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Kodhi, Silvester, and n/a. "New order government policies concerning the Indonesian Chinese : policy communication and the role of Bakom PKB." University of Canberra. Communication, Media & Tourism, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060815.123849.
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The present study deals with the nature of the New Order Government policies toward
the Indonesian Chinese ethnic group and the role of Bakom PKB in assisting the New
Order Government to formulate and implement the pembauran policy. This study will
consider the policy communication framework toward the Indonesian Chinese ethnic
group in Indonesia, and discuss the New Order Government policies, and the role of the
Bakom PKB within this framework.
Two case studies are used to iluminate the role of Bakom PKB in channeling the
pembauran policy from the government to the society vice versa. In the case of settling
the citizenship status of Chinese descent, the role of Bakom PKB in assisting the New
Order Government in formulating and implementing the pembauran policy is obvious
right from its establishment. While in the case of the development and implementation
of kemitraan (partnership) policy, the Bakom PKB only has a public relation function.
The development and implementation of kemitraan policy is carried out by the
organisation/association/institutions which are included in the pembauran policy
communication networks.
There are also discussions on the New Order Government policies concerning the
Indonesian Chinese in the period 1966 - 1996, and the communication networks that
existed amongst the Bakom PKB, Pokja Inlerdep and private institutions in
disseminating the idea of pembauran in the frame of national integration.
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Rohlin, Shawn M. "The impact of government policies on the location decisions of new business." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Truna, Dody S. "Islam and politics under the 'new order' government in Indonesia, 1966-1990." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56901.
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The 'New Order' government, under President Suharto's leadership, has undertaken different initiatives in the face of both 'political' Islam and 'religious' Islam in Indonesia. Since coming into power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over 'political' Islam; on the other hand, its attitude towards 'religious' Islam has generally been tolerant and even supportive. The result has been a considerable weakening of Islamic political forces but a rapidly developing 'religious' Islam. This reality has forced the present-day generation of Indonesian Muslim thinkers to take an approach which is different from that of the previous generation in responding to the government's policies towards Islam. Unlike their predecessors, some of whom had too ideological and formalistic a conception of an Islamic state, the present Muslim thinkers take an approach which is for the most part politically non-partisan. There has been a growing tendency among them to denounce the efficacy of Islamic political parties. They see that the realization of an Islamic community and the well-being of the ummah will come about not through exclusive and uncompromising political actions but through socioeconomic and cultural means and the ability to be less exclusive and willing to work with those who share different ideas. As a result of efforts along these lines, the relationship between the Muslim community and the government has improved substantially. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether or not this developing 'religious' Islam will, at some future date, be transformed into a powerful 'political' Islam.
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Holden, Stephen H. "Managing information technology in the federal government new policies for an information age /." Diss., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33134804.html.
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Suharko. "NGOs, Government and Promotion of Democratic Governance in the Post-New Order Indonesia." Graduate School of International Development. Nagoya University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/6277.
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Wibisono, Makarim. "The political economy of the Indonesian textile industry under the New Order government." The Ohio State University, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/20920285.html.
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Das, Cyrus Vimalakumar. "Emergency powers and parliamentary government in Malaysia : constitutionalism in a new democracy." Thesis, Brunel University, 1994. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5240.
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This thesis is a situational study of the use and exercise of emergency powers in Malaysia, undertaken from the perspective of the principles underlying the Malaysian Constitution. The primary focus and perspective are Malaysian, and I use comparative materials where I consider they may help to Illuminate that perspective and the way in which emergency powers have been used. A unique situation has been created whereby the Malaysian Government has the option of taking measures under one or other of two legal regimes. The thesis, therefore, examines the development of this parallel government system. it includes discussion of the considerations that animated writing reserve powers into the Malaysian Constitution and the near Institutionalisation of the state of emergency In Malaysia, using this historical background to focus on the role of the judiciary In crisis situations, the incorporation of certain traditional elements of Malay society into the Constitution, and the existence of racial 'bargaining' in developing the Constitution. The thesis then examines the distinct legal order created by a state of emergency, within the context of the reality of the Malaysian polity. Hence, there is an examination of the four actual instances when an emergency was proclaimed in the country. An examination is also undertaken of the various amendments made to Article 150 over the years which has reduced much of the safeguards originally built into the provision. This examination suggests that Article 150 in Its present form, is debilitative of parliamentary government largely because of the dual system of law-making created by a state of emergency. The thesis therefore provides an insight into the working of a major constitutional democracy seeking to reconcile the need to maintain emergency powers and realise the objective of a parliamentary system envisaged by its Federal Constitution.
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Wood, Michael John. "The historical past as a tool for nation-building in new order Indonesia /." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84684.
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This study describes how the New Order regime created and used a particular version of the Indonesian past. This official past drew on the work of "the history industry" (archaeological and historical research) and is reflected in approved works of history writing. The New Order past can also be seen in textbooks and in what monuments the regime erected. The New Order chose to emphasize fourteenth century Majapahit empire; this hierarchical, Java-centred, Hindu empire was identified as the true ancestor of the present nation. Although Indonesia is overwhelmingly Muslim in population, subsequent Muslim advances were not stressed, except as part of the "palace culture" of Central Java, which was seen as an extension of Majapahit. Islam also provided its share of "national heroes" who fought against the Dutch colonialists. Dutch control, was looked upon with some ambiguity; the colonial regime was oppressive but it also provided stability. The Dutch were driven out during the 1945--1949 Revolution. The New Order gave credit for the Indonesian victory in this struggle to the military rather than to civilians such as Sukarno. The Revolution later took on a more radical character that culminated in an attempt on the part of the Indonesian Communist Party to seize power. The suppression of the September 30 Movement in 1965 was seen as a righting of the nation's proper path of development, a course that could in fact be traced back to Gajah Mada's Majapahit. Not all were impressed with this official history. A more Islamic "history in waiting," which differed significantly from that of the regime, was created by historians and archaeologists working within the New Order. This "ummat-oriented" past stressed long connections between Indonesia and the rest of the Muslim world. The New Order's past was used to foster national integration and the legitimacy of the regime itself. The fate of the Suharto Presidency might indicate that the past was utiliz
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Levie, Jonathan Daniel. "The effect of government nurturing policies on early corporate growth in Denmark, Ireland and Scotland, 1973 to 1987." Thesis, London Business School (University of London), 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308966.
