980-2000 period, it tests how well four sets of factors serve as explanations for the extent of such behavior in parliamentary contests. The main finding is that the structure of political competition provides an important explanation for extra-parliamentary voting and, in particular, the number of invalid ballots. Thus, rather than being the unfortunate circumstances of an uninformed or incompetent electorate, these forms of voting, to a large extent, appear to reflect a political situation that offers voters little effective choice in the form of clear alternatives.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Hooper, Robert A. "When the barking stopped: Censorship, self-censorship and spin in Fiji." Pacific Journalism Review 19, no. 1 (May 31, 2013): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v19i1.237.

Full text

Abstract:

After four military coups in 20 years, Fiji is poised to return to democracy in elections promised for 2014. An emergency decree placing censors in newsrooms was lifted in January 2012, but with domestic media gagged by lawsuits and Fiji Television threatened with closure for covering opposition figures, a pervasive climate of self-censorship imposed by government decrees is enforced by a government-appointed judiciary. As elections draw closer, the illusion of press freedom is framed by highly paid American ‘spin doctors’ from a prominent Washington DC public relations and lobbying firm. Paralysis in the newsroom is reflected at Fiji’s premier University of the South Pacific, once a leader in journalism education. The author taught television journalism at the university and trained reporters for Fiji TV in the 1990s, but returned to find Fiji’s media and higher education in a crisis reflecting the decline of Western influence in the Pacific. Student grievances over harassment and expulsion in retaliation for independent reporting echo the deceit and dysfunction unfolding on the national stage. As traditional allies Australia, New Zealand, United Kingdom and the United States anguish over sanctions, unprecedented visits to the Fijian government by Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and incoming Chinese Premier Xi Jinping portend diplomatic rivalry and raise the stakes for a fragile Pacific nation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Helms, Ludger. "Heir Apparent Prime Ministers in Westminster Democracies: Promise and Performance." Government and Opposition 55, no. 2 (September 13, 2018): 260–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.22.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractWhile the grand narratives of political leaders and leadership in parliamentary democracies tend to centre on victorious campaigners, prime ministers ‘inheriting’ the office from their predecessor between two parliamentary elections are a widespread occurrence in constitutional practice. Focusing on four Westminster democracies (Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand), this article inquires how such heirs apparent have fared in terms of prime ministerial performance. Although in light of their experience, expertise and public recognition, heir apparent prime ministers can be, and have been, considered to be particularly well placed to succeed, when eventually securing the most powerful political office, most of them have actually been conspicuous under-performers. The single most important and strongly counter-intuitive finding of an empirical investigation of different prime ministers is that extensive experience in government, both in terms of duration and diversity of ministerial offices held, seems to correlate more with failed rather than particularly successful premierships.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Kopeček, Lubomír. "Opoziční smlouvy „za kopečky“ II.: Byl pakt ČSSD a ODS z let 1998-2002 demokratickou deviací?" Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 284–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2013.4.284.

Full text

Abstract:

This is the second part of a two–part paper, the first one having been published in the previous volume of this journal. After the 1998 general elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic, the largest party, the Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), formed a minority government. The origin and existence of this government was enabled by an agreement with the second largest formation, the Civic Democratic Party (ODS). What was then known as the Opposition Agreement became the subject of considerable debate. The first part of the paper provided analysis of government practice in similar circumstances in Denmark, Sweden, New Zealand, and Italy at the time of the Historic Compromise. Here I focus specifically on the Czech case. The present paper points out not only the Opposition Agreement between the Social Democrats and the Civic Democratic Party and the later Toleration Patent, which even deepened the cooperation between these two parties, but also the frequent ad hoc legislative coalitions which the minority government was able to form.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Liu, Imogen T. "Electoral reform and the behavioural personalisation of voters: the impact of system change on the importance of party leader and party evaluations in New Zealand elections." Political Science 70, no. 2 (May 4, 2018): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2018.1561152.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Leitch, Shirley, and Juliet Roper. "AD Wars: Adversarial Advertising by Interest Groups in a New Zealand General Election." Media International Australia 92, no. 1 (August 1999): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9909200112.

Full text

Abstract:

During New Zealand's 1996 general election, neo-liberal employment law became the subject of two opposing advertising campaigns. Although the campaigns confined themselves to a single piece of legislation, the Employment Contracts Act, they reflected a deep division within New Zealand society. This article examines the two campaigns which were run by the Engineers' Union and the Employers' Federation. At its core, the Engineers' campaign was a defence of collectivism both in terms of the values underlying trade unionism and, more broadly, of Keynesian social democracy, whereas the Employers' Federation campaign championed the ethic of individualism within a free-market economy. Such a clear ideological positioning was absent from the campaigns of the major political parties who fought for the middle ground during New Zealand's first proportional representation election. This article, then, examines how interest groups used network television to confront voters with a stark choice between an unasked-for neo-liberal present and an apparently discredited Keynesian past.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Liu, James H., Petar Milojev, Homero Gil de Zúñiga, and Robert Jiqi Zhang. "The Global Trust Inventory as a “Proxy Measure” for Social Capital: Measurement and Impact in 11 Democratic Societies." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 49, no. 5 (April 13, 2018): 789–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022118766619.

