Academic literature on the topic 'New Market (Township)'

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present a mobile application supported townshipand urban e-grocery distribution models that uses a software application (app) to bridge the infrastructural barriers, costs and complexities associated with e-grocery delivery operations in rural township areas. Design/methodology/approach Using a qualitative multi-case approach and semi-structured interviews, the study explored distribution practices of eight national emerging e-grocery retail businesses to demonstrate how mobile applications can facilitate South African urban and township e-grocery delivery models. Findings The study reveals how the need to scale the use of new mobile application innovations fuels value-added services that power new e-grocery distribution models. Of interest is how the application aggregates demand rapidly, respond to demand within a short lead time and how e-grocers use competitors’ stores as their fulfilment centres. The use of apps reveals a slow transformation of society towards an inclusive model that integrates different types of workers in an informal context. Practical implications The mobile application value-added service business model offers a new wave of scaling e-grocery retail to rural and township areas constrained by technological, economic and road infrastructure. The apps transcend e-grocery barriers and enables small businesses with limited resources to leverage e-grocery market opportunities that are unimaginable in townships and rural areas. Originality/value The innovative mobile platform-base model offers emerging contextual insight of a pull e-grocery distribution model that demonstrates the supply chain innovations for addressing under-resource and under-developed logistics infrastructure.

<p>Historically, township Small Retail Outlets were mostly established for survival and operated under a generally closed market system where the competition was not very strong. However, with the advent of democracy many people lost their formal income through retrenchments and out of desperation, many of these people opened Small Retail Outlets thus most of the existing and new entrants into the township market were unskilled or semiskilled labourers with little or no formal skills in business or entrepreneurship. Such efforts were rarely guided by any specific and informed strategy of identifying and exploiting a gap in the market. With the consolidation of the free market system under democracy, big brand businesses such as Shoprite Checkers and Small Retail Outlets of foreign nationals with different strategies entered and competed in this township market. With fewer formal skills in business and entrepreneurship, the owners of the Small Retail Outlets struggled to compete and thrive under these relatively new economic conditions. Given this situation, I conducted semi-structured interviews with fifteen of these traditional Small Retail Outlets to find out and better understand the challenges they face and the skills that might be needed to aggressively compete in this space. Based on these findings and understandings, I further examined these issues and suggest infusions of specific entrepreneurship skills that could develop their aggressive competitiveness.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> entrepreneurship, competitiveness, small retail outlets, shopping complexes, innovation</p>

This study examines the effect that windfarm visibility has on residential property values using a hedonic regression model. The study area is Ashhurst, New Zealand, a township of approximately 900 dwellings. Ashhurst is located within eight kilometres of two separate windfarms that were developed between 1998 and 2007 comprising 103x660kW turbines, 31x3MW turbines, and 55x1.65MW turbines. The analysis uses the 945 open market house sales that occurred in Ashhurst between 1995 and 2008. Visual impact of turbines is studied to capture the impact of windfarms and it is assessed using GIS viewshed analysis and by field inspection. The hedonic models had satisfactory explanatory performance and in each case indicated that the turbines located between 2.5 and 6 kilometres from the township of Ashhurst had no significant impact on property value.

The positive impact of the development of new agricultural business entities and their institutional systems on the optimization of rural governance structures can be examined from various perspectives, including the state, market, rural society, urban-rural relations, and grassroots governance structure in rural communities. The development of these new agricultural business entities has not only redefined but also restructured the power distribution and governance patterns in rural developing countries, markets, and villages. The rural social order has evolved into a ternary mutual structure governance pattern, often referred to as the “state market rural” model. This transformation has prompted adjustments in the national economic and social policy structure and management systems at both macro and micro levels. It has led to the reshaping of power dynamics, benefit distribution, and governance structures in both urban and rural areas, resulting in significant changes to the economic and social fabric of rural regions. Furthermore, the grassroots governance structure in rural society, characterized by “township governance and village governance,” is undergoing continuous development and improvement. This transition is marked by a shift towards a collaborative governance structure that encourages diverse participation. Building upon the aforementioned optimizations, the rural governance structure now exhibits new characteristics. These include a more extensive and diverse range of rural governance mechanisms, increased openness in governance processes, and a heightened synergy among various governance mechanisms. This dynamic evolution reflects a richer, more diverse, and more open approach to rural governance, fostering a stronger collaborative effort in the pursuit of effective governance.

