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Journal articles on the topic 'New modes of political action'
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1
Monticelli, Lara, and Matteo Bassoli. "Precariousness, youth and political participation: the emergence of a new political cleavage." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 49, no. 1 (September 18, 2018): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2018.11.
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AbstractThe article aims at disentangling the existing relation between job precariousness and political participation at the individual level illustrating that the former can be considered an emerging political cleavage. The authors apply an interpretive framework typical of political participation studies to an original data set composed of two groups of young workers (with precarious and open-ended contracts) in a big Italian post-industrial city, Turin. First, applying a confirmatory factor analysis, a typology of three ‘modes’ of political participation – voting, collective action, and political consumerism – is used to reduce data complexity. Second, logistic regressions are deployed to analyze the role played by occupational status, political positioning, and the interaction between the two, on the different modes of political participation. Precarious youth show a higher level of political participation in representational behaviours (voting). Left-wing youth are generally more active than non-left-wing ones in non-representational behaviours (collective actions and consumerism), the impact is more pronounced for precarious young people. Thus, results demonstrate the relevance of occupational status in explaining patterns of participation and invite scholars to promote a dialogue between industrial relations and political participation studies.
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Child, John, and Suzana B. Rodrigues. "How Organizations Engage with External Complexity: A Political Action Perspective." Organization Studies 32, no. 6 (June 2011): 803–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840611410825.
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This paper offers a new insight into how organizations engage with external complexity. It applies a political action perspective that draws attention to the hitherto neglected question of how the relative power organizational leaders enjoy within their environments is significant for the actions they can take on behalf of their organizations when faced with external complexity. It identifies cognitive and relational complexity as two dimensions of the environment with which organizations have to engage. It proposes three modes whereby organizations may engage with environmental complexity that are conditioned by an organization’s power within its environment. It also considers the intention associated with each mode, as well as the implications of these modes of engagement for how an organization can learn about its environment and for the use of rationality and intuition in its strategic decision-making. The closing discussion considers how this analysis integrates complexity and political action perspectives in a way that contributes to theoretical development and provides the basis for a dynamic political co-evolutionary approach.
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Neto, Pedro Pereira. "Internet-driven changes in environmental NGO action." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 6, no. 2 (December 21, 2008): 125–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v6i2.83.
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Information and Communication Technologies, considered both as a technological resource and as a social technology, play an important role in the shaping of existing social relations and in the creation of new modes of interaction and social organization (AA. VV., 2000). However, traditional approaches of political action frequently misstate just how politically active citizens are by underrating changes occurred in the realm of political mediation (Norris, 2002, p. 2; Epstein, 1991, p. 230). The changes in the organizational and action repertoires go hand in hand with the specificities of each NGO's cultural interpretative devices, which are influenced by technological change (Zald, 1996, p. 266-270). On the other hand, frames are also subject to internal debate, a process in which ICTs also take part (Webster, 2001, p. 7). Hence, this paper focuses on clarifying the ways in which NGOs have their structure and action repertoires changed by the use of ICTs.
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Weigert, Andrew J. "Pragmatic Trust in a World of Strangers: Trustworthy Actions." Comparative Sociology 10, no. 3 (2011): 321–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913311x578172.
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AbstractPragmatically, concepts serve as tools in reconstructive responses to emerging issues. Philosophers suggest we now live in a world of strangers and sociologists speak of a second modernity of risk. Theorists of trust need to address this emerging new context. With primacy in social action, new modes of trust arise from fitting together lines of action addressing new risks. An attendant development is the emergence of cosmopolitan identities appropriate to relationships among strangers. Trust is likely to underwrite future cooperation among strangers if global dynamics reduce inequalities and trustworthy actions generate functional trust. Consider the tale of the owl.
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Cohen, Gary B. "Neither Absolutism nor Anarchy: New Narratives on Society and Government in Late Imperial Austria." Austrian History Yearbook 29, no. 1 (January 1998): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780001479x.
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A reevaluationby historians of political life in late imperial Austria and the capacity of the state to accommodate modern modes of popular political engagement is long overdue. Over the last twenty years lively discussions have developed about the extent of political modernization in Germany and Russia during the last decades before World War I. A number of historians have argued that modes of government and popular politics changed much more significantly in those empires than was previously recognized. In the meantime an important new monographic literature has arisen on popular political action, government, and civil administration in the Habsburg monarchy that suggests that much the same may have taken place there, too.
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Argüelles, Lucía, and Hug March. "Weeds in action: Vegetal political ecology of unwanted plants." Progress in Human Geography 46, no. 1 (December 10, 2021): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03091325211054966.
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This paper presents a vegetal political ecology of weeds. Weeds have barely been analysed in the burgeoning field of ‘more-than-human’ scholarship, this despite their ubiquity and considerable impact on human social life. We review how geographical scholarship has represented weeds’ material and political status: mostly as invasive plants, annoying species in private gardens and spontaneous vegetation in urbanized landscapes. Then, bringing together weed science, agronomic science and the critical geography of agriculture, we show how weeds ecology, weeds management and the environmental problems which weeds are entangled have critically shaped the industrial agriculture paradigm. Three main arguments emerging from our analysis open up new research avenues: weeds’ disruptive character might shape our understanding of human-plant relationships; human-weeds relation in agriculture have non-trivial socio-economic and political implications; and more-than-human approaches, such as vegetal political ecology, might challenge dominant modes of considering and practicing agriculture.
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Hunt-Hinojosa, Emily, and Brent D. Maher. "The Contentious Rise of the New Civics: Contending With Critiques of New Civics as a Leftist Enterprise." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 123, no. 11 (November 2021): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01614681221087291.
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Background/Context: New Civics scholars and practitioners aspire to move beyond curricula focused on voter participation and knowledge of government structures and mechanisms to instead prepare youth to act upon their values in ways that lead to systemic change. Critics of New Civics argue that this approach is a form of pervasive leftist politics on campuses that seek to train youth activists with particular political agendas. Purpose and Research Questions: New Civics scholars must contend with conservative critiques as they envision curricula and programs to encourage greater civic action and engagement universally. Because these curricula and programs embrace nontraditional notions of civic action, they must garner some modicum of public trust to gain broad traction in schools and nonprofit organizations. Opponents of New Civics frame it as exclusively leftist, “politically correct,” and hostile to alternative views. These accusations may convince an already skeptical public that New Civics advances a particular political agenda, rather than modes of civic action and engagement in a democratic and pluralistic society. We analyze the extent to which these critiques have merit. Research Design: Our approach explores the curricula, programs, and social movements associated with New Civics. We contextualize these critiques within historical campus culture wars that portray the university as an echo chamber of liberal politics lacking intellectual diversity, with special attention to contemporary debates about free speech and identity on campus. Finally, we consider the extent to which a conservative New Civics practice is possible and whether New Civics needs to embrace a more inclusive ideological stance to mitigate critiques. Findings/Results: We discuss the possibility of scholars and practitioners transcending the culture-war framework to pursue their cardinal goal of preparing all youth to initiate and engage in action that leads to social change.