Full text

Abstract:

The Global Trust Inventory (GTI), conceptually assessing trust in others ranging from close interpersonal relationships to relationships with government and financial institutions as a whole, was administered to representative online samples in 11 democratic states ( N = 11,917 from Europe, the Americas, and New Zealand). A seven-factor solution had configural, metric, and reasonable scalar invariance in multi-group confirmatory factor analysis. Using latent profile analysis, individual-level measures of trust were derived that complement existing measures of social capital in their impact and implications. Western societies had proportionately more people with high propensity to trust, Catholic/European intermediate, and Latin American societies the least. A High Trust Profile had virtues associated with social capital: greater participation in political discussion, greater elaboration of political thinking, more community engagement, less prejudice, and greater participation in elections. A Low Trust Profile exhibited opposite tendencies. Demographically, high trust was associated with higher self-reported social status, home ownership, older age, and political conservatism. A more complex set of relationships differentiated two intermediate profiles, dubbed Moderate and Low Institutional Trust. Conceptually, the GTI operationalizes a holistic view of trust as a “synthetic force” that holds various aspects of society together, ranging from interpersonal to institutionalized relationships.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Vowles, Jack. "The New Zealand Election Study." Political Science 52, no. 2 (December 2000): 150–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231870005200205.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Bloch, Noa, and Kim Rubenstein. "READING DOWN SECTION 44(i) OF THE AUSTRALIAN CONSTITUTION AS A METHOD OF AFFIRMING AUSTRALIAN CITIZENSHIP IN THE 21st CENTURY." Denning Law Journal 30, no. 2 (August 8, 2019): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v30i2.1699.

Full text

Abstract:

Until 2017, the most recent disqualification of a member of the Australian Parliament under section 44(i) of the Australian Constitution (‘Constitution’) was Senator Heather Hill in 1998. Remarkably, since 2017, almost twenty years after Sue v Hill, ten parliamentarians have resigned or been disqualified, triggering a series of by-elections. The catalyst for this flurry of activity occurred in July 2017, when Greens senator Scott Ludlam announced that at the time of his election, he was a citizen of New Zealand and was incapable of sitting in parliament under section 44(i). He was the first of ten senators and members of parliament to be referred to the High Court of Australia in the cases of Re Canavan and later Re Gallagher on questions of eligibility under section 44(i). Eight of these parliamentarians were disqualified, sparking national debate around parliamentary representation and membership within the Australian community. Since Re Canavan and Re Gallagher and indeed well before those cases, the section had and has continued to attract popular, journalistic, parliamentary and academic criticism. Consequently, there have been calls for a referendum on section 44(i) for a significant period of time. While the authors support this call, this article reflects on the cases and develops a different interpretive approach to section 44(i) which if argued by the parties and adopted by the Court, would have rendered a referendum unnecessary. By drawing on the earlier section 41 of the Australian Constitution case of R v Pearson; Ex parte Sipka and its majority judgment, as well as drawing upon the minority judgment of Murphy J and a more recent feminist judgment written by Kim Rubenstein, one of the authors of this article, we argue that the principles of representative democracy and the sovereignty of the people could have acted as a frame to read down section 44(i). Had this approach been adopted, the Court could have effectively placed the decision around disqualification of parliamentarians around the issue of dual citizenship, back into the hands of the elected representatives

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Kopeček, Lubomír. "Opoziční smlouvy „za kopečky“ I.: Byl pakt ČSSD a ODS z let 1998–2002 demokratickou deviací?" Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 15, no. 2–3 (August 1, 2013): 175–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2013.23.175.

Full text

Abstract:

After the 1998 general elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic, the largest party, the Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), formed a minority government. The origin and existence of this government was enabled by an agreement with the second largest formation, the Civic Democratic Party (ODS). What was then known as the Opposition Agreement became the subject of considerable debate. The paper analyses the Opposition Agreement in comparison with other minority governments with external support, be they governments formed on the basis of ad hoc agreements or complex ones. The text looks in detail at government practice in Denmark, Sweden, New Zealand, and Italy at the time of the Historic Compromise; this is then used as a context for outlining the specifics of the Czech case. The paper highlights not only the Opposition Agreement between the Social Democrats and the Civic Democratic Party and the later Toleration Patent, which even deepened the cooperation between these two parties, but also the frequent ad hoc legislative coalitions which the minority government was able to form. An additional aim of the paper is to outline foreign analogies to the potential future single-party minority government of the Czech Social Democrats supported by the Communists. Because of its considerable length, the text is divided into two parts; the first part is printed in this volume.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Hopkins, Kane, and Donald Matheson. "Talking in a Crowded Room: Political Blogging during the 2008 New Zealand General Election." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (August 2012): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400115.

