Books on the topic 'New Leaf (Game)'

The 1991 film The Silence of the Lambs, based on Thomas Harris's bestseller, was a game-changer in the fields of both horror and crime cinema. FBI trainee Clarice Starling was a new kind of heroine, vulnerable, intuitive, and in a deeply unhealthy relationship with her monstrous helper/opponent, the serial killer Hannibal Lecter. Jonathan Demme's film skillfully appropriated the tropes of police procedural, gothic melodrama and contemporary horror to produce something entirely new. The resulting film was both critically acclaimed and massively popular, and went on to have an enormous influence on 1990s genre cinema. This book closely examines the factors that contributed to the film's impact, including the revelatory performances of Jodie Foster and Anthony Hopkins in the lead roles.

Dance Improvisations: Warm-Ups, Games and Choreographic Tasks will provide assistance with any doubts that dancers and teachers might have with improvisation. This practical book promotes creativity that can lead to innovative breakthroughs among students from middle school age through college. With Dance Improvisations: Warm-Ups, Games and Choreographic Tasks, you will find new ways to help your dancers create original movements through both individual and group activities. Your students will hone their creative responses, and the innovation and energy in your dance classes will fill your studio or classroom. Students will blossom and gain inspiration using these improvisations as they learn how to develop movement and choreograph studies.

‘The mass of men lead lives of quiet desperation.’ In 1845 Henry David Thoreau left his home town of Concord, Massachusetts to begin a new life alone, in a rough hut he built himself a mile and a half away on the north-west shore of Walden Pond. Walden is Thoreau’s classic autobiographical account of this experiment in solitary living, his refusal to play by the rules of hard work and the accumulation of wealth and above all the freedom it gave him to adapt his living to the natural world around him. This new edition of Walden traces the sources of Thoreau’s reading and thinking and considers the author in the context of his birthplace and his sense of its history - social, economic and natural. In addition, an ecological appendix provides modern identifications of the myriad plants and animals to which Thoreau gave increasingly close attention as he became acclimatized to his life in the woods by Walden Pond.

This chapter first theorizes as if each system leader has been similar in terms of the resource foundations it has brought to the arena and what it has been able to do with those foundations. Earlier leaders were much weaker than later leaders. What accounts for the difference? Our answer is that system leaders have had variable claims to leads in commerce, technology, and energy. When they combined all three, they became very powerful. The chapter then addresses one of the central issues of Big History: the swinging of the socioeconomic, military, and political lead from western Eurasia to eastern Eurasia and back to western Eurasia and North America in what is sometimes referred to as the “Great Divergence.” This oscillation was put in motion by the discovery of agricultural techniques that gave the West a lead to innovate all sorts of things. Gradually the East caught up, until at one point Rome and Han China were roughly equal. After Rome declined and the Han Empire fragmented, China came back in the Sui–Tang–Song dynasty period, while western Europe remained fragmented. However, the medieval Chinese lead did not persist. Ultimately, the West was able to forge ahead by combining new energy sources and technology. Now, China may be catching up once again.

This chapter situates King Lear in angry underclass responses to the recent Poor Law as revealed by the new social history. Revisiting the scene of Lear denied ‘raiment, bed and food’ by his disdainful and flinty-spirited daughters, it argues that this scanting of the geriatric at the gate, newly impotent and increasingly humiliated, enacts the familiar commons tragedy of the impoverished old man hectored by Overseers of the Poor, yet allocated little or nothing. Lear’s outcry ‘Allow not nature more than nature needs, / Man’s life is cheap as beast’s’ emerges as an impassioned rebuke to the spirit of hostile petty calculation practised by the prosperous of the parish and their officers. Revisiting Poor Tom, the chapter places him alongside eight traits of the vagrant persistently alleged by statutes and rogue literature, discovering that, created as a composite of refutations, Shakespeare’s Poor Tom is a serial exposé of government fatuity.