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Azarafshar, Roshanak. "Three Essays on the Effects of Government Taxation and Incentive Policies on Consumers' New Vehicle Purchase Decisions." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38478.
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Chapter 1. This chapter aims to find the effects of financial point of sales incentives on the sales of electric vehicles across the Canadian provinces from September 2012 to December 2016. The findings of my study indicate that purchase incentives cause the sales of new electric vehicles to increase by 8 percent on average due to a $1000 increase in incentives. I find that 47% of electric vehicle sales across the rebating provinces (Ontario, Quebec, and British Columbia) are attributed to the purchase incentives. Results of my counter-factual simulations imply that the cost of eliminating one tonne of carbon emissions across the provinces that offer incentives over the years of my study is, on average, $216/tonne CO2.
Chapter 2. In light of the rapid increase in Canadian gasoline prices from 2000 to 2010, this chapter focuses on the relationship between gasoline price and demand for vehicle fuel efficiency across the Canadian forward sortation areas (FSA) over this period. I find that consumers respond to variations in gasoline price when deciding the fuel efficiency of their new vehicle; increases in gasoline price result in shifts in demand for more fuel-efficient vehicles and therefore improve the average fuel efficiency of the new vehicle fleet. I find that the elasticity of fuel economy with respect to gasoline price for new vehicles sold across the Canadian forward sortation areas (FSA) from 2000 to 2010 is -0.06 to -0.16. Results of further analyses imply that consumer are more responsive to rising and constant gasoline prices than falling prices and that urban residents are slightly more responsive to variations in gasoline price compared to residents of suburb regions.
Chapter 3. This chapter investigates the effect of the carbon tax policy implemented by the Canadian Province of British Columbia on households’ new vehicle purchase decisions. I dis-aggregate the effects of gasoline price into two effects: the carbon tax and carbon tax-exclusive gasoline price. These effects are both measured along the extensive margin of replacing a fuel inefficient vehicle with a fuel-efficient vehicle. The results indicate that there is a significant negative relationship between both effects and fuel efficiency substitutions. However, vehicle fuel economy is more sensitive to changes in the carbon tax than to equivalent changes in the carbon tax-exclusive gasoline price. I find that the elasticity of fleet fuel economy with respect to the carbon tax ranges from -0.22 to -0.26 whereas this elasticity changes between -0.1 and -0.15 with respect to gasoline price (net of the carbon tax). I obtain consistent results when estimating the effect of both factors on fleet fuel economy conditional on fleet composition, indicating that almost all vehicle segments respond more strongly to changes in the carbon tax component of gasoline price than other components. Results also imply that, among all segments, the fuel consumption of compact sport utility vehicles (SUVs), minivans, and luxury high-end cars respond the most to the carbon tax.
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Buijs, Lorena Maria Elisa. "September 11 : catalyst for structural-genealogical narrative of a new world (Dis)order." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006463.
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The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.
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Mundayat, Aris Arif, and risrif@yahoo com au. "Ritual and politics in new order Indonesia : a study of discourse and counter-discourse in Indonesia." Swinburne University of Technology, 2005. http://adt.lib.swin.edu.au./public/adt-VSWT20051129.093517.
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This thesis will examine the more active role played in Java by the urban wong cilik (the underclass; literally, the 'little people') in contesting the state�s authority,
particularly during the later years of the New Order regime, and following its demise in
1998. I will provide examples of social practices employed by the wong cilik in their
everyday lives and in their adaptation to periods of significant social and political
upheaval. These demonstrate the ways in which they are able to contest the state�s efforts
to impose its authority. These practices also develop and employ a variety of subversive
discourses, whose categories and values diverge significantly from the official language
of government. The examination of the relative linguistic, cultural and normative
autonomy of the seemingly powerless underclass reveals an extremely contested political
terrain in which the wong cilik are active rather than passive agents in urban society.
These ideas have developed out of urban field research sited around warungs
(sidewalk food stalls), urban kampongs and in the city streets of the three Javanese cities
of Yogyakarta, Surabaya, and Jakarta. These urban social spaces will be shown to be
significant for the underclass because they constitute sites through which they constantly
interact with diverse social groups, thereby sharpening their knowledge of the
contradictions and feelings of otherness manifest between the classes in Java�s large
cities. It will be shown how, in these spaces, the underclass also experience the state�s
attempts at control through various officially sanctioned projects and how the underclass
are able to subvert those projects through expressive means such as songs, poems and
forms of mockery which combine to make the state�s dominant discourses lose much of
their efficacy.
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Cañarte, Gutiérrez Clímaco David. "Trust in Government versus Fear of Crime as Predictors of Support for Authoritarian Policies in Ecuador: A Cross-Sectional Study." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2354.