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Madej, Małgorzata, Dorota Drałus, and Monika Wichłacz. "Social Movements and Political Parties: Cooperation and Conflict." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 80, no. 4 (2023): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2023.80.06.
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New social movements, focused around values and sociocultural identities, shape new communities outside the traditional field of party politics. On one hand, in their institutionalization, social movements enter the political sphere, and on the other, political parties strive to attract voters and supporters by application of tools typical for social movements. The subject of this paper is the border area between new social movements and parties, understood primarily as modes of collective action. The study aims at delineating the field of their mutual influence and at identifying its mechanisms, and explores the problems of ambivalence and instability affecting the dynamics of change within political systems.
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Ingraham, Patricia W., and Carolyn Ban. "Politics and Merit: Can They Meet in a Public Service Model?" Review of Public Personnel Administration 8, no. 2 (March 1988): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734371x8800800202.
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This analysis examines existing models of career bureaucrat and political appointee relationships and asks: to what extent is the broader purpose of public service for both politicals and careerists considered? Because most current models focus on career responsibilities, but exclude the special public responsibilities of political managers, a new “Public Service Model” is proposed. The new-model proposes a joint political-career commitment to serving the public interest and a heightened recognition of the value of both sets of public executives. Both have a critical role to play in democratic policy processes; joint action and cooperation are essential to effective governance.
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Mudu, Pierpaolo. "I Centri Sociali italiani: verso tre decadi di occupazioni e di spazi autogestiti." PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no. 1 (May 2012): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2012-001004.
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In the 1970s, Italy experienced a difficult crisis that marked the end of the economic model carried out after world war two. The resulting changes in production relations led to the disappearance of traditional public spaces and meeting places such as open squares, workplaces, party offices or the premises of left extra-parliamentary groups. Within this context, in the 1980s and 1990s, these groups managed to create new social and political spaces by setting up Self-Managed Social Centers, ie squatted properties which became the venue of social, political and cultural events. In Italy, over 300 Social Centers have been active over the past 25 years, especially in urban areas. Their organizational modes indicate examples of successful direct democracy in non-hierarchical structures and may provide alternative options to the bureaucratic organization of so many aspects of social and political life. Social Centers have turned abandoned places into public spaces relying mostly on collective action, that is cooperative working modes which do not come under the provisions governing regular employment contracts. Their actions explicitly contest marginalization and exclusion processes which are becoming more and more fierce in our cities. An analysis of the evolution of this original Italian movement provides the opportunity to address a number of issues associated with alternative practices to neoliberal globalization.
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Jennings, M. Kent. "Political Participation in the Chinese Countryside." American Political Science Review 91, no. 2 (June 1997): 361–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952361.
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The topic of grass-roots participation in China has acquired special interest in light of the local economic and political reforms introduced in the post-Mao period. This paper explores some major modes of participation, issues motivating participation, and the determinants of participation. The findings are based on interviews held in early 1990 with probability samples drawn from four countryside counties. The analysis emphasizes three modes of “autonomous” participation: cooperative actions, voicing opinions to cadres, and contacting representatives. Participants pursued selective and collective goods and were strategic in combining particular modes with particular problem areas. Determinants of participation included traditional resource model predictors but also unique predictors in the form of holding a second occupation, being a party member, and residing in a specific county. Local activists appear to be using new and traditional methods in moving toward more proactive, collective, and strategic forms of behavior.
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Hyvönen, Ari-Elmeri. "Labor as Action: the Human Condition in the Anthropocene." Research in Phenomenology 50, no. 2 (July 22, 2020): 240–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691640-12341449.
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Abstract The Anthropocene has become an umbrella term for the disastrous transgression of ecological safety boundaries by human societies. The impact of this new reality is yet to be fully registered by political theorists. In an attempt to recalibrate the categories of political thought, this article brings Hannah Arendt’s framework of The Human Condition (labor, work, action) into the gravitational pull of the Anthropocene and current knowledge about the Earth System. It elaborates the historical emergence of our capacity to “act in the mode of laboring” during fossil-fueled capitalist modernity, a form of agency relating to our collectively organized laboring processes reminiscent of the capacity of modern sciences to “act into nature” discussed by Arendt. I argue that once read from an energy/ecology-centric perspective, The Human Condition can help us make sense of the Anthropocene predicament, and rethink the modes of collectively organizing the activities of labor, work, and action.
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Cho, Hwisang. "The Epistolary Brush: Letter Writing and Power in Chosŏn Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 4 (November 2016): 1055–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911816001091.
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This article explores how new modes of writing and reading that developed in epistolary culture brought about intellectual, social, and political changes in Chosŏn society. From the sixteenth century onwards, the diverse uses of letters transformed the lifestyle and the mode of political participation of Confucian intellectuals. Letters became the main reading materials for neo-Confucian studies and self-cultivation as well as a medium for political action, especially for rural scholars, who innovated various epistolary genres to raise their political voices. New epistolary practices facilitated their collective activism, the spread of radical opinions, and the mobilization of new political groups. Toward the end of the dynasty, even nonelites emulated these practices for their activism. In this period, “spiral letters” developed in both vernacular Korean and literary Chinese letters. These new letter forms, used by both male elites and women, reflected and subverted the existing gender dynamics and power relations associated with the norms of reading and writing. The rise and fall of spiral letters demonstrate the mutual influence between the written culture and sociopolitical changes. The versatility and resourcefulness of epistolary practices characterized Chosŏn letter writers' fashionable choice of a radical lifestyle, which geared their social life to yield actual political power.
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Jordan, Soren. "Leadership political action committee donations and party status: A technical and theoretical extension." Research & Politics 6, no. 4 (October 2019): 205316801988955. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019889558.
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A recent study by Aldrich, Ballard, Lerner, and Rohde (2017) examines whether a specific type of money—donations from leadership political action committees—is systematically related to party goals outside of policy influence. Their model is theoretically incomplete, as leadership political action committees donate considerable money to candidates who do not help the party win new seats or maintain ideological cohesion. I account for this behavior by introducing a new conditional predictor: incumbency. When modeled as a triple interaction with party status and ideological fit, incumbency helps better explain the donating behavior of leadership political action committees. This interaction is paired with a technical extension, more directly modeling the multiplicity of races in which leadership political action committees do not make a donation in a campaign cycle. I find that extending the study with a more appropriate model allows us to draw better inferences about the behavior of leadership political action committees.
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O’Doherty, Damian P. "Feline politics in organization: The nine lives of Olly the cat." Organization 23, no. 3 (March 11, 2016): 407–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350508416629450.
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The appearance of ‘Olly the cat’ on the doorsteps of a major UK international airport provides occasion to reconsider the role of the animal in organization and offers suggestive insight into how we might have to learn new ways of being within extended multi-species or interspecies ontologies. Olly is found to lead multiple lives that cannot be reduced to the status of object or media of human intentionality. Her increasing political involvement in the management and organization of the airport challenges orthodox understanding of agency and organizational action. As the ethnography becomes progressively more implicated in the entanglements between human and animal, the concept of ‘feline politics’ is proposed and deployed. This allows research to retain focus on actions and behaviour and modes of thinking that would ordinarily be occluded by conventional modes of organizational representation. In these ways the ethnography moves beyond the interpretative and symbolic treatment of organization analysis and finds resource in the recent ‘ontological turn’ in the social sciences. Embracing what is the inevitable participation of the social sciences in the reflexive and recursive enactment of its phenomena, the ethnography discovers new potentialities and new capacities for action as emergent properties of ‘the human’ and ‘the animal’ were mutually learnt, exchanged and acquired. This article adds to what we know about the limits of management as it confronts a radical undecidability characterized by the co-existence of multiple and interacting ontological becomings.