With the high-speed development of urbanization and the strengthening of new countryside construction, traditional houses of Tujia minority in western Hunan are facing a severe test. Nowadays, it has become a difficult problem that how to make the vanishing traditional houses not only get effective preservation but also can continue to use for residents. This paper takes the architectures of Huochang Tujia Township, Yuanling County in western Hunan as an example, through the analysis of the existing situation of the architectures of market town, puts forward some measures of preservation and renovation.

AbstractChina's healthcare system is governed by institutions that are mutually incompatible. Although healthcare providers are supposed to offer affordable curative care services and engage in public health and administrative work, they receive insufficient financial support from the state and rely on generating informal profits and grey income. The “institutional misfit” between this public welfare mandate and medical service providers’ market orientation is particularly pronounced in the case of township health centres (THCs), a generalist type of healthcare provider with a key role in China's healthcare system. Based on fieldwork in four county-level jurisdictions, this study explores how local governments and THCs interact to cope with institutional misfit. It sheds light on a large variety of informal practices pertaining to human resources, healthcare services, drug procurement, health insurance and capital investment. Local governments deliberately neglect regulatory enforcement and collude with THCs to generate informal profits, behaviour which undermines service quality and increases healthcare costs. The study also shows that while the New Healthcare Reform altered the informal and collusive practices, it has failed to harmonize the underlying institutional misfit. To date, we see only a reconfiguration rather than an abandoning of informal practices resulting from recent healthcare reforms.

Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Chinese leaders initiated a multi-faceted process of reform through agricultural decollectivization, township and village enterprises, market liberalization, and international engagements. On the one hand, these reforms produced a stunning record of economic growth documented in per capita GDP, exports, and foreign capital investments. On the other hand, these reforms produced unforeseen social and political consequences such as tax riots, labor strikes, environmental, anti-corruption, and gender protests. These patterns of conflict are not just responses to the reforms but also redefine the power, authority, and reach of the state. Each pattern weaves a new state-society relationship that is transforming policymaking. This research examines new patterns of entrepreneurship in the policy debates of the Three Gorges Project since 1986. The study documents innovations initiated by a configuration of actors outside the traditional Chinese organizational and leadership bases. The debates over "transparency in dam construction" and "consultation in resettlement programs" describe high risk entrepreneurship by redefining issues to build a support coalition inside and outside the Chinese political system. New forums develop from intellectual circles, societal-economic interests, international non-governmental organiza-tions, and popular dissent for innovation. This pattern of entrepreneurship is characterized not be a single entrepreneur but by a pooling of resources and power among social actors for innovation.

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to assess differences between the guidance offered by cultural studies in the services literature and the retailing literature for emerging markets. To research these differences, the role that the contact person has towards South African township residents' willingness to buy is to be assessed.Design/methodology/approachA services quality survey of black (ethnic Xhosa) township residents was performed for two different retail types: new, small, independently owned grocery retailers located within the townships, and established, large, national chains located within the city centres. The influence of these services quality measures on willingness to buy was assessed using the partial least squares method for each of the two retail types. Differences between the model parameters for these two retail types were assessed using ANOVA.FindingsThe results show that, consistent with the retailing literature, the contact people in these new, small, local and independently owned retailers focus extensively on empathy to influence willingness to buy, while the contact people in the large, traditionally white‐owned national retailers jointly focus on assurance and responsiveness to influence willingness to buy, and spend very little effort on empathy.Research limitations/implicationsResearch implications are based on the usefulness of supporting theory, namely that the guidance offered by the cultural studies in the retailing literature is more predictive than that in the services literature for the emerging South African retailing market.Practical implicationsIt is found that core elements in relationship marketing are well ingrained in collectivist Xhosa cultural norms. The results suggest that these cultural norms can, and should, be leveraged by the new independently owned grocery retailers.Originality/valueThe research addresses a key concern within emerging markets and offers practical help for retail development within this dynamic economic setting.