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Individuals interacting in an environment that exacerbates fear of crime and general distrust may face erosion of democratic values and perceive authoritarian policies as a solution to restore order. In Latin America historical widespread distrust in the government apparatus as well as fear of crime, have always been a topic of interest, not only for sociologists but also for political scientists and lawmakers. This study uses the LAPOP wave 2012 (Latin American Public Opinion) survey to assess Ecuadorians’ perceptions about trust in the government and fear of crime as predictors of support for authoritarian policies (mano dura). Logistic regressions show evidence that fear of crime acts as a better predictor than level of trust in the government for predicting the likelihood of supporting authoritarian policies. Overall, this study provides a hint of how Ecuadorians support for democratic principles may have weakened by fear of crime and lack of trust in the government apparatus.
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Dulovits, Stephan, and Yonas Hadgu Tewelu. "New venture financing order and founder preference: A multi-case study of Austrian Tech startups." Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Jönköping University, IHH, Företagsekonomi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-48946.
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This study investigates the source of financing in Austrian tech startups and aims to identify the main factors that affect the decision making of these firms. In doing so, we aim to contribute to the relatively limited field of research conducted in Europe. In order to achieve the purpose of this study, we implemented a multiple case study method as the research design. For the purpose of this study, a literature review was used that generated a theoretical framework. This framework focuses on capital structure with the main emphasis being on the pecking order theory. Additionally, government financial support is included as a secondary priority. Together with the theoretical framework, our empirical findings i.e. data from the interviews with six companies, one email response, and two additional secondary data from an Austrian startup publication comprised the basis for our analysis. Our findings from the sample companies used in this study show that Austrian tech startups use internal funding as an initial source of financing their new venture. When it comes to the order of funding, our findings show that most of the startups used in this study utilized equity as a second source of financing after internal funding and before debt. However, when it comes to the preference of the founders, half preferred a financing order that is inline with the pecking order theory while the remaining half preferred otherwise choosing equity to debt. From this, three conclusions can be drawn. First, the limited funding options available affect the decision making and preference of the tech startups. Second, founders value the nonfinancial added value they can get from investors both when implementing and preferring a financing option. Third, the future growth potential and the long term strategy of the startups and their founders play a crucial role in the funding option they prefer to finance their venture. Additionally, when it comes to capital structure, we see that most Austrian tech startups used in this study do not have a set policy. When it comes to Government financial support (GFS), we see that financial support from the government plays a significant role in Austrian tech startup financing.
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Velasquez, Raul. "Agency, institutional constraints and law in the creation of Bogota's new local governments, and in the evolution of local government policies." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365606.
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Asyari, Suaidi. "The role of Muslim groups in contemporary Indonesian nationalism : a study of the Nahdlatul Ulama under the new order, 1980s-1990s." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29812.
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This thesis investigates the role played by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Islamic organization established by K. H. Hasjim Asj'ari in 1926, in the development of Indonesian nationalism, elaborating in particular on its activities under the New Order (1980s and 1990s) after it implemented the Pancasila as the sole foundation for all political parties, social and mass organizations. As the largest Muslim traditionalist organization in Indonesia, the NU was originally founded to protect and promote the interests of Muslim traditionalists, who loyally followed the school of Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah. The doctrines of the latter school are shown here to have largely influenced the organization's dealings both culturally, religiously and politically.In order to fully understand the NUs view of Indonesian nationalism, this thesis examines the three phases of Indonesian nationalism, beginning with the rise of this organization, its involvement in the formation of the Indonesian state and its ideology, and the period after the country stipulated the sole foundation of Pancasila. It is from these three phases of Indonesian nationalism that this thesis shows the significance role played by the NU during the 1980s and 1990s. The NUs example in accepting the Pancasila as its sole basis served as an inspiration to other social and mass organizations in the country and represented one of its major contributions to the nation's welfare.
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Notley, Tanya M. "The role of online networks in supporting young people's digital inclusion and the implications for Australian government policies." Queensland University of Technology, 2008. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/19097/.
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This study examines young people’s internet access and use in nine locations in Queensland, Australia. The primary aim of the research is to assess if internet use supports young people’s social inclusion: that is, if internet use supports young people to participate in society in ways they have most reason to value.
The research findings demonstrate that the digital divide in Queensland – the gap between citizens with and without access to ICTs – continues to inhibit young people’s ability to participate online. This divide is embedded within historic, economic, social and cultural inequalities. To address this, this study proposes that a digital inclusion framework, founded on the concept of social inclusion, offers the Australian federal and state governments an opportunity to extend digital divide policies so that they connect with and complement broader social policy goals.
The research outcomes also illustrate that creative uses of online networks provide a powerful means through which young people can participate in a networked society. While young people’s access to a range of ICTs impacts on their ability to use online networks, gradations of use, social networks and informal learning contexts frequently act as mediators to support effective internet use. This study contends that by understanding the social benefits of young people’s online network use and the role that mediators play in different environments, we can move towards a policy framework that supports equitable opportunities for young people’s digital inclusion.
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Williamson, Thomas Manclark. "Strategic changes in police interrogation : an examination of police and suspect behaviour in the Metropolitan Police in order to determine the effects of new legislation, technology and organisational policies." Thesis, University of Kent, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.256992.
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Greenham, Felicity J. "How the New Labour Government Third Way policies (1998-2010) and the delivery of the New Deal for Communities (NDC) regeneration programme impacted on participation in health care in an area-based initiative. A longitudinal study using action-learning research methodology in a New Deal for Communities Area Based Initiative." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/16922.