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Novo Vázquez, Amparo, and Isabel García-Espejo. "Boycotting and buycotting food: new forms of political activism in Spain." British Food Journal 123, no. 7 (March 5, 2021): 2492–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/bfj-01-2021-0006.
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PurposeThe actions of the political consumer of food may be manifested either through boycotting or through deliberate purchase of certain products based on ethical, environmental or political values (buycotting). This article has several objectives: to analyse which factors predict the behaviour of political consumers of food; to examine how they perceive that their actions can contribute to social or political change and that the political system will respond to their interests and to people's needs and to discover whether, for the political consumer of food, good citizen behaviour comes closer to the norms of the socially “engaged” or “dutiful”.Design/methodology/approachA national survey of 1,000 people was conducted in Spain. For the analysis of the data, logistic regression models were developed to determine the factors that most influenced the boycott or deliberate purchase. To address the relationship between food consumption in the political arena and political effectiveness and citizenship standards, the authors have conducted factor analyses of the main components.FindingsThe main results show political food consumers to be people who are interested in politics, distrust government and big business, are confident in their ability to influence these groups to change practices that are not in line with their values and have a high degree of social engagement.Social implicationsConsumers are demanding a fairer and more supportive agri-food production system, a healthier and more environmentally friendly diet and accountability from both the private sector and policymakers.Originality/valueThese data represent progress in the study of this form of political action in Spain as there are no precedents.
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Baek, Minjoo. "Industrial Ecology Self-Organization System and Its Adaptation in Chinese Urbanism." International Journal of Digital Innovation in the Built Environment 11, no. 3 (June 17, 2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijdibe.313417.
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Chinese cities, especially in the Pearl River Delta, have seen enormous development under globalization and the consequent ecological, socio-economic, and political changes. This 'high-speed urbanization' results from various factors (e.g., reorganizing the administrative and institutional system and new modes of production, employment, and investment). These processes lead to transformations in the urban structures with massive growth and concentrations of population, infrastructure, and economic and political power. The complex relations and connections influence the spatial, social, and ecological development in the new-urban areas. Reflecting on the development outcomes in the PRD, this paper examines the possibilities for new strategic action in the economically important and developing Yangtze River Delta area. Based on outcomes from integrating industrial ecology into the planning of new urban developments, this paper argues that applying these ideas to Chinese urbanization could result in shared economic values and sustainable success.
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Wenzel, Michal. "Solidarity and Akcja Wyborcza ‘Solidarnosc'. An Attempt At Reviving the Legend." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 2 (June 1, 1998): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00007-5.
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The paper is an attempt to analyse Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS), the biggest political coalition in Poland, in the context of the historical development of the Solidarity movement. In particular, two aspects are considered: the value system of the “old” and “new” Solidarity, and the relative importance of the trade union and political goals and modes of activity. The basic hypothesis advanced in the paper is, that the AWS is an attempt to institutionalise trade union control over the political party in the name of clearly defined values. Thus, compared with the “first Solidarity”, the movement has become both more exclusive and more focused in its goals. Values and interests converge in defining its new identity. The paper distinguishes three stages in the existence of the movement (1980–81, 1988–89, and 1996–98) and investigates all three of them. The stress, however, is put on the last of the three.
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Gaborit, Maxime. "Disobeying in Time of Disaster: Radicalism in the French Climate Mobilizations." Youth and Globalization 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 232–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895745-02020006.
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Abstract Since 2018, climate mobilizations have been shaping political life in Europe. Young people are at the heart of this mobilization, both because of their massive nationwide presence in intergenerational demonstrations, but also because of their own modes of action, such as the climate strikes that have been emerging since January 2019. Within these mobilizations, forms of radicalism are expressed through an important support for civil disobedience, such as blocking actions, as well as support – for a significant part of protestors – for material damage. This paper analyzes the new forms of youth radicalism in their link to the social determinations of the awareness of the climate catastrophe. Based on a demonstration survey concerning three French cities for the strike of March 15, 2019, and in Paris for the strike of September 20th, which collected more than 1,800 questionnaires, this paper sets out to show the sociological profiles of radical individuals, which distinguish themselves by significant cultural capital and left-wing familial political socialization. The exploitation of the data collected shows that these new forms of radicalism are conditioned by an awareness of the climate emergency, deeply linked to family legacies and specific academic curricula. The radicalization of inherited dispositions leads these individuals to go beyond the legality/illegality framework, and to favor a debate on the effectiveness of the means of action, in which the link with conventional democratic participation is constantly questioned.
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Pérez, Amín. "Doing politics by other means: Abdelmalek Sayad and the political sociology of a collective intellectual." Sociological Review 68, no. 5 (January 17, 2020): 999–1014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119900104.
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This article proposes a new understanding of the constraints and opportunities that lead intellectuals engaged in different political and social fields to create alternative modes of resistance to domination. The study of the Algerian sociologist Abdelmalek Sayad offers insights into the social conditions of this mode of committed scholarship. On the one hand, this article applies Sayad’s theory of immigration to his transnational intellectual engagements. It establishes how immigrants’ intellectual work are conditioned by their trajectories, both before and after leaving their country, and by the stages of emigration (from playing a role in the society of origin to becoming caught up in the reality of the host society). On the other hand, the article illuminates the constraints and the spaces of possible action intellectuals face while moving across national universes and disparate political and academic fields. Sayad’s marginal position within the academy constrained him to work for the French and Algerian governments and international organizations while he was simultaneously engaged with political dissidents, unionists, writers, and social movements. In tracking Sayad’s roles as an academic, expert and public sociologist, the article uncovers the conditions that grounded improbable alliances between those fields and produced new forms of critique and political action. The article concludes by drawing out some reflections that ‘collective intellectual’ engagements elicit to the sociology of intellectuals.
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Klosko, George, Edward N. Muller, and Karl Dieter Opp. "Rebellious Collective Action Revisited." American Political Science Review 81, no. 2 (June 1987): 557–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961968.
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Why does it happen that ordinary people can come to participate in rebellious collective action? In the June 1986 issue of this Review, Edward N. Muller and Karl-Dieter Opp argued a public-goods model to account for why rational citizens may become rebels. They offered empirical data drawn from samples in New York City and Hamburg, Germany in support of the public-goods model. George Kolsko takes issue with the rationale of Muller and Opp, arguing that their public-goods model is not a rational-choice explanation of rebellious collective action. In response, Muller and Opp clarify their theory and further elaborate its assumptions.