Full text

Abstract:

This article analyses two of New Zealand's foremost political blogs on public affairs in the four weeks prior to the 2008 New Zealand general election. The 2008 election represents, we argue, a moment when the scale and reach of blogging propelled it to a position of significance in New Zealand media. The study uses content analysis to track the material posted on these blogs and in their comments sections. It is concerned primarily with quantifying the kind of debate to be found there and, through that, analysing how these blogs contribute to the quality of public life. The findings show that while a small number of blogs dominate, one blog's comments section has seen significant growth in the number of individual commenters participating in political discussion. It therefore stands as a useful case study of how blogging has found a place within this country's mediated politics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Parkinson, Phil. ""Strangers in the House": The Maori Language in Government and the Maori Language in Parliament 1840-1900." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 32, no. 3 (August 4, 2001): 865. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v32i3.5874.

Full text

Abstract:

The Treaty of Waitangi conferred upon Her Majesty's new subjects "all the rights andprivileges of British subjects" and that included, in theory, the right to be represented in the infantgovernment. In practice, however, the right of Maori to vote in elections was not taken seriouslyuntil 1858 and the presence of formally elected members in the House of Representatives was not achieved until August 1868. When they did speak in 1868 the first four Maori members spoke inMaori, and no adequate provision was made for the translation of their words, or for the words ofother members to be translated for them. The proceedings of the House were not printed in Maoriand the Maori members' speeches were not translated except when it suited the government of theday.Over the next few decades after 1868 there was only an irregular compliance with the standingorders of the House of Representatives and the Legislative Council that Bills and Acts be prepared inboth Maori and English for the better information of "Her Majesty's subjects of the Native Race".This study traces the extent of the use of the Maori language in the House and in the Council andpoints to a large number of extant Bills and Acts in Maori as well as to the large number whichhave not survived but which are referred to in the New Zealand parliamentary debates. These little-known texts deserve recognition as expressions of legislation in an indigenous tongue reflectingindigenous concerns but they have usually been disregarded in a European-dominated GeneralAssembly.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Boston, Jonathan, Stephen Levine, Elizabeth McLeay, Nigel S. Roberts, and Hannah Schmidt. "Caretaker Government and the Evolution of Caretaker Conventions in New Zealand." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 28, no. 4 (August 3, 1998): 629. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v28i4.6057.

Full text

Abstract:

Since the financial crisis immediately following the 1984 general election, various efforts have been made to clarify the role and responsibilities of caretaker governments in New Zealand. The need to do so was given added urgency as a result of the referendum in 1993 in favour of proportional representation. This article examines the recent evolution of New Zealand's caretaker conventions and assesses their application following the first MMP election in late 1996. The article begins with a brief description of caretaker conventions in other parliamentary democracies. It then considers the operation of the caretaker conventions in New Zealand under the previous first-past-the-post electoral system, and discusses the measures taken in the early-to-mid 1990s to clarify these conventions in preparation for MMP. Having evaluated the conduct of government during the lengthy interregnum in late 1996, the article concludes with an analysis of some of the continuing policy issues generated by caretaker governments and outlines possible ways of reducing the frequency and duration of caretaker periods.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Vowles, Jack. "The 2014 New Zealand general election." Political Science 67, no. 2 (December 2015): 89–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032318715614731.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Morton, R. Hugh. "Election night forecasting in New Zealand." Electoral Studies 7, no. 3 (December 1988): 269–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(88)90005-4.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Lijphart, Arend. "The Pattern of Electoral Rules in the United States: a Deviant Case among the Industralized Democracies." Government and Opposition 20, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01065.x.

Full text

Abstract:

THE UNITED STATES IS THE WORLD'S SECOND LARGEST DEMOcracy (after India) and the largest of the older well-established democracies, with a very long and uninterrupted history of free elections. For this reason, it can be argued that the American democratic example has been and, should be an important model for other countries to follow. This article will focus on one important aspect of the American democratic system - the pattern of electoral rules - and it will emphasize the striking differences between the American electoral process and that of most other democracies. This contrast obviously affects the applicability of the American model to other countries that may be in the process of revising their electoral rules: because the United States is a deviant case in almost all respects, it presents clear alternatives to the more common attern but also dternatives that are so radical that they may ge difficult to transplant. The democracies with which the American pattern of electoral systems will be compared and contrasted are the 20 countries which, Me the United States, have been democratic without interruption for a relatively long time, that is, since approximately the end of the Second world War: the four large West European countries (Great Britain, France, West Germany, and Italy), the five Nordic countries (Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Finland, and Iceland), the Benelux countries (the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg), Ireland, Switzerland, Austria, and five countries outside Europe (Canada, Israel, Japan, Australia, and New Zealand).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Vowles, Jack. "The New Zealand general election of 1996." Electoral Studies 16, no. 2 (June 1997): 258–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(97)90091-3.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Levine, Stephen, and Nigel S. Roberts. "The New Zealand General Election of 1990." Political Science 43, no. 1 (July 1991): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879104300101.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!