Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'New South Wales – Race relations'

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Implicit in the current dialogue on community policing in Australia and New Zealand, is the assumption that the people who comprise our policing organisations need to respond efficiently and competently to changing demographics, crime, terrorism, increasing community and government expectations. It is timely for Australian and New Zealand police jurisdictions to take a lead role in policy and practice of policing in a culturally, linguistically, politically and religiously diverse environment. In order to facilitate this, focus and organisational commitment must be given to developing leadership and recruitment and retention initiatives which enhance the internal diversity of our workforces.

"November 2003".
Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Australian Centre for Educational Studies, School of Education, 2004.
Bibliography: leaves 243-267.
Introduction -- Literature review -- Meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation in the Australian socio-political context -- An explanation of the research method -- Meanings of Reconciliation in the school context -- Survey results -- The role of education in the Reconciliation process -- Obstacles and barriers to Reconciliation -- Teaching for Reconciliation: best practice in teaching resources -- Conclusion.
The research detailed in this thesis investigated how schools in NSW responded to the social and political project of Reconciliation at the end of the 1990s. -- The research used a multi-method research approach which included a survey instrument, focus group interviews and key informants interviews with Aboriginal and non Aboriginal teachers, elders and educators, to gather qualitative as well as quantitative data. Differing research methodologies, including Indigenous research paradigms, are presented and discussed within the context of this research. From the initial research questions a number of sub-questions emerged which included: -The exploration of meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation evident in both the school and wider communities contexts and the extent to which these meanings and perspectives were transposed from the community to the school sector. -The perceived level of support for Reconciliation in school communities and what factors impacted on this level of support. -Responses of school communities to Reconciliation in terms of school programs and teaching strategies including factors which enhanced the teaching of Reconciliation issues in the classroom and factors which acted as barriers. -- Firstly in order to provide the context for the research study, the thesis provides a brief historical overview of the creation of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation. It then builds a framework through which the discourses of Reconciliation are presented and deconstructed. These various meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation are placed within a linear spectrum of typologies, from 'hard', 'genuine' or 'substantive' Reconciliation advocated by the Left, comprising a strong social justice agenda, first nation rights and compensation for past injustices, to the assimiliationist typologies desired by members of the Right which suggest that Reconciliation is best achieved through the total integration of Aboriginal people into the mainstream community, with Aboriginal people accepting the reality of their dispossession. -- In between these two extremes lie degrees of interpretations of what constitutes Reconciliation, including John Howard's current Federal Government interpretation of 'practical' Reconciliation. In this context "Left" and "Right" are defined less by political ideological lines of the Labor and Liberal parties than by attitudes to human rights and social justice. Secondly, and within the socio-political context presented above, the thesis reports on research conducted with Indigenous and non Indigenous educators, students and elders in the context of the NSW school system to decipher meanings and perspectives on Reconciliation as reflected in that sector. It then makes comparisons with research conducted on behalf of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation during the 1990s on attitudes to Reconciliation in the community. Perceived differences are analysed and discussed.
The research further explores how schools approached the teaching of Reconciliation through a series of survey questions designed to document the types of activities undertaken by the schools with Reconciliation as the main aim. -- Research findings indicated that while both the community at large and the education community are overwhelmingly supportive of Reconciliation, both as a concept and as a government policy, when questioned further as to the depth and details of this commitment to Reconciliation and the extent to which they may be supportive of the 'hard' issues of Reconciliation, their views and level of support were more wide ranging and deflective. -- Findings indicated that, in general, educators have a more multi-layered understanding of the issues related to Reconciliation than the general community, and a proportion of them do articulate more clearly those harder, more controversial aspects of the Reconciliation process (eg just compensation, land and sea rights, customary laws). However, they are in the main, unsure of its meaning beyond the 'soft' symbolic acts and gatherings which occur in schools. In the late 1990s, when Reconciliation was at the forefront of the national agenda, research findings indicate that while schools were organising cultural and curriculum activities in their teaching of Indigenous history or Aboriginal studies - they did not specifically focus on Reconciliation in their teaching programs as an issue in the community. Teachers did not have a clearly defined view of what Reconciliation entailed and schools were not teaching about Reconciliation directly within their curriculum programs. -- The research also sought to identify facotrs which acted as enhancers of a Reconciliation program in schools and factors which were seen as barriers. Research findings clearly pointed to community and parental attitudes as important barriers with time and an overcrowded curriculum as further barriers to the implementation of teaching programs. Factors which promoted Reconciliation in schools often related to human agency and human relationships such as supportive executive leadership, the work of committed teachers and a responsive staff and community.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xvi, 286 leaves ill

Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Society, Culture, Media & Philosophy, Department of Anthropology, 2006.
Bibliography: p. 257-276.
Introduction: coming to Wilcannia -- Wilcannia: plenty of Aborigines, but no culture -- Who you is? -- Cultural values: ambivalences and ambiguities -- Praise, success and opportunity -- "Art an' culture: the two main things, right?" -- Big Murray Butcher: "We still doin' it" -- Granny Moisey's baby: the art of Badger Bates -- Epilogue.
Dominant society discourses and images have long depicted the Aboriginal people of the town of Wilcannia in far Western New South Wales as having no 'culture'. In asking what this means and how this situation might have come about, the thesis seeks to respond through an ethnographic exploration of these discourses and images. The work explores problematic and polemic dominant society assumptions regarding 'culture' and 'Aboriginal culture', their synonyms and their effects. The work offers Aboriginal counter-discourses to the claim of most white locals and dominant culture that the Aboriginal people of Wilcannia have no culture. In so doing the work presents reflexive notions about 'culture' as verbalised and practiced, as well as providing an ethnography of how culture is more tacitly lived. -- Broadly, the thesis looks at what it is to be Aboriginal in Wilcannia from both white and black perspectives. The overarching concern of this thesis is a desire to unpack what it means to be black in Wilcannia. The thesis is primarily about the competing values and points of view within and between cultures, the ways in which Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people tacitly and reflexively express and interpret difference, and the ambivalence and ambiguity that come to bear in these interactions and experiences. This thesis demonstrates how ideas and actions pertaining to 'race' and 'culture' operate in tandem through an exploration of values and practices relating to 'work', 'productivity', 'success', 'opportunity' and the domain of 'art'. These themes are used as vehicles to understanding the 'on the ground' effects and affects of cultural perceptions and difference. They serve also to demonstrate the ambiguity and ambivalence that is experienced as well as being brought to bear upon relationships which implicitly and explicitly are concerned with, and concern themselves with difference.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 276 p. ill

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Western Sydney, 2008.
A thesis presented to the University of Western Sydney, College of Arts, School of Social Sciences, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosphy. Includes bibliographies.

Thesis (M. Phil.)--Work and Organisational Studies, Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Sydney, 2007.
Title from title screen (viewed 3rd August, 2007). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Work and Organisational Studies, Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Sydney. Degree awarded 2007; thesis submitted 2006. Includes bibliographical references. Also issued in print.

This study covers the period from arrival of the first minister to union of most congregations in a Church unconnected with the Scottish parent Churches. My thesis is that reliance on the Scottish Churches was a necessary condition for establishment of the Presbyterian Church in the Colony but also the principal cause of failure to attempt to become a major religious force. Equality with the Church of England was conceded gradually and, initially, reluctantly and from the first State aid and religious rights derived from adherence to the Church of Scotland. Almost the entire ministry derived from Scotland or, to a lesser extent, Ulster, and both the Established and Free Churches of Scotland resisted recruitment of outsiders. Consequently, the ministry remained Scotland-oriented and imbued with all the passions of divided Scottish Presbyterianism. Control over State aid and recruitment assisted the Scottish Churches in forcing a disruption in 1846 and for a generation the Church remained weak, fragmented and in conflict over alleged erastianism in the Church of Scotland, indiscriminate aid and voluntaryism. These Churches involved themselves in local ecclesiastical contentions and were used against opponents by Colonial ministers with influence in Scotland. Colonial Presbyterianism was introverted, backward-looking, unassimilated holding to Scottish standards and to concepts inappropriate for the local environment. The Church appeared a sect for expatriate Scots and Ulstermen. Others, ministers and lay people, felt rejected. The native-born saw the Church as an exotic institution which did not relate to them. Some ministers espoused the Church ideal, but made little headway. Others were concerned only to retain the Established Church connection or the purity of 'Free Church principles' and some resisted accommodation of divergent viewpoints. Eventually compromise, unity, independence and assimilation were accepted as essential to progress.