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The research examines New Labour’s Third Way policies and the impact New Deal for Communities (NDC) regeneration programme had on participation in health care. This longitudinal study (1998-2007) explores participatory joint working, welfare state, social capacity, health inequalities, citizen involvement and community capacity. It captures the experiences of local community and front-line workers whilst delivering the Health Focus Group (HFG) in the NDC programme. Using action learning reflection techniques, the study analyses a purposeful sample of 15 from the local community, front-line workers, and strategic respondents involved in the NDC health programme. The research demonstrated the NDC did increase participation, joint working and involvement of local actors 1998–2003. The importance of communication, leadership and relationships was recognised as an important catalyst for developing community governance models. The new action learning spaces initiated, designed and delivered 19 new models of joint local clinical, community and complementary health and well-being projects.
In 2001, New Labour introduced public private finance initiatives with the Primary Care Trust (PCT) which conflicted with the local actors’ involvement in the participatory joint decision-making. The reconfiguration of health and social care services and the new public health models introduced complex governance and monitoring models, further distancing the local actors from the process. Strategic staff changes in key governance positions also adversely affected the communication and trust established with local actors. The research concluded operational, tactical, and strategic alignment is necessary to maximise joint participation in decision-making.
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Grimsel, Naadirah. "Changing world order : the Republic of Turkey's rise as a middle power." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86391.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Changes in world order have caused major shifts in the global positioning of states at the international level. The end of the Cold War ushered in a new power structure that shifted from a bipolar arrangement to a multipolar disposition. The emergence of this new world order allowed for emerging and developing states, such as Turkey, the opportunity to fill gaps left by the power vacuum created by the new multipolar power arrangement. This led the Turkish state on its path to become a middle power within the new world order. To assess the impact of changing world orders in the promotion of Turkey as a middle power in the new order, this study uses Coxian Critical Theory and the social relations of forces framework to account for Turkey’s middle power ascent. The framework developed by Robert Cox consists of three aspects, namely world orders, forms of state and the social relations of production. The change in world order both in the post-Cold War and post-2001 era has caused fundamental shifts within the Turkish state, both in terms of forms of state and in the social relations of production. Changes in the forms of state of the Turkish Republic following the end of the Cold War allowed for the creation of more robust civil society organizations, and a state that was transformed by the spread of international norms that originated at the world order level. International norms at the world order level not only affected the forms of state, but also the social relations of production and the political economy of Turkey. As a result changes in the forms of state and social relations of production informed by changes at the world order level, influenced the creation and execution of a proactive autonomous and internationally geared Turkish foreign policy, which is indicative of a middle power.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Aanpassings in die wêreld orde het grootskaalse verskuiwings op internasionale vlak in die globale positionering van state te weeg gebring. Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het ontwikkel in ‘n nuwe mag struktuur wat beweeg het van bipolêre magskikking tot multi-polêre ingesteldheid. Die opkoms van hierdie nuwe wêreld orde het vir opkomende en ontwikkelende state, soos Turkye, die geleentheid gebied om in rolle in te tree wat ontstaan het as gevolg van die magsleemte wat veroorsaak is deur die nuwe multi-polêre orde. Die faktore het daartoe bygedra dat Turkye ‘n nuwe rol as ‘n intermedïere moondheid (‘middle power’) begin aanneem het. Hierdie studie het die Kritiese Teorie van Robert Cox gebruik om te bepaal wat die impak is van die veranderende wêreld orde op die ontwikkeling van Turkye as ‘n intermedïere moondheid in die nuwe wêreld orde, asook die mag van sosiale verwantskappe (‘social relations of forces’) raamwerk om rekenskap te gee and Turkye se rol as intermedïere moondheid. Die raamwerk wat deur Robert Cox ontwikkel is bestaan uit drie aspekte; die wêreld ordes, staatsvorme, en die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. In beide die post- Koue Oorlog en die post-2001 era het die verandering in wêreld orde merkwaardige verskuiwings in die Turkse staat veroorsaak; beide in terme van die aard van die staat asook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. Teen die einde van die Koue Oorlog het die veranderinge in die aard van die staat van die Turkse Republiek toegelaat dat meer kragtige burgerlike samelewingsorganisasies kon bestaan, sowel as ‘n staat wat omskep was deur die verspreiding van internasionale norme, wat ontstaan het op wêreld orde vlak. Hierdie internasionale norme het nie net die forms of state vorm of aard van die staat beïnvloed nie, maar ook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie en die politieke ekonomie van Turkye. Uit die aard van die saak het veranderinge in die vorm van die staat en sosiale verwantskappe van produksie wat veroorsaak was deur die verandering op wêreld orde vlak, gelei tot die ontstaan en ontwikkeling van ‘n pro-aktiewe, selfstandige en internationaal gerigte Turkse buitelandse beleid. Die laasgenoemde dui aan op Turkye se ewolusie as ʼn intermedïere moondheid.
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Oliveira, Rodrigo de. "A política social no governo Dilma (2011-2014) análise de entrevistas concedidas ao programa café com a presidenta." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Paraná, 2018. http://tede.unioeste.br/handle/tede/3972.