The generation of Americans who served in the armed forces during World War II helped give the Democratic Party its commanding lead in voter identifications for years to come. This insight comes from an analysis of polls conducted between 1937 and 1953, all but a few by the Gallup Organization. The effects of the Depression and the New Deal notwithstanding, World War II swung an even heavier proportion of young Americans to the Democratic Party and gave it a firm hold on that generation. This was true especially for those in uniform during that war. Their commander in chief, a Democrat, was immensely popular with the troops. In the election of 1944, FDR won their votes, wherever they could cast them, in a landslide. The return to civilian life did nothing to dull the wartime edge of the Democratic Party among World War II veterans. This is an unsung legacy of FDR’s popular appeal that endured long after his death.

Sélima Lejri is similarly interested in the coexistence of long-established folklore beliefs in demonism and witchcraft and the emerging scientific etiologies propounded by the physicians of the time. Lejri shows that it is thanks to Edward Jorden’s A Briefe Discourse of A Disease Called the Suffocation of the Mother (1603) that the interpretations of demonic vexation started to give way to the rational alternative of hysteria. It was then that Shakespeare’s interest in the medical theories of physiology, mainly humorism, became palpable. This testifies to the considerable influence of Timothy Bright’s or Edward Jorden’s ideas. Within this context of early modern scientific ‘revolution’ that ushered in the end of witch-hunting and gave large credit to reason over superstition, Shakespeare’s representation of the female body in his Jacobean plays bears the contemporary stamp of his new sources of information. It is Shakespeare’s response to such contemporary scientific theories that Lejri’s chapter aims at tackling through the particular example of Hysterica Passio, a feminine disease much discussed at the time and explicitly referenced in King Lear.

Today’s European Union (EU) is based on treaties negotiated and ratified by the member states. They form a kind of “constitution” for the Union. The first three treaties, the Treaty of Paris, creating the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1951, and the two Treaties of Rome, creating the European Economic Community (EEC) and European Atomic Energy Community (EURATOM) in 1957, were the founding treaties. They were subsequently reformed several times by new treaties, including the Treaty of Maastricht, which created the European Union in 1992. The latest major treaty reform was the Treaty of Lisbon, which entered into force in 2009. Scholarship concerning these treaties has evolved over time. In the early years, it was mostly lawyers writing about the treaties, but soon historians and political scientists also took an interest in these novel constructions in Europe. Interestingly, American political scientists were the first to develop theories of European integration; foremost among these was Ernst Haas, whose 1958 book The Uniting of Europe developed the theory later referred to as neo-functionalism. The sector on integration of coal and steel would have an expansive logic. There would be a process of “spill-over,” which would lead to more integration.It turned out that integration was less of an automatic process than suggested by Haas and his followers. When integration slowed down in the 1970s, many political scientists lost interest and turned their attention elsewhere. It was only in the 1980s, when the internal market program gave European integration a new momentum that political scientists began studying European integration again from theoretical perspectives. The negotiation and entry into force of the Single European Act (SEA) in the mid-1980s led to many new studies, including by American political scientist Andrew Moravcsik. His study of the SEA included a critique of neo-functionalism that created much debate. Eventually, in an article in the early 1990s, he called his approach “liberal intergovernmentalism.” It took final form in 1998 in the book The Choice for Europe. According to Moravcsik, to understand major historic decisions—including new treaties—we need to focus on national preferences and interstate bargaining.The study of treaty reforms, from the SEA to the Lisbon Treaty, conducted by political scientists—including the treaties of Maastricht, Amsterdam, and Nice—have often contrasted neo-functionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism. But other approaches and theories were developed, including various institutionalist and social constructivist frameworks. No consensus has emerged, so the scholarly debates continue.

Framed in debates about the crisis of democracy, the book analyzes one of the most influential social movements of recent times: Spain’s “Indignados” or “15-M” movement. In the wake of the global financial crisis and harsh austerity policies, 15-M movement activists occupied public squares across the country, mobilized millions of Spanish citizens, gave rise to new hybrid parties such as Podemos, and inspired pro-democracy movements around the world. Based on access to key participants in the 15-M movement and Podemos, and extensive participant observation, the book tells the story of this remarkable movement, its emergence, evolution, and impact. In so doing, it challenges some of the core arguments in social movement scholarship about the factors likely to lead to movement success. Instead, the book argues that movements organized around autonomous network logics can build and sustain strong movements in the absence of formal organizations, strong professionalized leadership, and the ability to attract external resources. The key to understanding its power lies in the shared political culture and collective identity that emerged following the occupation of Spain’s central squares. These protest camps sustained the movement by forging reciprocal ties of solidarity between diverse actors, and generating a shared set of critical master frames across a diverse set of actors and issues (e.g., housing, education, pensions, privatization of public services, corruption) that enabled the movement to effectively contest hegemonic narratives about the crisis, austerity, and democracy, influencing public debate and the political agenda.