The small business sector has become an increasingly important segment of the Australian economy since the 1970s. Industrial relations in the sector have been assumed to be harmonious. However, to a large extent this belief about industrial relations is based on conventional wisdom rather empirical evidence. Industrial relations research in Australia has concentrated on medium to large businesses because the centralised nature of the industrial relations system encouraged a collective emphasis. This collective emphasis ensured peak representative bodies and larger organisations had a tendency to dominate while small enterprises and their employees were, to a large extent, excluded. The perceived non-problematic nature of industrial relations in the small business sector was another reason for the lack of focus on the sector. The low incidence of strike activity and the low levels of trade union membership have meant research has been concentrated on the more "difficult" areas of industrial relations. The lack of empirical research into industrial relations in the sector is an important shortcoming. There are a number of commentators who suggest that it is too simplistic to assume harmonious relations. It is likely that there is a range of industrial relations in small business, depending on a number of variables including the personality of the owner/manager and employees, the type of business and the current economic climate. The legislative framework will also have an important affect on industrial relations. This study addresses the lack of empirical research in industrial relations in the small business sector by examining the differences between small and large registered clubs in NSW. Registered clubs have an unusual ownership structure and unusual business goals. They are also unusual since they are non-profit organisations formed by groups of people who share a common interest and who have come together to pursue or promote that interest. Registered clubs are governed by a board of directors who are responsible for the formulation of policy and for ensuring that management carries out these policies. This study found that there were significant differences in regards to some aspects of employment relations. For example, small clubs were more likely to have lower rates of unionisation than large clubs. They were also likely to have lower levels of informal bargaining than large clubs. The methods of communication within the workplace were likely to be more informal in small clubs and they were less likely to have communications with a trade union. Despite this greater degree of informality in employment relations, small clubs were more likely to use award provisions to determine wages for their managers and employees. Interestingly, despite the lower level of unionisation and the greater use of awards by smaller clubs there were no significant differences between small and large club managers' perception of the impact of awards and trade unions on club flexibility. The findings from this study suggest the deregulation of the Australian industrial relations system may not have any significant benefits for small business.

In Virginia following the Civil War, white and black people formed complex and shifting alliances based on their own self-interests that cut across the lines of established political parties. In this turbulent atmosphere, William Mahone forged a new biracial political coalition called the Readjuster Party in order to transform Virginia’s economy so that it would be competitive in the years to come. Chapter One argues that Mahone’s experience as a soldier and railroad man gave him the political clout needed to enter politics and an industrial vision for Virginia’s future that was markedly different from many of his contemporaries. Chapter Two argues that William Mahone’s leadership of the Readjuster Party, and its advocacy of universal male suffrage and economic reform, created a new political center in Virginia and demonstrates that the actions of both white and black people cannot be viewed as a monolith in the postwar era. Chapter Three demonstrates how William Mahone’s political career was excluded from white Virginians’ narrative of Reconstruction following his death because it provided a historical example of African American suffrage and an attempt to establish fair elections that clashed with Virginia’s established white supremacist social order.

Throughout history South Africa has been dominated by a white race group and during the era of apartheid racial segregation was encouraged as well as an idea of racial order was established through institutionalised racism. Marriage across racial borders was prohibited according to the Mixed Marriages Act. The end of apartheid and the transition to democracy in 1994 meant a radical political change within the country, but the issue of race became a question of social and economic inequality. In this essay I study the approaches and experiences of interracial couples in the post-apartheid society, and interracial couples impact on the South African society. I am particularly interested in the South Africans idea of social order today and whereas racial thinking is still present in the postapartheid society. I use qualitative content analysis to discuss ideas of order in relation to race and my material consist in audio files from interviews with interracial couples, as well as literature, books and articles. In my analysis I discuss cultural and social norms, fear of race pollution, prejudice and racial stereotypes as well as thoughts about unity and humanness. Racial thinking is still present in the South African society although the development of relationships across racial borders has increased since the end of apartheid. The interracial couples in my study notice a certain uncomfortableness among the people in their surroundings, some more than others, because people are still getting used to the thought of interracial couples. Although racist beliefs and power relations are still implied by the surroundings the couples appear to feel increasingly at home in South Africa, even though they live in an in-between world, in a New South Africa.