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Present as an object in this research the relationship between new developmentalism and the Dilma government (2011- 2014) raising the constituent elements of that relationship that allowed us to understand how the so-called capitalism shock takes place in the social and educational field. We did this in particular from analysis in interviews for Dilma to coffee program with the president, the interviews we have chosen for analysis were those that showed the correlation education and work, allowing us to map in more detail the government's propositions Dilma to ensure aspects such as equity and enhancement of human capital present in the so-called new developmentalism has a pronounced liberal bias. To give proposed bill organize and subdivide the work so that the first part is a brief introduction about the interest in the subject, objectives and hypotheses for this research. We also present a brief theoretical framework with some considerations about our understanding of state and social policies. In the second part we highlight the main elements that make up the new developmentalism, from the writings of Bresser-Pereira, Carcanholo, Castelo-Branco. In the third and last part we perform the analysis of the interviews and the final considerations which resumed the route traveled along the analysis allowed us to identify the end of the research that the actions of the Dilma government is in the economic field or in fact social feature confluence with the new developmentalism current configuration of liberalism, making it clear, however, that due to the limits of this work do not intend to run out here all the weights on the subject leaving open the way for the discussion of this in other studies
Apresentamos como objeto nessa pesquisa a relação entre o novo desenvolvimentismo e o governo Dilma (2011- 2014) levantando os elementos constitutivos dessa relação que nos permitiram compreender como o chamado choque de capitalismo se realiza no campo social e educacional. Fizemos isso de modo particular a partir de análise realizada em entrevistas concedidas por Dilma ao programa café com a presidenta. As entrevistas que escolhemos para análise foram as que apresentavam a correlação educação e trabalho, nos permitindo mapear de maneira mais detalhada que as proposições do governo Dilma para assegurar aspectos como equidade e valorização do capital humano presentes no chamado novo desenvolvimentismo tem um acentuado viés liberal. Para darmos conta do proposto, organizamos e subdividimos o trabalho de maneira que na primeira parte apresentamos uma breve introdução acerca do interesse pelo tema, objetivos e hipóteses para a realização desta pesquisa. Apresentamos também um breve aporte teórico com algumas considerações a respeito de nossa compreensão de Estado e Políticas sociais. Na segunda parte evidenciamos os principais elementos que constituem o novo desenvolvimentismo, a partir dos escritos de Bresser-Pereira, Carcanholo, Castelo-Branco. Na terceira e ultima parte realizamos a análise das entrevistas e as considerações finais onde retomamos o percurso percorrido ao longo da análise que nos permitiu identificar ao final da pesquisa que as ações do governo Dilma sejam no campo econômico ou social de fato apresentam confluência com o novo desenvolvimentismo configuração atual do liberalismo, deixando claro, porém, que devido aos limites desse trabalho não pretendemos esgotar aqui todas as ponderações a respeito do tema deixando em aberto o caminho para a discussão deste em outras pesquisas.
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Fontoura, Leandro Heitich. "Reformar à esquerda : a relação de prefeituras petistas com a administração pública gerencial." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/132670.
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Há duas décadas, o PT sustenta uma posição crítica à reforma do aparelho do Estado realizada durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB). No discurso tradicional petista, a Administração Pública Gerencial (APG) introduzida no país naquele período é apresentada como um conjunto de políticas de gestão com conteúdo político intrínseco e predefinido – de corte neoliberal e conservador – e não uma iniciativa que pode ser politicamente orientada pela esquerda. Essa posição se mantém ao longo dos anos pela necessidade de sustentar o antagonismo político e eleitoral em relação ao PSDB. O que esta tese mostra é uma revisão do discurso antirreforma petista. Diante dos problemas urbanos das cidades, dos entraves da burocracia pública e do aumento das demandas sociais, há prefeitos do partido implementando políticas normalmente associadas aos tucanos com a finalidade de modernizar a gestão e torná-la mais eficiente e efetiva. Essa mudança de postura não se dá sem constrangimentos, tensionamentos e conflitos com setores da legenda e do funcionalismo público, mas há nela sinais que apontam para a construção de um novo olhar petista sobre a APG. O gerencialismo, associado à participação, torna-se um aliado no fortalecimento da democracia e na busca pelos históricos compromissos sociais da esquerda.For two decades, PT has held a tough critic regarding the state reform carried out by Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) during his government. According to PT’s traditional speech, the Managerial Public Administration introduced in the country in that period is considered a set of management policies within a neoliberal and conservative political bias. Through this view, the Managerial Public Administration agenda cannot be politically driven by a left party. This position has been maintained for so long because PT needs to keep the political and electoral antagonism in relation to PSDB. This thesis shows a review of PT's antireform speech. In contact with urban problems, public bureaucracy barriers and increasing of social demands, PT mayors are implementing policies associated with PSDB in order to modernize the management and make it more efficient and effective. This posture change is characterized by constraints, tensions and conflicts with party groups and public servants. But it has signs pointing out to the construction of a new view on Managerial Public Administration by PT. Associated with political participation, managerialism becomes an ally for democracy strengthening and for the pursuit of historical left social compromises.
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Motlová, Barbora. "OSN a problematika mezinárodního toku informací." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-85185.
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The aim of this thesis is to determine whether promoting the free flow of information at the international level through the UN is effective as a solution to global communication inequalities. The first part of the thesis follows the development of global communication system and the importance of information at international level. The second part deals with the activities of the UN in this area. Conclusion summarizes the individual chapters. The analysis leads to the conclusion that promoting the free flow of information has no effect under the current conditions on the reduction of inequalities in the global communication system.
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Nogueira, Leila de Mello Yañez. "Estabilidade versus flexibilidade: a dicotomia necessária à inovação na gestão de recursos humanos em uma organização pública, estatal eestratégica como Bio-Manguinhos / Fiocruz." reponame:Repositório Institucional da FIOCRUZ, 2009. https://www.arca.fiocruz.br/handle/icict/2500.