As the nation’s chief executive, Donald Trump pitted himself repeatedly against the institutions and personnel of the executive branch. In the process, two once-obscure concepts came center stage in an eerie face-off. On one side was the specter of a “Deep State” conspiracy – administrators threatening to thwart the will of the people and undercut the constitutional authority of the president they elected to lead them. On the other side was a raw personalization of presidential power, one that a theory of “the unitary executive” gussied up and allowed to run roughshod over reason and the rule of law. The Deep State and the unitary executive framed every major contest of the Trump presidency. Like phantom twins, they drew each other out and wrestled to light basic issues of governance long suppressed. Though this conflict reached a fever pitch during the Trump presidency, it is not new. Stephen Skowronek, John A. Dearborn, and Desmond King trace the tensions between presidential power and the depth of the American state back through the decades and forward through the various settlements arrived at in previous eras. Phantoms of a Beleaguered Republic is about the breakdown of settlements and the abiding vulnerabilities of a Constitution that gave scant attention to administrative power. Rather than simply dump on Trump, the authors provide a richly historical perspective on the conflicts that rocked his presidency, and they explain why, if left untamed, the phantom twins will continue to pull American government apart.

What would you do if you questioned your religious faith, but revealing that would cause you to lose your family and the only way of life you had ever known? This book tells the fascinating, often heart-wrenching stories of married ultra-Orthodox Jewish men and women in twenty-first-century New York who lead “double lives” in order to protect those they love. While they no longer believe that God gave the Torah to Jews at Mount Sinai, these hidden heretics continue to live in their families and religious communities, even as they surreptitiously break Jewish commandments and explore forbidden secular worlds in person and online. Drawing on five years of fieldwork with those living double lives and the rabbis, life coaches, and religious therapists who minister to, advise, and sometimes excommunicate them, the book investigates religious doubt and social change in the digital age. The Internet, which some ultra-Orthodox rabbis call more threatening than the Holocaust, offers new possibilities for the age-old problem of religious uncertainty. The book shows how digital media has become a lightning rod for contemporary struggles over authority and truth. It reveals the stresses and strains that hidden heretics experience, including the difficulties their choices pose for their wives, husbands, children, and, sometimes, lovers. In following those living double lives, who range from the religiously observant but open-minded on one end to atheists on the other, the book delves into universal quandaries of faith and skepticism, the ways digital media can change us, and family frictions that arise when a person radically transforms who they are and what they believe. In stories of conflicts between faith and self-fulfillment, the book explores the moral compromises and divided loyalties of individuals facing life-altering crossroads.

Everyday Zionism in East-Central Europe examines Zionist activism during the years of war, occupation, revolution, the collapse of empires and the formation of nation states in the years 1914 to 1920. Before the background of the Great War, its brutal aftermath and consequent violence, the day-to-day encounters between Zionist activists and the Jewish communities in the region gave the movement credibility, allowed it to win support, and to establish itself as a leading force in Jewish political and social life for decades to come. Through activists’ efforts, Zionism came to mean something new. Rather than being concerned with debates over Jewish nationhood and pioneering efforts in Palestine, it came to be about aiding starving populations, organizing soup-kitchens, establishing orphanages, schools, kindergartens, and hospitals, negotiating with the authorities, and organizing self-defence against violence. It was in this context that the Zionist movement evolved from often marginalized, predominantly bourgeois groups into a mass movement that attracted and inspired tens of thousands of Jews throughout the region. The book approaches the major European events of the period from the dual perspectives of Jewish communities and the Zionist activists on the ground, demonstrating how war, revolution, empire and nation held very different meanings to people, depending on their local circumstances. During the war and its aftermath, the territories of the Habsburg Empire and formerly Russian-ruled regions conquered by the German army saw a large-scale nation-building project by Zionist activists who fought to lead their communities and shape for them a national future.