Subject area “Starting up a new company” and “development of technology-based venture”. Study level/applicability The target audiences for this study are advanced business or non-business undergraduate students and MBA students taking courses of entrepreneurship, management of innovation and organization theory and design. Case overview Yeayyy.com was a private limited company based in Bandar Baru Bangi, Selangor, a township located about 30 km south of Kuala Lumpur. It was founded by Mr Hazmin in early 2010 with a seed funding of RM150,000 (about US$50,000). By the end of 2014, its core businesses include developing mobile application (app), software and website, as well as conducting information technology (IT) training. The company had developed its own animation cartoon, Oolat Oolit, and had commercialized several mobile app inventions. These mobile apps include a Jawi (traditional Malay writing system) app, mobile games and Facebook apps which were compatible with most mobile operating systems. Since its inception, Yeayyy.com had aspired to follow the footsteps of the internationally acclaimed Malaysian home-grown animation production house, Les’ Copaque, which had produced the popular Upin Ipin series. Similar to Les’ Copaque, Yeayyy.com also planned to commercialize its in-house characters into TV series and to market related merchandises, along with its collaborative partner, CikuTree Studio. However, by the end of 2014, the company’s seed funding had depleted, thus forcing Mr Hazmin to strategize for the company’s future. Expected learning outcomes Understanding the process of entrepreneurship and technology-based venture development enables case analysts to apply the concepts in many situations involving business opportunities and company development. Subject code CSS:3 Entrepreneurship.

The growth of property continues to increase significantly in Indonesia, especially centered on the Jakarta causing satellite cities such as Bekasi Regency to be one of the options in property Development. Damai Putra Group as one of the developers to create a new township that is directly adjacent with Jakarta, especially East Jakarta. With good accessibility and now there is also public transport, it will increase the activity and value of land in Kota Harapan IndahDamai Putra Group sees this as an opportunity, with a number that has begun to be quite densely populated in Kota Harapan Indah wanting to provide supporting facilities to build new mall in Kota Harapan Indah. This feasibility study aims to determine the potential and threats that exist and also minimize risks, and studying the feasibility especially in financial, and also produce the concept of mall in accordance with current market trends and conditions. In this case, the author uses several methods to collect data with primary and secondary data collection, namely field surveys, interviews, and documentation. In this case the authors conducted several analyzes to achieve the objectives consisting of location and site analysis, market analysis, development concept analysis, and investment analysis. The results of this feasibility study based on the analysis that has been done show that this land is eligible to be developed into a mall.Keywords : Shopping Mall; Investment; Feasibility StudyAbstrakPertumbuhan properti yang terus meningkat secara signifikan di Indonesia, terutama berpusat pada kota Jakarta menyebabkan kota-kota satelit seperti Kabupaten Bekasi menjadi salah satu pilihan dalam pengembangan properti, Damai Putra Group selaku salah satu pengembang yang besar membuat kota baru yang letaknya berbatasan dengan Jakarta, tepatnya Jakarta Timur. Dengan aksesibilitas yang baik dan saat ini pula sudah ada transportasi umum maka akan semakin meningkatkan aktifitas dan nilai lahan di Kota Harapan Indah. Damai Putra Group melihat ini sebagai peluang , dengan sudah mulai cukup padatnya kepadatan penduduk di Kota Harapan Indah ingin menyediakan fasilitas komersial pendukung yaitu membangun mall baru di Kota Harapan Indah. Studi kelayakan ini memiliki tujuan utama untuk meminimalisir resiko dan juga untuk mengetahui potensi dan ancaman yang ada, serta bertujuan untuk mengetahui kelayakan pembangunan secara finansial, dan juga menghasilkan konsep mall sesuai dengan tren dan kondisi pasar saat ini. Dalam hal ini penulis menggunakan beberapa cara untuk mengumpulkan data dengan pengumpulan primer maupun sekunder, yaitu survei lapangan, wawancara, dan dokumentasi. Penulis melakukan beberapa analisis untuk mencapai tujuan itu berupa analisis lokasi dan tapak, analisis pasar, analisis konsep pengembangan, dan analisis investasi. Hasil dari studi kelayakan ini berdasarkan analisis yang telah dilakukan menunjukan bahwa lahan ini layak untuk dikembangkan menjadi mall.