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Previous issue date: 2009Este trabalho propõe analisar o fenômeno da terceirização desenvolvido ao longo das duas últimas décadas em Bio-Manguinhos. Trata-se de um estudo de caso realizado na unidade de produção de vacinas e reagentes para diagnóstico da Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. Inicialmente foi realizado um estudo de cenário, analisando a política de gestão do trabalho desenvolvida pelo Estado brasileiro para as instituições públicas. A seguir, a análise passou a verificar a inserção da Fiocruz nessas políticas, desde a sua criação e no decorrer de vigência de diferentes formas de contratação, alternando da extrema rigidez para a total flexibilidade sempre com foco na gestão do trabalho, e, como essas políticas se refletiram no desempenho de Bio-Manguinhos. Baseado no contexto da conformação do Estado e na análise do desempenho da unidade, o trabalho critica a falta de planejamento e de prospecção dessas políticas, que favoreça a inovação de processos, produtos e procedimentos e o desempenho pleno de uma unidade de produção de insumos para a saúde, tão necessários ao atendimento das necessidades da população brasileira. Critica também, a ausência de um modelo de Estado consolidado que sirva de arcabouço à formulação dessas políticas. Devido às fortes críticas dos órgãos de controle acerca da extrapolação dos limites da terceirização praticada nas últimas duas décadas e à falta de definição clara desses marcos legais, o trabalho apresenta uma metodologia baseada nas atribuições dos cargos do plano de carreiras da Fiocruz e culmina com a apresentação de uma matriz de atribuições passíveis de serem realizadas por contratação indireta. Conclui pela necessidade de convivência de dois quadros de trabalhadores: um permanente formado por servidores, estáveis e de carreira e outro flexível, executado por contratação indireta, de caráter eventual, temporário ou de apoio às atividades relacionadas à missão de Bio-Manguinhos. O trabalho ainda sugere a aplicação da mesma metodologia às demais unidades da Fiocruz e que a instituição afirme, frente aos órgãos de controle, quais atividades que ela precisa manter no quadro de servidores permanente e quais ela quer delegar a terceiros sem contudo, ferir a legislação vigente. Por fim, constata-se que a metodologia apresentada ameniza, mas não resolve o problema, dessa forma, recomenda-se à Fiocruz buscar mecanismos que altere o modelo de gestão pelo qual está submetida a fim de viabilizar as duas formas de incorporação de mão-de-obra.
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Donald, Rosalind. "Greenlining: Segregation and Environmental Policies in Miami from the New Deal to the Climate Crisis." Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-rpvs-bn15.
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What do people talk about when they talk about climate change? This dissertation sets out to answer this question by focusing on local understandings of climate change and the policy priorities that result from them in Miami. Through a historical study that spans from the 1920s to today and 88 hourlong interviews, I demonstrate that climate change is a historically contingent, contested, and localized concept defined by power relationships. Through a historical investigation of the narratives that connect environmental policies with segregation and efforts to displace Miami’s Black residents over more than 80 years, I show how historic understandings of race and the environment inform debates about what climate change means and what to do about it today. This investigation shows how Miami’s current response to climate change has been shaped by its history as a colonial city built on the maximization of land value and exclusionary planning and policies. I find that dominant understandings of climate change in Miami have been rooted in concern for the effects of sea level rise on property prices, directing policy money toward shoreline areas while continuing to encourage a building boom that is accelerating gentrification. This set of responses is not haphazard. As my research shows, it represents a continuation of local and international patterns of exploitation. In recent years, however, a coalition of activist groups mounted an unprecedented campaign to force the city to include social and environmental justice concerns in its policy agenda. This coalition mobilized Miami’s history of environmentally-justified urban removal as a key counternarrative to policies that have historically ignored the problems of low-income areas, especially in Miami’s historically Black neighborhoods, to demand a coordinated response to environmental and social vulnerability.
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PEACH, IAN. "Reconciling the Constitutional Order: Positing a New Approach to the Development of Indigenous Self-Government and Indigenous Law." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/5208.
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In light of the recognition of continuing Indigenous sovereignty by the Supreme Court of Canada and the requirement that that sovereignty and de facto Crown sovereignty be reconciled within a shared constitutional order, Canada needs a new approach to negotiating the exercise of Indigenous sovereignty. Any new approach must be built around a coherent understanding of the Constitution as a whole, most importantly the constitutional principle of reconciliation and the other unwritten principles articulated by the Supreme Court of Canada in the Reference re. Secession of Quebec.
The four unwritten principles which the Supreme Court of Canada identified in the Quebec Secession Reference do not represent a barrier to the exercise of Indigenous sovereignty, if interpreted in light of the reconciliation principle. Indeed, the principles of federalism and the protection of minorities support the protection of distinct Indigenous political and legal institutions. Because they are exercising a continuing sovereignty, rather than an aboriginal right as that term is currently understood under section 35, Indigenous peoples also need not return to traditional forms of governance in their entirety in a modern self-government regime; they may also adopt more or less of the Euro-Canadian forms with which they have become familiar as citizens of Canada, such that modern Indigenous institutions could be quite consistent with mainstream understandings of the four unwritten principles of the Constitutions.
As with other institutions of governance, Indigenous peoples have long traditions of dispute resolution that they could draw upon in the context of the modern exercise of their sovereignty. Nor do Indigenous peoples need to return to these traditional methods in their entirety, either; again, they could adopt elements of Euro-Canadian legal traditions. There are numerous precedents around the world for Indigenous legal institutions that combine elements of Indigenous customs of dispute resolution and common-law judicial structures. What is important is that Indigenous peoples have the right to design their own institutions for the interpretation, as well as the creation, of law and the resolution of disputes if they are to exercise their sovereignty within the Canadian constitutional and political system as a third order of government.Thesis (Master, Law) -- Queen's University, 2009-09-24 08:41:11.447
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Radasi, Memory Zodwa. "Exploring policies made by the democratic new South African government with regard to gender and race in the context of inequality in the workplace." Tese, 2018. https://repositorio-aberto.up.pt/handle/10216/112706.
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Radasi, Memory Zodwa. "Exploring policies made by the democratic new South African government with regard to gender and race in the context of inequality in the workplace." Doctoral thesis, 2018. https://repositorio-aberto.up.pt/handle/10216/112706.