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Landau, Friederike. "Articulations in Berlin’s independent art scene: on new collective actors in the art field." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 9/10 (September 12, 2016): 596–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-11-2015-0129.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the formation of two artist-led collective actors, Koalition der Freien Szene (KFS) and Haben and Brauchen (H&B), and their differing strategies of political critique towards Berlin’s cultural policy-making complex. The paper seeks to contribute to the lack of empirical case studies on Berlin’s cultural governance and cultural policy stakeholders by creating a self-designed framework for analysis of artist-led organizations’ formulation of political claims and how their articulations find entrance into policy-making. Design/methodology/approach The paper’s theoretical framework is situated at the intersection between new social movement studies, post-positivist policy analysis and discursive institutionalism. Methodologically, the paper is based on qualitative interviews with members of KFS, H&B and relevant cultural stakeholders from Berlin’s contemporary arts scene. Findings The paper identifies five differentiating axes of political critique through a self-designed framework. These include: political or constitution-like program, personnel infrastructures determining decision-making, approach to cultural administration, strategic agenda and activity in a collective action framing scheme. Furthermore, the paper illustrates the (trans)formative potentialities for Berlin’s future cultural policy due to complementarity of discursivity and operative action, of pragmatism and utopian thinking. Practical implications The practical implications of the paper provide guidance for cultural policymakers to better systematize modes of participatory policy-making. Originality/value This paper gives an overview of current developments and shifts in Berlin’s cultural field through the emergence of new collective actors by providing unique stakeholder-centered perspective(s). Furthermore, through an empirically grounded, self-designed analytical framework, a systematic analysis of articulatory and communicative strategies and the practices of new cultural policy stakeholders is provided.
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Baker, Stephanie Alice. "The Mediated Crowd: New Social Media and New Forms of Rioting." Sociological Research Online 16, no. 4 (December 2011): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.2553.
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Commentary on the recent riots largely reflects ideological differences with political discourse reviving traditional debates of social inequality and moral decline. While the 2011 riots resemble former incidents of rioting in twentieth-century Britain, it is argued that the recent unrest was significantly enhanced by the development of new social media, requiring new understandings of mediated crowd membership in the twenty-first century. I introduce and outline a model of the ‘mediated crowd’ commencing with the impact of new social media, and develop this paradigm in conjunction with emotions research, to account for the emotional dimensions of collective action, and the social and political effects these technological developments have on contemporary forms of rioting. Here, it is argued that attempts to understand the causes of the recent riots must recognise that while social media contributed to the speed and scope of the unrest, emotions play a crucial role in motivating and sustaining collective action as the structures of feeling that intersect geographic and virtual public space. This innovative approach provides insight into the particular conditions in which the English riots emerged, while demonstrating how social media contributes more broadly to new forms of collectivity in the media age.
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Courdin Máximo, Virginia, Eric Pierre Sabourin, and Virginia Rossi. "Collective action and social capital in family livestock in uruguay." Agrociencia Uruguay 25, Supplement theses (July 27, 2021): e1520. http://dx.doi.org/10.31285/agro.25.1520.
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Although the image of dispersed farms and isolated producers prevails over traditional Uruguayan livestock, in the case of family livestock, collective action is a frequent practice and constitutes the economic basis for their permanence and reproduction. The economic, political and social transformations of the 21st century, framed in progressive governments (2005-2019), launched a series of policies that promoted forms of collective action from a vision of integral rural development. This research seeks to contribute to the understanding of the collective action processes of family livestock producers on the North Coast of Uruguay. It proposes to apply Elinor Ostrom's analytical approach to coordination of collective action based on three modes: delegation of power, rule management and learning. The methodology follows three stages that combined different types of information gathering and analysis techniques. The results show the existence in the region of at least 50 groups of family ranchers, which were characterized and represent four categories or types (Integral, Economic, Basic and Productive). Regardless of the type, in all groups the processes of coordination of collective action differ in the degree of maturity reached according to the trajectories traveled. Some show an endogenous process of collective action that reflects a greater involvement of producers, more sustainable organizational processes and greater returns for the rural community and the territory. In others, this process is exogenous, encouraged by public policies, the construction of common objectives being more expensive and social interaction processes difficult. However, in all of them it is evident that the processes of formalization or institutionalization of groups legitimize, in a new context, practices anchored in the lifestyles of family ranchers such as mutual aid or shared management of assets. They are reciprocal practices and relationships that strengthen social capital and, in particular, trust and solidarity, and make it possible to overcome conflicts and crises of collective action. The three modes of coordination of collective action also depend on the social capital of individuals (network of inter-knowledge, educational and political resources, leadership capacity) and the capacity to strengthen collective social capital.
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Bell, Lucy, and Patrick O’Hare. "Latin American politics underground: Networks, rhizomes and resistance in cartonera publishing." International Journal of Cultural Studies 23, no. 1 (November 8, 2019): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877919880331.
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Cartonera publishing emerged in post-crisis Buenos Aires with the birth of Eloísa cartonera (2003), whose founders proposed a radically new model of making books out of recycled cardboard, purchased from, and made with, cartoneros (waste-pickers). Since then, this model has been adapted across Latin America by an ever-growing number of collectives (currently around 250). In this article we ask: What relations and/or networks have enabled this model of underground cultural production to grow on such a scale? What modalities of resistance do they enable? Our contention is that Deleuze and Guattari’s theory of rhizomes helps in understanding the ways in which cartoneras work, network and spread. Examining texts and practices across Argentina, Mexico and Brazil through literary analysis and ethnography, we make a case for the political significance of cartonera networks and, more broadly, the possibilities afforded by rhizomatic formations for emerging modes of micro-political action and transnational cultural activism.
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Tömmel, Ingeborg, and Amy Verdun. "Innovative Governance in EU Regional and Monetary Policy-Making." German Law Journal 14, no. 2 (February 1, 2013): 380–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220000184x.
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The European Council of Lisbon (December 2000) formally adopted the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) as a means to implement the Lisbon Strategy, a package of policies aimed at promoting economic and social innovations in the member states. The Open Method of Coordination is a means of governance based on the cooperation of member states. The formal introduction of the OMC, based on policy coordination at European level in order to induce change in national policies, triggered a lively scholarly debate on the role of new modes of governance in the EU. New modes of governance are roughly defined as non-hierarchical forms of political steering that rely on policy coordination among a multitude of institutional actors and across government levels. Scholars have coined a variety of terms to capture the characteristics of these governance modes, such as soft modes of governance, network governance, multilevel governance, experimental governance or, as we call it here and elsewhere, innovative governance. Despite the wide variety of terms, scholars hold several assumptions in common. Thus, most scholars assume that new modes of governance have only recently emerged. Furthermore, they assume that such modes of governance particularly emerge in policy areas where the Union lacks competences, while some form of common action is needed. Finally, many scholars take it for granted that non–hierarchical modes of governance result in weak impacts.
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Petrovic, Jelisaveta, and Dalibor Petrovic. "Connective action as the new pattern of protest activism." Sociologija 59, no. 4 (2017): 405–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1704405p.