Overall this thesis analyzes a strain of the white supremacist vision in Denton, Texas via a case study of a former middle-class black neighborhood. This former community, Quakertown, was removed by white city officials and leaders in the early 1920s and was replaced with a public city park. Nearly a century later, the story of Quakertown is celebrated in Denton and is remembered through many sites of memory such as a museum, various texts, and several city, county, and state historical markers. Both the history and memory of Quakertown reveal levels of dominating white supremacy in Denton, ranging from harmless to violent. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 focus on the history of Quakertown. I begin chapter 2 by examining as many details as possible that reveal the middle-class nature of the black community and its residents. Several of these details show that Quakertown residents not only possessed plentiful material items, but they also had high levels of societal involvement both within their community as well as around Denton. Despite being a self-sufficient and successful community, Quakertown residents were not immune to the culture of racial fear that existed in Denton, which was common to countless towns and communities across the South during the Jim Crow era. I identify several factors that contributed to this culture of fear on the national level and explore how they were regularly consumed by Denton citizens in the 1910s and 1920s. After establishing Quakertown and the racist society in which it thrived, in chapter 3 I then examine the various sects of what I term the “white coalition,” such as local politicians, prominent citizens, and city clubs and organizations, who came together to construct a reason to remove the black community out of fear because of its proximity to the white women’s college, the College of Industrial Arts. I then look at the steps they took that secured the passage of the bond referendum that would allow them to legally remove the black neighborhood. Chapter 4 largely focuses on the ways in which the white coalition ensured the black community was transferred from Quakertown to its new community on the outskirts of town, Solomon Hill, from 1922-1923. These ways overwhelmingly included outright racial violence or the repeated threat of it. I then briefly describe the quality of Solomon Hill in the years after the relocation. I also summarize how and why the story of Quakertown was lost over time–among both white and black citizens–and conclude with the discovery of a Quakertown artifact in 1989, which initiated the renaissance period of Quakertown’s memory. In chapters 5 and 6 I switch gears and analyze the memory of Quakertown today via sites of memory. I begin by providing a brief historiography of New South memory studies in chapter 5. This review is important before delving into the specifics of the memory of Quakertown, because 1920s Denton was a microcosm of the New South, specifically in terms of race relations and dominating white supremacist ideals. I explore some of the different techniques utilized by memory historians to evaluate how and why the white supremacist vision dominated the southern region during the Jim Crow era; I, in turn, then use those same techniques to reveal how the white supremacist vision in Denton dominated at the same time. In chapter 6 I provide in-depth analysis of the most prominent sites of memory in Denton that, today, are dedicated to the memory of Quakertown. Collective analysis of these sites reveals levels of white exploitation, blatant omissions, and general misuse surrounding the story of the black removal and experience. I conclude my thesis by stressing that although the white vision today is shaped differently than it was during Jim Crow, it nonetheless still exists in Denton today, as evidenced in the treatment of the sites of Quakertown’s memory.