AbstractLuliang County of Yunnan Province has identified tourism as one of the four pillar industries, and established the new concept of large tourism, large resources, large market and large development, so as to make tourism a new growth point of Luliang County’s national economy and the leader of the tertiary industry. Luliang will be integrated into a scenic spot with water as the core, integrating pastoral scenery with cultural landscape, combining modernity with tradition, beautiful and comfortable tourism environment, complete facilities and reasonable planning. Taking the opportunity of the national implementation of the river head system, Rural Revitalization and rural complex construction, taking the Xinpanjiang River, the Laopanjiang River and Yanfang River as the framework and aiming at “smooth river, clear water, green bank and beautiful scenery”, the project fully excavates and makes use of Luliang’s historical and cultural connotation and resources through flood control and drainage, sewage collection and treatment along the river, ecological green corridor, the waterfront landscape improvement and other measures shall be taken to comprehensively manage the three rivers, so as to create the waterfront landscape pattern of one heart and three belts of the wetland ecological tourism service core of the Xinpanjiang River and the Laopanjiang River Basin, the fast green tourism channel of the Xinpanjiang River, the ecological and cultural landscape belt of the Laopanjiang River and the ecological pastoral landscape belt of the Yanfang River, so as to improve the urban taste and the people’s sense of obtaining a beautiful ecological environment. The project falls within the poverty-stricken area of fish. Rice and water township on the plateau, and its functional orientation is mainly ecological agricultural sightseeing, experience and poverty-stricken vacation. Therefore, the construction of waterfront landscape belt, park node construction and greening promotion along the Xinpanjiang River, the Laopanjiang River and the Yanfang River have beautified the environment of the dam area, created space for tourists and citizens to visit, visit and relax, and laid a solid foundation for the development of tourism in Luliang County.

Abstract In studying economies in transition from planned to market, no single issue has received more attention from economists and policymakers than the one of property rights and ownership of firms. In Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, one observes mass privatisation of old state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and the emergence of new private (including newly privatised) enterprises. In China, old SOEs also declined even without privatisation, and new private enterprises flourish. However, there is a puzzle concerning China’s successful Township-Village Enterprises (TVEs).

Abstract The forging of an Esulalu religious tradition from the older traditions of Koonjaen and Floup began during a period of political, economic, and environmental uncertainty throughout the lower Casamance. This tradition began to take shape after the fall of the Floup state, when ritual elders and the cults they controlled became the major force for the maintenance of the social order. Indirect links to European traders operating in the Casamance region expanded the market for captives, rice, and beeswax while increasing the availability of such goods as iron, firearms, cloth, and cattle.1 Contact with Europeans, through various African middlemen, also introduced new diseases. The greater mobility of people through various trade networks helped spread both new and old maladies with far greater speed. All of these changes had to be explained within an Esulalu system of thought and controlled through the development of appropriate ritual forms. Central to the task of creating an Esulalu cultural tradition was the development of a system of thought that could appeal to both Floup and Koonjaen populations within the townships. The Floup majority itself was not unified; each lineage traced its origins back to a particular Huluf or Ediamat township. In many cases, lineage names reflected these diverse origins.2 Settlers from each of these communities had their own shrines and a strong sense of loyalty to their group, a loyalty that was far stronger than their initial allegiance to the new townships.

This chapter examines how the space of the township gradually became marked and coded as a space that was interior to Indian life. It traces the emergence of the figure of the charou in the township as the constant other of the emergent, respectable Indian community in Chatsworth. Mainly based on archival material, narratives, and ethnographic material, the chapter also shows how the older figure of the “coolie”—the stereotyped, lower-caste plantation worker—gives way to a new and deracinated menace within the township that is equated with “backwardness” and stubborn, traditional conservatism, which needs to be reformed in order for the community to fully evolve.

Abstract with the return of thousands of demobilized soldiers, a continuing influx of immigrants, and the decline of coal prices and wages after the wartime boom, the immediate aftermath of the Civil War was a period of pronounced social instability in the anthracite region. Four assassinations and numerous beatings, assaults, and robberies were attributed to the Molly Maguires between 1865 and 1868. The extent to which these activities were connected to an organized conspiracy can never be known for certain, though most contemporaries had no hesitation in blaming the Molly Maguires for every incident. Like the events in Audenried and Cass Township during the early 1860s, the Molly Maguire activities in the period 1865-68 make sense only in terms of the general pattern of labor activism and social disorder that marked the history of the anthracite region in the turbulent decade of the Civil War. Much of the violence involved the settling of issues carried over from the war years; most of the rest took the form of robberies and beatings, as order and authority came close to a total collapse in Schuylkill County. But the violence subsided after 1868 for two reasons: the introduction of a new police and judicial system, and the rise of a well-organized, industrywide labor union. There were only two assassinations between October 1868 and October 1874, when the second wave of Molly Maguire violence began.