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The aim of this paper is to examine the organizational background of the protests ?Against dictatorship? that took place in several Serbian towns, in the spring of 2017. The absence of the official organizers and the role social networking sites played in terms of communication, organization and coordination of the protest events, raises the following question: Could the protest ?Against dictatorship? be considered as an example of a digitally enabled ?connective? action? According to the ?connective action? approach (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012, 2013), in the information society a new ?connective? form of collective action is emerging as a result of personalization of political action that occurs within new sociotechnological environment. Connective action is enabled by innovative technological opportunities for individual participation in collective ventures and supported by the role that ICTs play as ?stitching? and organizing agents of collective action. In such circumstances, conventional social movement organizations and solid collective identities seem to become far less necessary. The analysis of the data collected in the field (N = 175) and in the online survey of the experiences and attitudes towards the protest (N=225), leads to the conclusion that the organizational background of the protest ?Against dictatorship? is closest to the ideal-type of ?self-organized network?, as one of the two basic models of connective action. In the concluding part of this paper, the authors argue that the ?connective action? model is adequate for the interpretation of the emergence of the digitally mediated protests. However, with the transformation of protests into more solid and stable forms of collective action, this model loses its explanatory power.
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Talakvadze, Givi, and Talakvadze Giorgi. "NEOINDUSTRIAL PARADIGM OF RESOURCE POTENTIAL." Economic Profile 17, no. 2(24) (December 25, 2022): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2022.24.10.
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The systemic crisis of the capitalist mode of production and the rigid market economy, the features of the neo-industrial era are creating much accelerated and qualitatively different modes and conditions of actions and practical activities compared to the previous ones, a new paradigm of global development. Only at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries does it begin to be recognized that the present and future of humanity depends not only on the possession of integral resources, but primarily on their rational use and the effectiveness of optimal management systems. Quite real opportunities have emerged to influence people's living conditions not only with military-political and economic levers, but also with high technologies created using intellectual resources. Moreover: today's technological achievements have created a real possibility of influencing the formation of algorithms of human behavior and bringing it into the framework subordinate to the realization of certain interests. At the current stage of development, which is called the "post-industrial" stage, the work on influencing the formation of people's desires and aspirations from the "outside" is going on more and more powerfully and with dangerous aggressiveness. In these circumstances, special attention and efforts are required for each country to formulate and implement the most concrete development action program useful only for it. The key issue of such programs is to determine the development priorities of the country and to develop optimal schemes and modes of management and use of integral resources ensuring their realization. Georgia can be transformed into an unprecedented innovative training ground, a space for the development and realization of complex programs of direct large investments, fundamentally new economic regimes and projects secured by international and sovereign guarantees, i.e., an adequate demonstration and realization state of the neo-industrial paradigm of integral resources of Georgia. Special processes developed in the second half of the 20th century and the first twenty years of the 21st century: the fourth industrial revolution gave a qualitatively new impetus to global technological progress, completely real opportunities emerged to influence people's living conditions not only with military-political and economic levers, but also with high technologies created using intellectual resources. Moreover: today's technological achievements have created a real possibility of influencing the formation of algorithms of human behavior and bringing it into the framework subordinate to the realization of certain interests. In the current stage of development, which is called the "post-industrial" stage (although, in our opinion, it carries a more "neo-industrial" content), the work on influencing the formation of people's desires and aspirations from the "outside" is increasingly powerful and dangerously aggressive. Such a paradigm, in the case of its realization in the future, will most likely radically change the vector of human development, which has already acquired a clearly expressed anisotropic character, which may be the cause of new conflicts, segregation, and the collapse of democratic institutions. In these circumstances, special attention and efforts are required for each country to formulate and implement the most concrete development action program useful only for it. The key issue of such programs is to determine the development priorities of the country and to develop optimal schemes and modes of management and use of integral resources ensuring their realization. Georgia should finally and completely move away from the space of impulsive actions related to fixing its own economic, social and political priorities and move to the space of clear orientations and effective, unambiguous actions achieving tangible positive and positive results with the potential for universal recognition, taking into account the daily reality, Georgia can in the following areas and on the basis of the following resources: First: a geostrategic resource, the main component of which is to acquire, perform and develop the function of a politically less problematic and economically highly profitable communicator (and not a "corridor" and "bridge"). Second: recognition as a country with the resources and will for political and economic stability and legal guarantees in accordance with international standards, which is the main factor for obtaining large foreign direct investments, without which sustainable development of the country and raising the quality of life of its population are practically impossible. Third: operational development and implementation of initiatives and highly effective projects that face the challenges of the "neo-industrial" era, which we are at the beginning stage of Participation in problem solving.
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Bhattacharjee, Sukalpa. "Gendering Democracy: Recasting the ‘Multitude’." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 25, no. 3 (August 13, 2018): 368–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971521518785667.
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This article attempts to look at notions of gendered resistance in general and in particular India’s northeast, using Michael Hardt’s and Antonio Negri notion of ‘multitude’. Their radical and anarchist approach to democracy can be critiqued and deployed through a conceptualisation of ‘multitude’ as ‘political subject’ within an operational frame of democracy, by projecting gendered individual or collective action as a counter-discourse to patriarchy. Such an alternative of women’s singular and collective action attempts to concretise an ‘inclusive democracy’ that performatively works out the conceptual bases on which a new language of democracy can be articulated. The question is: Whether the idea of democracy as conceptualised by these movements is distinct from what is currently available under the structure of institutional democracy. Gendered selves and collectives, as theorised by Hardt and Negri, are an extensionally determined form of subjectivity that assumes ‘living flesh’ as a necessary precondition for singularity of its lived body of difference. Reordering of the feminine subjectivity as mentioned previously happens through resistance to bio-political organisation of relations of production that creates altered and transformed spaces of gendered identities. Contemporary resistance movements in general and women’s movements in particular unfold different modes of constructions of resistant subjectivities. Women as a socially and politically excluded group must rethink and reorder the patriarchal notion of femininity which justifies their exclusion and represent it in their own terms.
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Lichterman, Paul. "Religion in Public Action." Sociological Theory 30, no. 1 (March 2012): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0735275112437164.
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Contemporary social research often has located religion’s public influence by focusing on individual or collective religious actors. In this unitary actor model, religion is a stable, uniform feature of an individual or collectivity. However, recent research shows that people’s religious expression outside religious congregations varies by context. Building on this new work, along with insights from Erving Goffman and cultural sociology, an alternative, “cultural-interactionist model” of religious expression focuses on how group styles enable and constrain religious expression in public settings. Illustrating the model are two ethnographic cases, a religiously sponsored homeless advocacy organization and a secondary comparison setting from an activist campaign for housing, both from a U.S. metropolitan area. Shifting from actors to settings and group styles clarifies the interplay between religious and nonreligious culture over time. The shift refines our understanding of how religion’s civic or political effects work, as in the case of building social capital for collective action. The cultural-interactionist model enables us to track historical change in everyday group settings. It promotes further research on historically changing ways of managing religious diversity, and diverse ways of constructing a religious self.
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Silguy, Yves-Thibault de. "L’administration de l'euro [Expérience d’une naissance monétaire]." Revue française d'administration publique 92, no. 1 (1999): 589–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1999.3337.