Depuis qu’elle existe, la rivalité rugbystique entre l’Afrique du Sud et la Nouvelle-Zélande a fait couler beaucoup d’encre du fait de son originalité et de sa nature complexe. Ainsi, au fur et à mesure de son développement, un certain nombre d’historiens (Buckley, 1996 ; Dobson, 1996 ; Nauright, 1993), de journalistes sportifs (Labuschagne, 1974 ; Harding & Williams, 2000), d’activistes (Thompson, 1975 ; Richards, 1999) et même des hommes politiques (Templeton, 1998) se sont penchés sur son histoire. D’une manière générale, ils s’accordent à situer le point de départ de ce duel singulier en 1921, date de la première tournée de l’équipe nationale de rugby sud-africaine en terre néo-zélandaise. Avec ce travail de thèse, je souhaite montrer que les compétitions entre ces deux ex-colonies britanniques démarrent bien plus tôt, dès les premiers matchs de rugby disputés entre Néo-Zélandais et Sud-Africains pendant la seconde guerre des Boers (1899-1902). Ces tournois font surgir au moins trois questions socio-politiques par le biais desquelles j’analyse, de manière chronologique, l’histoire des échanges rugbystiques entre deux nations en construction (Renan, 1882 ; Hobsbawm, 1990). Il s’agit d’une part, de mettre en évidence le processus qui conduit à la représentation des fédérations sud-africaine et néo-zélandaise de rugby au sein de l’instance internationale du rugby (International Rugby Football Board). D’autre part, j’examine l’évolution des rapports entre joueurs d’origine européenne et joueurs indigènes. Enfin, je porte une attention particulière à la création d’identités nationales dans deux territoires de l’Empire britannique qui s’émancipent à des rythmes différents du pouvoir central londonien. À partir d’archives numérisées, je tente ainsi de retracer l’origine de cette concurrence rugbystique et du racisme qui la caractérise en mettant en lumière les logiques de la domination impériale qui s’exercent autant sur le colon que sur le colonisé (Gleyse, 2004)
Since its inception, the rugby rivalry between South Africa and New Zealand has been much written about because of its complex and peculiar nature. Over the years, a number of historians (Nauright, 1993; Buckley, 1996; Dobson, 1996), sports journalists (Labuschagne, 1974; Harding & Williams, 2000), activists (Thompson, 1975; Richards, 1999) and even politicians (Templeton, 1998) have examined its history. Most of them usually situate the starting point of this unique duel in 1921, when the first New Zealand tour by the South African national rugby team took place. In this thesis, I wish to show that competitions between these two former British colonies began much earlier, as soon as the first rugby matches were played between New Zealanders and South Africans during the Second Boer War (1899-1902). These tournaments raise at least three socio-political questions through which I analyze, in a chronological order, the history of rugby exchanges between two nations under, construction (Renan, 1882; Hobsbawm, 1990). The aim is, on the one hand, to highlight the process that led to the representation of the South African and New Zealand rugby unions within the international rugby body (International RugbyFootball Board). On the other hand, I examine the evolution of racial relations between players of European origin and indigenous players. Finally, I focus on the creation of national identities in two former territories of the British Empire, which emancipated themselves from the central London-based power at different rates. Using digitized archives, I thus attempt to trace the origins of this rugby rivalry and the racism that characterizes it while shedding light on the logic of imperial domination that were exercised on both the colonist and the colonized (Gleyse, 2004)

Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
This interdisciplinary study investigates the Aboriginal intellectual heritage of the Mid North Coast of New South Wales, through a combination of family history, oral tradition, and audio-recorded songs, stories, interviews, discussions, and linguistic material. This research has uncovered an unsuspected wealth of cultural knowledge, cultural memory, and language heritage that has been kept alive and passed down within Aboriginal families and communities, despite the disruptions and dislocations endured over the past seven generations. This study's findings are presented in three interrelated forms: a dance performance that incorporates traditional and contemporary songs, stories, and lived experiences of an Aboriginal extended family; an oral presentation within the framework of Aboriginal oral transmission of knowledge and this written exegesis, which is itself an experiment in finding pathways for the expression and progression of Aboriginal knowledge within the context of academic discourse. The theoretical framework of this work is grounded in my personal experience of Aboriginal traditions of knowledge production and transmission, maintained through everyday cultural activities, family memories of traditional education, and our traditional and present-day language forms and communicative practices. The performance, oral and written components connect this intellectual and cultural heritage with historical and photographic documentation, linguistic analyses, and audio recordings from my grandfathers' and great-grandfathers' generations. The written component establishes the background to the study, and reviews relevant literature with a prioritisation of Aboriginal voices and sources of knowledge, both oral and written. It explores aspects of my family history from the early 1800s to the present, including my childhood and early educational experiences and leads on to a detailed look at the work of my late father, Raymond Shoonkley Kelly in documenting and maintaining out intellectual and cultural heritage through the NSW Survey of Aboriginal Sites. The final part of this study focuses on language, which is central to all of the preceding investigation. This work demonstrates how operating from an Aboriginal knowledge base allows us to see beyond surface differences in spelling and pronunciation, to reach a deeper understanding of the cultural meanings and ways of speaking that have allowed us to preserve and maintain out cultural integrity. This knowledge base also enables the linguistic unpacking of previously unanalysable song material from the audio recordings. Indigenous people in New South Wales are continuing to engage in a cultural and political struggle to maintain and protect our identity in the face of an ever-present threat of assimilation by the mainstream Australian society. The success of our struggle will depend significantly on our ability to keep our language and our intellectual heritage alive.