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Nightingale, Richard Beresford. "Maori at work : the shaping of a Maori workforce within the New Zealand state 1935 - 1975 : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Social and Cultural Studies, Massey University." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1422.
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This thesis examines the dynamics of the shaping of a Maori workforce within the New Zealand nation 1935 - 1975 as a significant outcome of colonial and postcolonial engagements under the introduced capitalist system. It is argued that this was part of a larger process of acculturation and assimilation of Maori. That Maori labour formed a second stage in the incorporation of three indigenous components into the New Zealand domain of a global capitalist market system is accepted conditionally with some modification. Essentially, the first stage (from about 1840) was the need for land for the production of farm commodities; the second stage (from about 1935) was the need for industrial labour power for manufacturing production; and the third stage (from about 1975) was the appropriation of socio-cultural values as instruments to be utilized in social and economic administration by the State. The focus is on the second stage of this process. The central objective is to assess the outcomes of this process on Maori, socially, economically and culturally. Two broad assumptions are interrogated: first, that pools of surplus Maori labour were created as an outcome of the expansion of capitalism on pre-capitalist economies; second, that the incorporation of this surplus labour via migration from about 1935 arose from patterns of capital accumulation that created excess labour demand in urban secondary industries. Successive government policies of racial amalgamation, assimilation, adaptation and integration from 1840 through to the early 1970s, assumed that civilisation and integration were one-way processes. Government policies were predicated on concepts of assimilation and individualisation in a plethora of government initiatives in health, education, housing and social welfare, most of which were unilaterally justified on the grounds of progress and modernisation. These policies, which came to be called 'integration' in the decade of the 1960s, were perceived by government to be for the benefit of Maori and the whole nation, Pakeha and Maori. Arguably, the Hunn Report of 1960/61 marked the high point of this postcolonial ideology. The narrative of the key developments in government policies is inter-woven with an account of race relations and Maori affairs. It is emphasised that these policies were instituted during a period of enormous change· in Maori society and in the configuration of relationships between Maori and Pakeha. The focus is shifted in the last section of the thesis to the response by Maori to government policies. The retreat by Maori from issues of class deprivation to the promotion of issues that centred on loss of land, language and culture is traced. It is noted that the concern with class that marked the rhetoric of many similar global protest movements was remarkably mild in the Maori protest litany. This thesis marks a first attempt to discuss the shaping of a Maori workforce by taking an approach which recognises that the separation between culture and political economy is itself culturally constructed by the dominant actor in the nation-state.
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Crickmore, Barbara Lee. "An Historical Perpsective On the Academic Education Of Deaf Children In New South Wales 1860s-1990s." 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/24905.
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This is an historical investigation into the provision of education services for deaf children in the State of New South Wales in Australia since 1860. The main focus is those deaf children without additional disabilities who have been placed in mainstream classes, special classes for the deaf and special schools for the deaf. The study places this group at centre stage in order to better understand their educational situation in the late 1990s. The thesis has taken a chronological and thematic approach. The chapters are defined by significant events that impacted on the education of the deaf, such as the establishment of special schools in New South Wales, the rise of the oral movement, and aftermath of the rubella epidemic in Australia during the 1940s. Within each chapter, there is a core of key elements around which the analysis is based. These key elements tend to be based on institutions, players, and specific educational features, such as the mode of instruction or the curriculum. The study found general agreement that language acquisition was a fundamental prerequisite to academic achievement. Yet the available evidence suggests that educational programs for most deaf children in New South Wales have seldom focused on ensuring adequate language acquisition in conjunction with the introduction of academic subjects. As a result, language and literacy competencies of deaf students in general have frequently been acknowledged as being below those of five their hearing counterparts, to the point of presenting a barrier to successful post-secondary study. It is proposed that the reasons for the academic failings of the deaf are inherent in five themes.PhD Doctorate
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Dionísio, Elsa Alexandra Louro. "Políticas locais e acção colectiva dos imigrantes da Europa de Leste, no Concelho de Lisboa." Master's thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.2/640.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Interculturais apresentada à Universidade AbertaResumo - Uma das principais dimensões do mundo contemporâneo traduz-se numa maior mobilidade de fluxos migratórios internacionais e na emergência de novos países de destino destes movimentos populacionais. Portugal é hoje um dos países de destino desses movimentos migratórios, que nele procuram melhores condições de vida e a concretização das suas aspirações. É, pois, neste novo quadro a que temos vindo a assistir, ao longo da última década, caracterizado pela entrada e fixação de um número significativo de indivíduos oriundos de países da Europa de Leste, que este movimento se apresenta, actualmente, enquanto uma das maiores comunidades imigrantes a residir em Portugal. Neste trabalho pretendeu-se examinar a natureza das políticas locais e a acção colectiva dos imigrantes da Europa de Leste, no concelho de Lisboa. A análise dos canais institucionais locais no que respeita a integração dos imigrantes sublinha o carácter reactivo e esporádico das medidas adoptadas. Por outro lado, os resultados da pesquisa apontam para o importante papel desempenhado pelas instituições da sociedade civil, maioritariamente as Organizações Não-Governamentais, as quais, perante a inoperacionalidade dos poderes institucionais locais, se tornam elas próprias novos actores sociais activos nos processos de integração dos imigrantes e mesmo à regulação dos fluxos migratórios. No que diz respeito ao movimento associativo dos imigrantes da Europa de Leste, o estudo sublinha a importância de organismos do poder central e das Organizações Não-Governamentais em estimular e apoiar a mobilização e desenvolvimento deste movimento associativo imigrante. Acrescenta-se ainda que independentemente dos objectivos das associações imigrantes, estas têm vindo a assumir um papel fundamental, nos processos de adaptação e de integração. Contudo, a actuação destas organizações, com vista à participação cívica e ao exercício da cidadania, é configurada por um fraco reconhecimento das associações enquanto parceiros sociais nos processos de decisão política, assim como pelo maior ou menor poder de representatividade dos seus líderes