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Administration of the Euro ; In order to accomplish the new tasks involved with the administration of the Euro new modes of operation have been invented : diversified, institutional and regulated where necessary, otherwise informai when this is desirable, with the permanent concem being as far as possible to associate ail actors, European Community or national, public or private, with the taking of decisions. In this respect this action has been carried out in exemplary fashion, and no doubt opens the way for new administrative developments in the public sector. Administration of the euro will undergo further important developments in the years to corne.
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Ul'chenko, N. "New Way of Turkey?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2012): 90–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-6-90-101.
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The article covers the basic premise of Turkey's significance as a regional and international political actor from the beginning of ХХIst century. Turkey achieved notable success in economic development, but in the frame of the chosen growth model it didn't manage to solve to problem of the economy peg to external finacing sources. Nevertheless, definite economic achievements gave the ruling Party of Justice and Development confidence in attempting to pursue a more active and independent foreign policy. But during this process, the intrinsic limits of the Turkish elite's freedom of action are visible enough. The Islamist ruling Party uses its economic and political strides to revise the domestic political establishment system of the Turkish Republic. It serves not only and not so much the interests of the country's democratization, as ensures the gradual empowerement of religious-conservative part of the electorate – the main pillar of the Party for Justice and Development – in Turkish Republic, once founded as a secular state.
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Barry, Marguerite, and Gavin Doherty. "What we talk about when we talk about interactivity: Empowerment in public discourse." New Media & Society 19, no. 7 (February 2, 2016): 1052–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444815625944.
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This study offers new insights into interactivity by examining its association with empowerment in public discourse. Using data from 20 years of newspaper coverage, a mixed methods analysis reveals different ‘modes’ of interactivity in discourse. Empowerment is the dominant mode of interactivity despite substantial changes in technologies and uses over this time. A content analysis shows that older discourses associate interactivity with specific technologies, while recent discourses use more universal terms. The discourse analysis illustrates the range of empowerment found in different interactive experiences, from basic data access to collaboration across communities, even reaching beyond communication events. The study offers a new model for understanding interactivity and empowerment based on the potential in communications for action, context, strategies and outcomes. This layered and flexible approach has appeal for digital media research and production.
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James, Leslie. "“Essential Things Such as Typewriters”: Development Discourse, Trade Union Expertise, and the Dialogues of Decolonization between the Caribbean and West Africa." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 378–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz100.
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Abstract This article examines how the liberatory ideals of transnational projects could become codified in particular processes of thought, deed, and expression. During his term of service in Nigeria between 1960 and 1962 the Trinidadian union leader McDonald Moses mobilized a number of phenomena central to the transformative projects of the mid-twentieth century: the paramountcy of psychology to “true” transformation and change; the embrace of programmatic action; and the belief that both psychological transformation and programmatic action could be articulated through new and enlightened forms of expression. While histories that embrace a “cultural turn” tend to look for this expression in creative forms and artistic production, this article looks to daily administrivia as part of an explicitly political project that aimed to improve the lives of workers by changing their modes of organizing and, consequently, the culture of politics and labor.
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Xue, Ting, and Jacquelien van Stekelenburg. "When the Internet meets collective action: The traditional and creative ways of political participation in China." Current Sociology 66, no. 6 (June 22, 2018): 911–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392118783525.
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With the rapid development and wide popularity of the Internet, Chinese people have acquired a revolutionary channel to mobilize collective action and to participate in politics. In order to depict the various factors influencing online collective action in China, and to further explore the dynamic interaction between the Chinese authorities and the public in this new era of collective action, the article attempts to integrate the demand-supply model with relevant studies from both China and abroad to make a systematic analysis of the demand, supply and mobilization of Chinese online activism. The impact of the new communication technology on political participation and the political ecology is discussed and questions are raised for future research.
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Heerwig, Jennifer A., and Joshua Murray. "The Political Strategies and Unity of the American Corporate Inner Circle: Evidence from Political Donations, 1982–2000." Social Problems 66, no. 4 (August 21, 2018): 580–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spy014.
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Abstract Recent work has offered competing explanations for the long-term evolution of corporate political action in the United States. In one, scholars have theorized that long-term structural changes in the American political and economic landscape may have radically transformed inter-corporate network structures and changed the political orientation of corporate elites. In another, a small group of corporate elites continues to dominate government policy by advocating for class-wide interests through occupying key positions in government and policy planning groups. We offer new evidence of patterns in and predictors of political strategies among the nation’s elite corporate directors. We utilize an original dataset (the Longitudinal Elite Contributor Database) linked with registries of corporate directors and their board memberships. We ask: (1) has the political activity, unity, or pragmatism of the corporate elite declined since 1982; and (2) are individuals who direct multiple firms more pragmatic in their political action? Evidence suggests that corporate elites are more politically active and unified, and continue to exercise pragmatic political strategies vis-à-vis their campaign donations. Using random- and fixed-effects models, we present evidence to suggest that becoming a member of the inner circle has a significant moderating effect on elite political behavior. We offer an alternative mechanism of elite coordination that may help explain the continued political cohesion of the corporate elite.
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Uchaev, Yevgeny. "Katechontic Temporality and Political Form: Towards Double Representation." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 23, no. 3 (2024): 146–76. https://doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2024-3-146-176.
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In the second half of the 20th century, humankind’s increased awareness of the likely consequences of nuclear war and climate change led to the emergence of a new temporality: humanity’s future was now seen as potentially finite, with a possible end that was completely negative and required prevention. This new temporality, which the article proposes to call “katechontic,” differs from all previous modes of time perception, including the ideas of cyclical eternity and infinite progress, as well as eschatological expectations of the end. At the same time, these previous temporal perspectives have become connected to the most significant political forms of today, such as the empire and the state. This raises the question of whether these political forms can be adapted to the katechontic temporality. The state, as an essentially pluralist political form, is structurally embedded within the infinite temporal horizon of modernity and requires the neutralization of eschatology. It is unable to adapt to the katechontic temporality, as collective action to prevent a global catastrophe would de-legitimize sovereign plurality. The imperial political form, contrary to the popular thesis of Carl Schmitt about the katechontic nature of the medieval Christian empire, has historically been oriented towards either the eschatological end of time or eternity. The main obstacle to adapting the empire to the katechontic temporality is the violent nature of imperial expansion. Another reason why the state and empire are incompatible with the katechontic temporality is their hierarchical centralization of power. Sovereign centralization has intrinsic value when there are no external criteria for the correctness of a political decision. The katechontic temporality introduces such criteria demanding that political decisions correctly reflect the external (natural and technological) context. Therefore, the political must be subordinated to this external truth, which might be implemented via the model of “double representation.”
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Atilgan, Hatice. "Reframing civil disobedience as a communicative action." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 40, no. 1/2 (December 18, 2019): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-06-2019-0127.