Master of Philosophy
Australian government policy today aims to ‘deregulate’ industrial relations. A fractured system has ensued where uncontrolled market forces disrupt both business and unions. The building industry is particularly affected by uncertainty and industrial barbarism. Precisely one hundred years ago government policy was to create order, becoming directly involved in industrial regulation. This thesis aims to understand how building unions maintained their rates and conditions in the pre-arbitration era when there were no legislative minimums, and it seeks to place their labour relations within a political and ideological context. The thesis criticises historical scholarship surrounding artisan unionism in Britain and Australia, in particular the role of building tradesmen. Positive relations between employers and employed in the industry are often described in pejorative terms with tradesmen labelled ‘aristocrats of labour’ – apolitical, middle class and lacking class-awareness. The thesis argues this view does not adequately describe the qualities of building operatives, or place their motives within a ‘deregulated’ industrial context. To demonstrate nineteenth century building industry unionism in NSW had a broader nature, the thesis looks at British trade union radicalism. It examines both changes in structure and ideology caused by growing industrialisation and competitive organisation affecting building tradesmen known as general contracting, as well as continuity and differences in ideas of social change and progress. The thesis connects the ideology of British and colonial building unions in this regard. It then turns to the lives, work and society of nineteenth century building workers in Sydney and the make-up of their organisations. The thesis seeks to understand the political and ideological aspects of Australian building unionism and the effects of general contracting and competition. Central to the discussion is the influence of the Co-operative movement, and the significance of the struggle for the eight-hour day to the labour movement. Both were progressive responses to unfettered market forces on the trade. It argues that the challenges faced by operatives in maintaining conditions led them to develop politically, creating ‘modern’ class representation and ideology. The thesis ends with a chapter that examines the evidence before the 1891 NSW Royal Commission into Strikes showing the building industry to be characterised by conflict, co-operation, and radicalism. Unionists expressed progressive ideology and industrial militancy but maintained positive relationships with certain employers for whom they provided market security. The trade-off for efforts in this respect was recognition that union rules would be the primary form of industrial regulation. Their system, however, was ultimately unsustainable because of competitive pressures, and industrial militancy against builders outside the system flourished. In conclusion, the thesis suggests that nineteenth century building workers improved and maintained industrial standards by militant unionism, and yet, at the same time, by forming co-operative relations with employers. In dealing with the corrosive effect of market deregulation that undermined control over their trade, operatives also built progressive organisations which forged working class unity and developed politically advanced ideologies of social change. Their ideas and practices were at times unsuccessful or contradictory, but building unionists were not inward-looking ‘labour aristocrats’.