Résumé - Une des principales dimensions du monde contemporain se traduit dans une plus grande mobilité de flux migrateurs internationaux et dans l'émergence de nouveaux pays de destination de ces mouvements de population. Le Portugal est aujourd'hui un des pays de destination de ces mouvements migrateurs, dans lequel ils cherchent des meilleures conditions de vie et la réalisation de leurs rêves. C'est donc, dans ce nouveau cadre, auquel on assiste tout au long de la dernière décennie, caractérisé par l'entrée et la fixation d'un nombre significatif de personnes originaires de pays de l'Europe de l’Est, que ce mouvement se présente, à l'heure actuelle, tant qu'une des plus grandes communautés immigrées au Portugal. Dans ce travail on a voulu examiner la nature des politiques locales et l'action collective des immigrés de l'Europe de l’Est, dans la commune de Lisbonne. L'analyse des canaux institutionnels locaux à l'égard d'intégration des immigrés souligne le caractère réactif et sporadique des mesures adoptées. D'autre part, les résultats de la recherche soulignent l’importance du rôle joué par les institutions de la société civile, majoritairement les Organisations Non Gouvernementales, qui, devant l’inopérabilité des pouvoirs institutionnels locaux, deviennent elles mêmes, des nouveaux acteurs sociaux, actifs sur les processus d'intégration des immigrés et, même, sur le règlement des flux migrateurs. En ce qui concerne le mouvement associatif des immigrés de l'Europe de l’Est, l'étude souligne l'importance d'organismes du pouvoir central et des Organisations Non Gouvernementales, dans la stimulation et le soutien à la mobilisation et au développement de ce mouvement associatif immigré. Il faut dire aussi, que, indépendamment des objectifs des associations immigrées, celles-ci ont un rôle fondamental en ce qui concerne les processus d'adaptation et d'intégration. Néanmoins, l'action de ces organisations, en vue de la participation civique et à l'exercice de la citoyenneté, est configurée par une faible reconnaissance des associations en tant que partenaires sociaux aux procédures de décision politique, ainsi que comme par le plus grand ou moindre pouvoir de représentativité de leurs chefs
Abstract - One of the main characteristics of the Contemporary world is the increasing mobility featured by an increasing number of people, as well as the emergence of new countries of destination for those human movements. Portugal is nowadays one of those countries, where those who decide to cross their domestic borders seek for better opportunities and better lives abroad. It is within this new scenario, characterised by the entry of a significant number of Eastern European individuals across the last decade that this flow presents itself as one of the major immigrant community residing in Portugal. In this work it was our purpose to examine the nature of local policies and the Eastern European immigrants’ collective active mobilization in Lisbon Municipality. The local institutional channels analysis, in what concerns immigrants’ integration, underlines the sporadic and reactive nature of the measures that have been adopted. On the other hand, the results of our research pointed the important role of civil society institutions, mostly NGO’s, who, facing the inefficiency of the local institutional powers, become themselves new active social parts in what concerns immigrant issues (integration and even migratory flows regulation). In what concerns Eastern European immigrant organisations, this research also points out the role played by central government and NGO’s in encouraging and supporting the mobilisation and development of this immigrant associative movement. It is important to note that, apart from each organisation own objective, they have been taking on an essential role in the integration and adaptation processes. However, the collective action of these organising movements, in what concerns civic participation and the exercise of citizenship, as well as the power of representation of its leaders, still get little recognition by the host society
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Damar, Alita P. "HIV, AIDS and gender issues in Indonesia : implications for policy : an application of complexity theory." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18691.
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The aim of the study was to offer solutions for the enhancement of Indonesia’s HIV
and AIDS policy and to suggest future possibilities. In the process, the gendered
nature of the epidemic was explored. In light of the relatively lower rates of
employment among Indonesian women, this study also sought to gain insights into
the possible reasons for many women appearing to be attached to domesticity.
In the first phase of the study, interviews with stakeholders in HIV and AIDS
prevention were conducted, followed by a Delphi exercise involving 23 HIV and
AIDS experts. In the second phase, 28 women from various ethnicities were
interviewed, including those in polygamous and contract marriages. The overall
results were interpreted through the lens of complexity theory.
Fewer than half of the proposed objectives were approved by the experts in the
Delphi round. These were interventions mainly aimed at the risk groups while most
objectives relating to education about HIV and AIDS and safer sex for the general
public failed to obtain consensus. Reasons for the lack of consensus were
differences in perceptions associated with human rights, moral reasoning, the
unfeasibility of certain statements and personal conviction about the control of the epidemic. Emphasis on men’s and women’s innate characteristics; men’s role as
breadwinner; women’s primary role as wife, mother and educator of their children;
and unplanned pregnancies emerged as major themes from the qualitative phase.
While the adat and Islam revival movements may have endorsed the ideals of the
New Order state ideology, Javanese rituals regarded as violating Islam teachings
were abandoned. Ignorance about safer sex and HIV and AIDS was also established. Interpretation of the results through the lens of complexity theory revealed that the
national HIV and AIDS policy needs to encompass interventions for the general
population, which would include comprehensive sex education in schools and
media campaigns focusing on women. It was found that women’s vulnerability to
HIV and their penchant for domesticity appear to be associated with their
perceived primary role as wife and mother, as promoted by the adat-based New Order state ideology.Sociology
D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)