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Purpose Civil disobedience is often defined as a public, conscientious, nonviolent act of breaking the law in an attempt to change an unjust policy or law. When applied to real-life situations, this widely accepted definition overlooks key features of civil disobedience and ignores civil acts that fundamentally challenge undemocratic institutions or the state and make socio-political changes possible. The purpose of this paper is to criticize and revise the conceptual, ethical and socio-political understandings of civil disobedience by integrating deliberative theory with some radical perspectives on civil disobedience. Design/methodology/approach This paper integrates and critically revises previous approaches to the justification and role of civil disobedience in democratic systems. Specifically, the ethical concerns about civil disobedience are discussed and the deliberative concept of civil disobedience is expanded as a form of political contestation by incorporating the socio-political aspects of civil disobedience. Although it is a conceptual discussion, the paper opted for an exploratory approach using empirically related examples to illustrate the theoretical discussion. Findings The paper provides a new perspective to the literature on civil disobedience. The critical review shows that the limited general understanding of civil disobedience conceptually is not useful to analyze various forms of civil disobedience. Research limitations/implications The reviewed literature is limited due to a limited space. Practical implications The paper includes practical implications for policymakers and authorities when evaluating and responding to civil actions more effectively and for members of civil movements and organizations when creating new forms of civil protest and effective responses to authorities. Originality/value This paper may be a modest first attempt to reframe the concept of civil disobedience by integrating deliberative democracy theory and some radical perspectives.
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Moraru, Victor. "New media strategies: personalization of politics." Moldoscopie, no. 2(97) (February 2023): 137–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2022.2(97).13.
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During the recent years, there has been an increased interest paid for the personalization of politics. At the electoral competitions, modern democracies have witnessed to changes in establishing consensus, more focused on static ideological values, group affiliations and party-centred politics, rather on political candidates’ personality characteristics, their image, and voter’s personal choices. The new order in the field of politics has redefined pragmatism for political actors, who, in their political action, use many ways that can provide increased visibility and operate with the full potential of media arsenal. So, the general institutional personalization leads to personalization in the media, which in turn leads to personalization in the politicians’ behaviour. Respectively, the main sources of political information for society have imposed personalization as the general means of communication. In this context, the relationship between political power and the ability to influence media agendas is a key issue within the field of political communication examinations. That political personalization can be better understood by considering the personalization in the media. This article focuses on the personalization model in the media activity, examines diverse aspects of the concept of personalization, it presents the experience accumulated by the media in covering the political process through the comprehension of the personalization as test of notoriety.
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Parsons,, Mickey L., Catherine Robichaux,, and Carmen Warner-Robbins,. "Empowered Caring: An Ethical Framework for Participatory Action Research." International Journal of Human Caring 12, no. 3 (April 2008): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20467/1091-5710.12.3.74.
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Participatory action research (PAR), as a “new paradigm” approach, involves additional ethical and political issues beyond those encountered in empirical and interpretive models of science. This paper describes PAR methodology, a comprehensive ethical framework that is inclusive of the ethic of care and virtue, and applications with formerly incarcerated women.
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Alkatiri, Wardah. "Theorizing Muhammad’s Nation: For a New Concept of Muslim in a Changing Global Environment." Comparative Islamic Studies 10, no. 2 (March 24, 2017): 179–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.29629.
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The global environmental crises requires a global social contract. Islam has the philosophical foundation needed for such a social contract, since Islam has a legacy of political universalism. However, the reality is conflict among Muslims on political and philosophical-ideological grounds, and resentment among some Muslims to cooperate with Westerners to solve global issues. Therefore, I will develop a model for Islamic social contract that addresses these challenges. Berger and Luckmann’s symbolic universe premise serves to explain the essentialization of Islam in which the Qur?an and the Sunna lie at the center of the “sacred canopy.” In addition, symbolic interactionism premise allows for an explanation of the issues of meaning that prompted the diversity within Islam, as sub-universes constructed under Islamic symbolic universe—either in response to immediate political condition in local contexts, or different interpretations of the Qur?an and the Sunna were made by the actors. For better sociological understanding of religion, my framework considers as well the sacred purview of “reality” to explain the voluntaristic nature of Muslims religious actions and thoughts. Overall, the model that I developed leads to an incisive discrimination between philosophical and sociological dimensions of religion in all four respects: knowledge, meaning, action, and reality—that will throw light substantially on what have been a very complicated subject of religion-inspired actions.
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Saavedra, Patricio, and John Drury. "Including political context in the psychological analysis of collective action: Development and validation of a measurement scale for subjective political openness." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no. 2 (August 29, 2019): 665–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i2.1030.
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Sociological and Political Science research has argued that political conditions affect both the occurrence of protests and the actions protesters choose. However, an approach that considers people’s perceptions on these conditions is still absent in the social psychological literature. Subjective Political Openness (SPO) is a new construct which fills this gap by incorporating features of political context into the psychological analysis of protests. We propose that SPO comprises perceptions relating to three dimensions: government actions to allow/restrict protests, police measures to actively prevent them, and the extent that public opinion legitimizes protests. We conducted two studies in the UK and Chile to validate scales created for each proposed dimension, test their measurement invariance, establish SPO’s configuration, and demonstrate its convergent validity. Participants in Study 1 were university students (n UK = 203; n Chile = 237), whereas in Study 2 a general population sample from both countries was included (n UK = 377; n Chile = 309) with the purpose of generalizing the results. Both studies consistently showed that SPO is a multidimensional construct configured as a bifactor model comprising the dimensions associated with perceptions of the government and police actions to confront protests. Although we tested two different measurement scales for the perceived legitimacy given by public opinion to protests, results demonstrated this dimension is not part of SPO. The SPO configuration has implications for both our understanding of collective action and how we study it.
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Bangstad, Sindre, and Marius Linge. "‘Daʿwa is Our Identity’—Salafism and IslamNet’s Rationales for Action in a Norwegian Context." Journal of Muslims in Europe 4, no. 2 (November 25, 2015): 174–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341307.
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This article examines the emergence of Salafism in Norway, a relatively new phenomenon in the country that manifests itself mainly through two Muslim organisations, namely IslamNet and the Prophet’s Ummah. Recent research has emphasised that the activism of IslamNet may be characterised as beingharaki, or “politically” orientated—a categorisation emerging out of the frequently cited so-called tripartite typology of transnational Salafism. While we agree that the model is useful as an ideal type, we argue that Salafi organisations such as IslamNet may adjust their orientation from puritanism to politics, depending on shifting social-political circumstances.
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Sousa Noble Teixeira, Daniel, and Fátima Aparecida dos Santos. "Design in the urban context: interferences and policies in the process of place branding." e-Revista LOGO 10, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 82–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26771/e-revista.logo/2021.2.05.
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This article aims to discuss the singular exercise of political structuring that understands as an assumption inherent to the planning and systemic intention of design applied to the social context. The creativity inserted in the industrial and economic scenarios must be understood in the relationship between the production of knowledge and the perception of the subject. To this end, it is seen that contemporary design in the context of urbanity seeks a space of action in view of the desire for singularity. In this sense, it focuses on managing the brand of places in its strength as an object regarding marketing actions applied to local development. The focus of the text is to think that policies aimed at this practice must find encouragement and visibility by the most sensitive sections of the population, which can contribute to the construction of new modes of production closer to local culture and endemic behavior, plausible and compatible with City.
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Anishchenko, Alexander. "The phenomenon of digital political participation: forms, models and essential aspects." Science. Culture. Society 29, no. 4 (December 15, 2023): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2023.29.4.2.