The fact that we know the end points of formal colonial rule may lead us to forget that, for those involved, the process appeared less determined and more contingent. It is deceptively easy to trip over the supposed ‘milestone’ of the Second World War, ascribing undue influence to a failing capacity or will to rule among the colonial powers themselves. Such generalizations leave no room for agency among colonized peoples themselves and dismiss both rulers and ruled as essentially homogenous, almost preprogrammed to behave stereotypically as reactionaries or revolutionaries. Recognizing these interpretive problems, political analysts of European decolonization are now more divided over the extent to which the Second World War prefigured the end of European colonial rule. Much of the evidence for a strong causal link is powerful. By 1950 the geopolitical maps of eastern, southern, and western Asia were markedly less colonial. The justificatory language for empire was also different, evidence of the turn towards a technocratic administrative style that would soon become the norm in much of the global South. If basic political rights were frequently denied within dependent territories, a stronger accent on improved living standards gave imperial powers something with which to muffle the rising chorus of transnational criticism against colonial abuses. For all that, the concept of the Second World War as a watershed in the end of empires should not be accepted uncritically. This chapter explores the reasons why.

The use of non-prescription drugs is widespread and has a major impact on the health of the individual user and society. In 2006, the British Crime Survey reported that 10% of adults had used one or more illicit drugs in the preceding year, with 3% reporting using a Class A drug. Over 11 million people in the UK are estimated to have used an illicit drug at least once in their lifetime (35%). Drugs abused vary in their intrinsic potential to cause addiction and, with it, more regular and harmful use. Drug users are influenced by trends and fashions, adopting new compounds such as crack cocaine and experimenting with routes of ingestion. Some drugs may become less popular over time, such as LSD, while others, such as cannabis, experience a revival as more potent strains (e.g. Skunk) are developed. A problem drug user is best defined as a person whose drug taking is no longer controlled or undertaken for recreational purposes and where drugs have become a more essential element of the individual’s life. The true economic and social cost of drug use is likely to be substantially greater than the published figures, which are derived from a variety of health and crime surveys which may overlook vulnerable groups such as the homeless. The majority of non-prescription drugs used in the UK are illegal and covered by the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971. The drugs most commonly abused gave rise in 2003–4 to an estimated financial cost in England and Wales of 15.4 billion pounds to the economy, with Class A drugs such as heroin and cocaine accounting for the majority of this. Some 90% of the cost is due to drug-related crime, with only 3% (£488 million) due to health service expenditure, which is mainly spent on inpatient care episodes. This still represents a major health pressure, which in 2006–7 amounted to 38 000 admissions, in England, for primary and secondary drug-related mental or behavioural problems, and over 10 000 admissions recorded for drug poisoning. Clinicians in all specialities can expect to encounter harmful drug use, especially those working in primary care, A & E, and psychiatric services. Presenting problems are protean, ranging from mood disorders, delirium, and psychosis to sepsis, malnutrition, and hepatitis. Blood-borne infections such as hepatitis C and HIV are widespread, as contaminated needles and syringes are shared by up to a quarter of problem drug users. Even smoking drugs such as crack cocaine can lead to increased transmission of hepatitis C through oral ulceration and contact with hot contaminated smoking pipes. Amongst the UK population, over half of IV drug users have hepatitis C, a quarter have antibodies to hepatitis B, and, by 2006, 4662 had been diagnosed with HIV. Non-prescription drug abuse is a leading cause of death and morbidity amongst the young adult population (those aged 16–35). In 2006 there were 1573 deaths where the underlying cause was poisoning, drug abuse, or dependence on substances controlled under the Misuse of Drugs Act. The vast majority (79%) were male. Young men, in particular, are at greater risk of violent death through associated criminal activity such as drug supplying and from deliberate and accidental overdose. The male-to-female ratio for deaths associated with mental and behavioural disorder is 6:1.