Abstract Part 3A analyses the collapse of tin and rubber industries as well as the period of continued British economic dominance in post-independence Malaysia between 1957 and 1970. Perak’s tin industry, which had largely defined its economy, population, and social organization, steadily waned, and by the early 1990s had faded into insignificance. After independence, Perak faired less favourably than other Malaysian states, despite entering nationhood as one of the country’s wealthiest and most urbanized states. Its continued heavy reliance on exports of natural resources, and its exposure to swings in global demand and competing sources of supply of tin and rubber, saw it start to trail some of the peninsula’s other states, which benefited more from the globalization of manufacturing industry. A sequence of six International Tin Agreements to regulate supply and support tin prices dramatically unravelled in 1985, beset by collapsing tin prices and chaos on the international tin market. The once vibrant tin towns of Perak faltered as the fortunes of the mining industry retreated. Economically, some areas stagnated and others went into decline, shedding population through outward migration. Perak’s scattered townships just did not offer the scale, diversity, and connectivity needed to attract new industries. The fallout from the tin collapse was felt globally. In the UK, the surviving high-cost Cornish mines closed. In Perak, as elsewhere in Malaysia, tin-mining companies struggled to survive, and its tin towns were economically and socially devastated, causing widespread suffering with the loss of jobs and incomes among mine workers, their families, and their communities.

The community of Idlewild, located in Yates Township, Michigan, possesses a significant history as the largest historic African American resort community established during the Jim Crow Era. Established in 1912, it thrived for more than fifty years but declined with the passing of the Civil Rights Act in 1964. However, Idlewild has begun to revitalize, with new full-time residents seeking work-life balance in a rural context and, most importantly, residency in a safe community. However, Idlewild was originally designated for seasonal residents, resulting in a new set of needs for community sustainment.A special focus on research that engages with community visioning to develop planning that realigns community, township, and county goals for Idlewild is a significant driver in this exercise. The use of community visioning will be coupled with the township master planning process with focus on sustain-ability; the implementation of social solidarity economics, as well as open book management, will solidify the continued success of the community in the spirit of “co-opetition”. The application of these theories and their effect on the sustain-ability of Idlewild will be of particular interest. In addition to the environment, sustainability will include concern for people and economy to develop a balanced community structure. Social solidarity economic principles refer to a set of values and practices aimed at promoting economic systems that prioritize cooperation, social justice, and sustainability. It is an alternative model to the mainstream capitalist system and seeks to address the inequalities and environmental challenges created by traditional market economies. The principles of solidarity economy emphasize the well-being of individuals and communities over profit maximization. Key Principles that will be addressed in this paper are: 1. Solidarity and Cooperation 2. Social Justice and Equity 3. Democratic Governance 4. Sustainable Development5. Localization and Autonomy 6. Diverse Economic Forms 7. Ethical Consumption 8. Education and Awareness A critical factor in the planning process is preserving historical community values while not stifling progress that will allow for a continued longevity. Embracing the African American heritage of Idlewild makes this instance of cooperative community living a unique example, amplified by its resort identity. Extensive literature review, community engagement, and active group communication will serve as the basis for planning.The strategic conversation of the Idlewild community members will be formulated through the lens of social solidarity economic principles and community theory, leading to documentation of solutions for the future of Idlewild. The aspiration for this process is to create a successful case study for other rural communities to begin planning and applying cooperative community modeling.