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This article is devoted to the study of the conceptual features of the phenomenon of digital political participation, as well as its key forms and models of implementation. According to the author, in the last two decades there has been a transformation of traditional forms and models of political participation under the influence of digital information and communication technologies. In particular, social networks and messengers are used as tools for organizing, mobilizing, implementing various forms of political participation and civil-political activism. At the same time, under the influence of the development of digital information and communication technologies, completely new forms and models of civil and political participation are emerging. In this regard, it is legitimate to talk about the existence today of the phenomenon of online political participation (OPP), or digital network participation (DNP). One of the key questions remains the question of the relationship between "traditional" and digital forms of political participation. Based on the results of the analysis, the author comes to the conclusion that "traditional" and digital political participation are complementary to each other, since digital communication technologies allow today to involve a large number of potentially politically active citizens, disseminate political information and thereby create favorable conditions for the implementation of direct political action.
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Hildesheim, Efrat, Tal Alon-Mozes, and Eran Neuman. "On, In, and Within a Place." Israel Studies Review 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 105–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2022.370106.
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This article examines six modes of operation on, in, and within a place in Israeli conceptual art and landscape architecture. These modes—action-in-place; intervention; place-making; representation; readymade; and second-nature—maintain landscape architecture’s conception of a genius loci, the spirit of the place. They also attend to place as a new and critical means of operation in the 1970s emerging field of conceptual art. This article explores diverse attitudes and motivations for operating with/in place, as it became a fundamental issue in the international arena in the 1970s, in relation to Israeli cultural, political, social, and environmental concerns. In the context of the period’s sociopolitical turmoil and ideological controversy, the article’s two focal points—the six-mode perspective and the disciplines’ attitude toward place—complement each other and attend to the manifold aspects of place (ha-Makom) in Israel, while highlighting its intricacy.
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Wang, Xiaohui. "An Action Research on Infusing Moral and Political Education into College English Teaching from the Perspective of New Liberal Arts." English Language Teaching 15, no. 4 (March 17, 2022): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/elt.v15n4p39.
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Under the background of new liberal arts, the era of "great foreign languages" requires college English teaching in local applied colleges and universities to break through the barriers of result-centred traditional teaching and bravely shoulder the important task of "moral and political education". In order to guide teachers to carry out this key task effectively, the present study preliminarily builds a teaching model in which four links of curriculum moral and political goals, teaching content, implementation steps and curriculum evaluation are interrelated. After a semester of teaching practice, the students participants are not satisfied with such an English teaching model integrated with moral and political education. The teacher participants do not understand the connotation of curriculum moral and political education, how to integrate moral and political goals with knowledge and ability goals, on how much degree to integrate moral and political education with college English teaching, and what is the standard to evaluate such a comprehensive course. Most of them hope to be guided by experts and learn from the demo courses. Therefore, this study further accurately sets teaching goals, determines systematic teaching content, highlights the gradual teaching process, and integrates teaching evaluation methods to reconstruct a dynamic and systematic teaching model of moral and political education into the course of college English, in order to provide teachers with standards and norms of moral and political education in the course of college English, and help teachers design excellent courses of moral and political education in the course of college English, so as to provide a guarantee for local colleges and universities to train applied and qualified talents.
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Holtmeier, Matthew. "The Modern Political Cinema: From Third Cinema to Contemporary Networked Biopolitics." Film-Philosophy 20, no. 2-3 (October 2016): 303–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/film.2016.0017.
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Political cinema, particularly third cinema of the 1960s and subsequently inspired films, often relies upon the formation and transformation of subjectivity. Such films depict a becoming-political of their characters, such as Ali LaPointe's transformation from bricklayer and boxer to revolutionary in Battle of Algiers (La battaglia di Algeri, Gillo Pontecorvo, 1966 ). As subjects are politicized, they reveal social, moral, existential, or ethical exigencies that drive the politics of the film. In this respect, most narrative-driven political cinema is biopolitical cinema, although its expression shifts from film to film, or from one period of time to another. Gilles Deleuze articulated such a shift in his two works on cinema, Cinema 1: The Movement-Image and Cinema 2: The Time-Image. Namely, he points to the breaking of the link between action and reaction that marks a shift from pre-World War II cinema to the postwar filmmaking environment. To update Deleuze's project on political cinema, this article posits another qualitative shift in political cinema stemming from the emergence of neoliberal economic policies and the growth of networked information systems from the 1990s to the present. This shift compromises earlier models of political cinema and results in a modern political cinema based on the fragmentation of political publics and the formation of new political exigencies. Two films set in Algeria will be used to document this shift in political modes, in a move towards the modern political cinema: Battle of Algiers and Outside the Law (Hors-la-loi, Rachid Bouchareb, 2010 ).
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Cooper, Andrew F., and Jérémie Cornut. "The changing practices of frontline diplomacy: New directions for inquiry." Review of International Studies 45, no. 2 (December 21, 2018): 300–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210518000505.
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AbstractThis article develops the concept of ‘frontline diplomacy’ – what practitioners referring to work in embassies, consulates, and permanent representation as ‘the field’ –, defined here as all diplomats’ activities taking place away from headquarters. IR scholarship tends to focus on Ministries of Foreign Affairs located in capitals. On the contrary, building on the practice turn in IR, we first show that international politics emerge from frontline practices. Adding to criticism against the practice turn, we then explain that it has missed important transformations occurring in frontline diplomacy because it tends to privilege stability over change. We finally discuss two innovations in frontline practices: the action of Sherpas in G20 summits following the 2008 crisis and the use of Twitter by US Ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul (2012–14). For each we answer three questions: How do these activities transform traditional modes of operation? How are non-state actors involved in them? What do they tell about transformation of global politics? Because diplomatic practices at the frontlines epitomise international politics, these new directions for inquiry contribute substantively to IR scholarship. At the theoretical level, they enrich the continuing encounter between IR and diplomatic studies through practice theory and help to understand change in practice.
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St. Pierre, Joshua. "Talking heads and shitting in the street: Stuttering Parrhesia in three modes." Journal of Interdisciplinary Voice Studies 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jivs_00024_1.
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This paper seeks both to expand the range of what counts as political action for dysfluent voices and to find resources that can generate critical breaks within neo-liberal modes of power. With the Cynics, I suggest that some truths – like dysfluent lives are worth living – cannot be told by a talking head. I accordingly map three possible modes of truth-telling within the lexicon of parrhesia: therapeutic, Platonic and Cynic. Therapeutic truth-telling is an apolitical enunciation that indexes a model of authenticity and is limited to speaking truth about oneself and the world in a normalizing register. Platonic parrhesia is a form of equality-based political discourse that aims at inclusion. In this mode, the parrhesiastes, like the talking head, must fashion their body as a pure vessel of truth to be recognized as such. Cynic truth-telling, finally, is a radical embodiment of critique that seeks rupture rather than understanding. Taking up the motto of the Cynics – ‘deface the currency’ – perhaps dysfluent voices can find resources to ‘de-face’ speech and its mythic power that has become entwined with capital.