The New South Wales (NSW) coal industry has been one of the most strike torn industries in the world, with violent and bitter battles between trade union and employer. This thesis seeks a greater understanding of the determination of wages and strike activity in this industry. The thesis is presented in two parts. Part one considers difficulties encountered when modelling the objectives of a trade union, and the outcome of bargaining between a trade union and firm. Part two applies models of the objectives of trade unions, and bargaining, to issues of wage determination, and strike activity in the NSW coal industry. The process of wage determination in the NSW coal industry is investigated using the reduced form of Svejnar's (1986) model. The major prediction of Svejnar's model, that there is a positive relationship between the industry surplus and the industry wage, is strongly supported. The results are improved upon by adapting Svejnar's model. A first-order dynamic adjustment model is used to allow for a more complicated dynamic structure than that assumed in the theoretical model. Furthermore, by taking into account some of the aspects of the bi-sectoral (open cut and underground) structure of the coal industry and the heterogeneity of its labour force, Svejnar's model is generalised from its specific reduced form. The thesis also provides a survey of the major, and more influential, models of strike activity. Some of these models are then applied to data from the NSW coal industry, resulting in three major conclusions: (i) with the exception of the Hayes' (1984) model, the theories considered do not provide acceptable explanations of strike activity in the NSW coal industry; (ii) there are common empirical relationships that are predicted by authors of very different theories; and (iii) there is a need to treat measures of strike activity as potentially different, rather than alternative, indicators of strike. An eclectic model of strikes is then developed. This eclectic model is based on Tracy's (1986) world-wise approach and was greatly influenced by: the theoretical survey of strike models; the empirical application of these models to the NSW coal industry; and familiarity with the NSW coal industry. Each of the different measures of strike activity is modelled using a common set of explanatory variables in an attempt to ascertain the commonality, or uniqueness, of the relationships determining strike activity. The results suggested that the explanations for strike frequency, the size of strike, strike intensity, and the average duration of strikes are not the same. Indeed, the only variable which was found to have a significant effect on all four of these measures of strike activity is the level of market concentration in the NSW coal industry. (This variable also had the highest elasticity, at the sample mean, of all the significant variables in the regressions for strike frequency, average duration, or strike incidence in the NSW coal industry.) The explanation for this dominance of market concentration on the results is unclear. From both empirical and theoretical perspectives, there appears to be a need to consider the role of industrial relations more fully. Despite this common theme that runs through the regressions for strike frequency, average duration, and strike intensity, it should be stressed that each of these regressions also exhibits combinations of significant empirical relationships which are unique to itself. This result rejects the use of these measures of strike activity as simple alternatives for each other.

This thesis studies sectarianism in New South Wales from 1947 through to 1981. This was a period of intense change in Australian socio-cultural history, as well as in the history of religious cultures, both within Australia and internationally. Sectarianism, traditionally a significant force in Australian socio-cultural life, was significantly affected by the many changes of this period: the religious revival of the 1950s, the rise of ecumenism and the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s, as well as postwar mass-immigration, the politics of education, increasing secularism in Australian society and the Goulburn schools closure of 1962, which was both a symptom of the diminishing significance of sectarianism as well as a force that accelerated its demise. While the main study of sectarianism in this thesis ends with the 1981 High Court judgment upholding the constitutionality of state aid to non-government schools, this thesis also traces the lingering significance of sectarianism in Australian society through to the early twenty-first century through oral history and memoir. This thesis offers a contribution to historical understanding of sectarianism, examining the significance of sectarianism as a discursive force in Australian society in the context of social, political and religious cultures of the period. It argues that while the significant social and religious changes of the period eroded the discursive power of sectarianism in Australian society, this does not mean sectarianism simply vanished from Australian society. While sectarianism became increasingly insignificant in mainstream Australian socio-political life in this period, sectarianism -- both as a discourse and ideology -- lingered in social memory and in some religious cultures.

When the Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission tabled Bringing them home, its report into the separation of indigenous children from their families, it was criticised for failing to consider Indigenous child welfare within the context of contemporary standards. Non-Indigenous people who had experienced out-of-home care also questioned why their stories were not recognised. This thesis addresses those concerns, examining the origins and history of the welfare systems of NSW and Tasmania between 1880 and 1940. Tasmania, which had no specific policies on race or Indigenous children, provides fruitful ground for comparison with NSW, which had separate welfare systems for children defined as Indigenous and non-Indigenous. This thesis draws on the records of these systems to examine the gaps between ideology and policy and practice. The development of welfare systems was uneven, but there are clear trends. In the years 1880 to 1940 non-Indigenous welfare systems placed their faith in boarding-out (fostering) as the most humane method of caring for neglected and destitute children, although institutions and juvenile apprenticeship were never supplanted by fostering. Concepts of child welfare shifted from charity to welfare; that is, from simple removal to social interventions that would assist children's reform. These included education, and techniques to enlist the support of the child's family in its reform. The numbers of non-Indigenous children taken into care were reduced by economic and environmental measures, such as payments to single mothers. The NSW Aborigines Protection Board dismissed boarding-out as an option for Indigenous children and applied older methods, of institutionalisation and apprenticeship, to children it removed from reserves. As non-Indigenous welfare systems in both states were refined, the Protection Board clung to its original methods. It focussed on older children, whilst allowing reserves to deteriorate, and reducing the rights of Aboriginal people. This cannot simply be explained by race, for Tasmania did not adopt the same response. This study shows that the policies of the Aborigines Protection Board were not consonant with wider standards in child welfare of the time. However, the common thread between Indigenous and non-Indigenous child removal was the longing of children and their families for each other.