In the mid-1980s, the impact of three decades of uranium processing near rural Fernald, Ohio, 18 miles northwest of Cincinnati, became the centre of national public controversy. When a series of incidents at the uranium foundry brought to light the years of contamination to the environment and surrounding farmland communities, local citizens’ groups united and demanded a role in determining the plans for cleaning up the site. One citizens’ group, Fernald Residents for Environmental Safety and Health (FRESH), formed in 1984 following reports that nearly 300 pounds of enriched uranium oxide had been released from a dust-collector system, and three off-property wells south of the site were contaminated with uranium. For 22 years, FRESH monitored activities at Fernald and participated in the decision-making process with management and regulators. The job of FRESH ended on 19 January this year when the U.S. Secretary of Energy Samuel Bodman and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Stephen Johnson — flanked by local, state, and national elected officials, and citizen-led environmental watchdog groups including FRESH — officially declared the Fernald Site clean of all nuclear contamination and open to public access. It marked the end of a remarkable turnaround in public confidence and trust that had attracted critical reports from around the world: the Cincinnati Enquirer; U.S. national news programs 60 Minutes, 20/20, Nightline, and 48 Hours; worldwide media outlets from the British Broadcasting Company and Canadian Broadcasting Company; Japanese newspapers; and German reporters. When personnel from Fluor arrived in 1992, the management team thought it understood the issues and concerns of each stakeholder group, and was determined to implement the decommissioning scope of work aggressively, confident that stakeholders would agree with its plans. This approach resulted in strained relationships with opinion leaders during the early months of Fluor’s contract. To forge better relationships, the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) who owns the site, and Fluor embarked on three new strategies based on engaging citizens and interested stakeholder groups in the decision-making process. The first strategy was opening communication channels with site leadership, technical staff, and regulators. This strategy combined a strong public-information program with two-way communications between management and the community, soliciting and encouraging stakeholder participation early in the decision-making process. Fluor’s public-participation strategy exceeded the “check-the-box” approach common within the nuclear-weapons complex, and set a national standard that stands alone today. The second stakeholder-engagement strategy sprang from mending fences with the regulators and the community. The approach for dispositioning low-level waste was a 25-year plan to ship it off the site. Working with stakeholders, DOE and Fluor were able to convince the community to accept a plan to safely store waste permanently on site, which would save 15 years of cleanup and millions of dollars in cost. The third strategy addressed the potentially long delays in finalizing remedial action plans due to formal public comment periods and State and Federal regulatory approvals. Working closely with the U.S. and Ohio Environmental Protection Agencies (EPA) and other stakeholders, DOE and Fluor were able to secure approvals of five Records of Decision on time – a first for the DOE complex. Developing open and honest relationships with union leaders, the workforce, regulators and community groups played a major role in DOE and Fluor cleaning up and closing the site. Using lessons learned at Fernald, DOE was able to resolve challenges at other sites, including worker transition, labour disputes, and damaged relationships with regulators and the community. It took significant time early in the project to convince the workforce that their future lay in cleanup, not in holding out hope for production to resume. It took more time to repair relationships with Ohio regulators and the local community. Developing these relationships over the years required constant, open communications between site decision makers and stakeholders to identify issues and to overcome potential barriers. Fluor’s open public-participation strategy resulted in stakeholder consensus of five remedial-action plans that directed Fernald cleanup. This strategy included establishing a public-participation program that emphasized a shared-decision making process and abandoned the government’s traditional, non-participatory “Decide, Announce, Defend” approach. Fernald’s program became a model within the DOE complex for effective public participation. Fluor led the formation of the first DOE site-specific advisory board dedicated to remediation and closure. The board was successful at building consensus on critical issues affecting long-term site remediation, such as cleanup levels, waste disposal and final land use. Fluor created innovative public outreach tools, such as “Cleanopoly,” based on the Monopoly game, to help illustrate complex concepts, including risk levels, remediation techniques, and associated costs. These innovative tools helped DOE and Fluor gain stakeholder consensus on all cleanup plans. To commemorate the outstanding commitment of Fernald stakeholders to this massive environmental-restoration project, Fluor donated $20,000 to build the Weapons to Wetlands Grove overlooking the former 136-acre production area. The grove contains 24 trees, each dedicated to “[a] leader(s) behind the Fernald cleanup.” Over the years, Fluor, through the Fluor Foundation, also invested in educational and humanitarian projects, contributing nearly $2 million to communities in southwestern Ohio, Kentucky and Indiana. Further, to help offset the economic impact of the site’s closing to the community, DOE and Fluor promoted economic development in the region by donating excess equipment and property to local schools and townships. This paper discusses the details of the public-involvement program — from inception through maturity — and presents some lessons learned that can be applied to other similar projects.