Aside from notable exceptions, the nature and variety of Indigenous participation in Australian settler economies has been largely neglected in the anthropological and historical literature. In the Eurobodalla region of the New South Wales south coast, there has been a significant disjuncture in the regional literature between anglocentric local histories, and research that acknowledges Aboriginal people through historical investigations or through the collection of oral histories. There is also a significant gap in the anthropological literature between the early ethnographies, specific studies on Aboriginal labour and social conditions that were biased by ideological presuppositions, and recent work undertaken in relation to judicial processes. This thesis combines theorising of intercultural domains with a utili sation of notions of economic hybridity to examine the history of settler-Indigenous relations in the Eurobodalla and the character of emergent complexes of transactions that entailed a highly plural range of intercultural interactions, which transformed both Indigenous and settler subjectivities. The thesis is grounded in historical and local specificity while it places 'the local' within a broader geopolitical context. Drawing on both anthropological and historical approaches, the thesis argues that present socioeconomic conditions in south coast Aboriginal communities can only be understood through the broader historical context. The thesis examines the highly localised character of the changes brought about by European colonisation and the gradual expansion of the settler economy in the Eurobodalla during the early-mid 19th century. Aboriginal people were drawn into the emerging settler economy through reciprocal relationships of labour, while the presence of settlers was also incorporated into pre-existing, dynamic patterns of economy and sociality. The evidence suggests that semi-nomadic patterns of mobility persisted well into the 20th century, despite the efforts of the Aborigines Protection Board to curtail this movement. The period between the 1940s and 1970s is remembered as a relatively bounded era in which Aboriginal families were both on the run from ' the welfare', and following patterns of seasonal movement (or 'beats'). Aboriginal people were broadly employed in forestry work and seasonal vegetable picking until both industries collapsed in the late 1970s. Through a range of factors, including industry decline, increases in Indigenous political agency, the provision of town housing, welfare and citizenship entitlements and generational change, Aboriginal people in the Eurobodalla have experienced a fraught transition to the era of so-called 'self determination'. The thesis also seeks to 'muddy the waters' of some widespread, but erroneous, generalisations about settler-Indigenous relations and the manifestation of government policies. It identities several historical moments (or processes) that are comparable to trajectories of settler-Indigenous relations elsewhere in Australia. In doing so, this thesis makes a contribution to knowledge by providing a localised and historically situated case study o f settler-Indigenous relations. Research of this type has the potential to mediate the extreme positions generated by the ' history wars'.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2007.
Title from title screen (viewed 25th October, 2007). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to Work & Organisational Studies, Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Sydney. Degree awarded 2007. Includes bibliographical references. Also issued in print.

The present study investigated the nature of desegregation as observed by the use of space by the diverse racial groups at the University of KwaZulu-Natal (Pietermaritzburg). The researcher observed and recorded participants as they used the Hexagon Cafeteria at the University. Observations and systematic recordings were conducted in the first week in term on Monday and Tuesday over four consecutive weeks. Participants were recorded as they sat at a table and when they left the table. Their race, gender, time and table number were captured, forming data for the final analysis. The study revealed that black students were the least represented race group, in number, and were the mostly segregated from the other racial groups. Perhaps this study would have yielded different results if there were a higher proportion of black students throughout the six-day observational period. Indian students were the majority at the Cafeteria in comparison to other racial groups. It seems that the Hexagon Cafeteria is a popular meeting place for most Indian students. It can also be speculated that the Hexagon Cafeteria appears to be an ideal meeting place for most female students as they outnumbered the male students throughout the six-day observational period. Despite persistent racial segregation, points of contact (integration) were observed between the three racial groups.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.