Journal articles on the topic 'New Kingdom Egypt'

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1

Aston, D. A. "Amphorae in New Kingdom Egypt." �GYPTEN UND LEVANTE Internationale Zeitschrift f�r �gyptische Arch�ologie und deren Nachbargebiete / EGYPT AND THE LEVANT International Journal for Egyptian Archaeology and Related Disciplines 1, no. XIV (2005): 175–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/aeundl14s175.

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2

Morris, Ellen, and Lynn Meskell. "Private Life in New Kingdom Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 88 (2002): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3822357.

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3

Stannish, Steven M. "Private Life in New Kingdom Egypt." History: Reviews of New Books 31, no. 3 (January 2003): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2003.10527618.

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Kitchen, K. A., and Donald B. Redford. "Egypt and Canaan in the New Kingdom." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 80 (1994): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3821877.

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Ray, J. D., and D. B. Redford. "Egypt and Canaan in the New Kingdom." Vetus Testamentum 42, no. 1 (January 1992): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519139.

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6

Hoffmeier, James K., and Ashraf Iskander Sadek. "Popular Religion in Egypt during the New Kingdom." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 78 (1992): 338. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3822099.

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7

Morris, Ellen. "Book Review: Private Life in New Kingdom Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 88, no. 1 (December 2002): 265–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751330208800126.

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Al- Mahdy, Moataz, Khaled El-Basuony, and Mahmoud Awad. "Funerary Processions in Egypt from The Old Kingdom till The New Kingdom." Journal of Association of Arab Universities for Tourism and Hospitality 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jaauth.2019.68487.

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9

Santosuosso, Antonio. "War in Ancient Egypt: The New Kingdom, and: Warfare in Ancient Egypt (review)." Journal of Military History 70, no. 1 (2006): 207–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2006.0008.

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Samongilailai, Aseng Yulias, and Barnabas Ludji. "Book Review: Sejarah Pertama Alkitab: Dari Eden hingga Kerajaan Daud Berdasarkan Sumber Y." PASCA: Jurnal Teologi dan Pendidikan Agama Kristen 17, no. 2 (November 12, 2021): 203–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.46494/psc.v17i2.143.

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This book explains the source of Y by focusing on social, economic, and even political aspects. The description contained in it is not only limited to explaining the source of Y, but has been accompanied by the interpretation of the two authors. In this book, it is explained that the Y source is written with the background of the strong Egypt as one of the superpowers and the Israel kingdom under David's monarchy, here Egypt is the biggest threat. The question is, why Egypt? Aren't there other superpowers in addition to Egypt, such as the Mycenaeans, Hittites, and Assyrians? And is it true that source Y was written at the time David was king of Israel kingdom? This is explained at length in this book. In addition, source Y also has another agenda, namely how to unite the twelve tribes into one nation in a new kingdom under the Davidic dynasty. Why did David have to do this? The initial answer given is because it relates to their existence in the midst of other kingdoms and nations. The way that David tried to convince his people was by bringing up the story of Abraham's calling, especially the affirmation “Israel is a great nation, chosen and blessed. These two agendas are a big framework for understanding this book.
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11

Feldman, Marian H. "Nineveh to Thebes and back: Art and politics between Assyria and Egypt in the seventh century BCE." Iraq 66 (2004): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000173x.

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In 671 BCE, Esarhaddon advanced south from the Levant and attacked Egypt, sacking Memphis. About seven years later, in response to repeated Kushite uprisings and following an initial campaign into Lower Egypt, Ashurbanipal's army reinvaded Egypt, marching as far as Thebes where, according to Assyrian accounts, the temples and palaces were looted and their treasures brought back to Nineveh. The Assyrians had been in conflict with Egypt for some time, but these clashes had always taken place in Western Asia, where the two states fought for control and influence over the small Levantine kingdoms. Not until Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal did Assyria penetrate into the heart of Egypt, attacking its two traditional capitals of Memphis and Thebes. This period of intensified antagonism, along with its consequence — increasingly direct contact with Egyptian culture — brought into greater focus Assyria's relationship to the Egyptian imperial tradition. I would like to propose here that Assyrian royal ideology, as expressed in art, developed in part out of an awareness of and reaction to the great imperial power of New Kingdom Egypt, in particular that of the Ramesside period of the thirteenth and early twelfth centuries. Indeed, it is more the reaction against Egyptian tradition that seems to have stimulated what we understand as characteristic and distinctive of Assyrian art, but at the same time, even these elements may owe some inspiration to Egypt. In this way, the New Kingdom Egyptian empire served as both precedent and “other” for Assyria, which began to develop its own imperialist ideology during the contemporaneous Middle Assyrian period.
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12

Seto, Kunihiro. "Sports and kingship in the New Kingdom Ancient Egypt." Japan Journal of Sport Anthropology 2000, no. 2 (2001): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7192/santhropology.2000.29.

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13

Kitchen, K. A. "Book Review: Egypt and Canaan in the New Kingdom." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 80, no. 1 (December 1994): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339408000132.

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14

Diab, Abdallah. "Representations of Pomegranate in Ancient Egypt during the New Kingdom." International Journal of Heritage, Tourism and Hospitality 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ijhth.2018.31495.

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15

Kóthay, Katalin Anna. "The Widow and Orphan in Egypt before the New Kingdom." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 46, no. 1-2 (March 2006): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.46.2006.1-2.15.

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16

Pellini, José Roberto. "Reciprocity and redistribution in Ancient Egypt during the New Kingdom." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, no. 12 (December 18, 2002): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.2002.109443.

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Nossa atenção principal neste artigo é descrever de que maneira funcionava o sistema de trocas praticado no Egito Antigo durante o Novo Império (1550-1070 a.C.). A economia do Egito neste período era, em nossa opinião, regida por dois princípios: Redistribuição e Reciprocidade. A redistribuição dominava a esfera estatal da economia, o que significa dizer que o excedente de produção das unidades domésticas aldeãs era coletado pelas autoridades centrais, estado e templos, e redistribuído entre seções particulares da sociedade de acordo com o status. Já a reciprocidade dominava a esfera aldeã e doméstica da economia, servindo não só como meio de alocação de produtos e serviços mas servindo principalmente como um meio de reforçar os laços sociais entre a comunidade.
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17

Hoffmeier, James K. "Book Review: Popular Religion in Egypt during the New Kingdom." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 78, no. 1 (October 1992): 338–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339207800138.

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18

Serpico, Margaret, and Raymond White. "The botanical identity and transport of incense during the Egyptian New Kingdom." Antiquity 74, no. 286 (December 2000): 884–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00060531.

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Resin preserved on New Kingdom vessels from Amarna in Middle Egypt provides evidence for incense burning and trade. Here Margaret Serpico & Raymond White describe a new interdisciplinary research project.
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19

Frood, Elizabeth. "Private Life in New Kingdom Egypt. By Lynn Meskell." American Journal of Archaeology 110, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ajs40026370.

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Cooney, Kathlyn M. "Private Life in New Kingdom Egypt. By Lynn Meskell." American Journal of Archaeology 107, no. 4 (October 1, 2003): 675–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ajs40024339.

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21

Ibrahim, Tawfik, Hend Mohamed. "Scenes of Officials’ Investiture in Ancient Egypt during the New Kingdom." المجلة العلمیة لکلیة السیاحة و الفنادق جامعة الأسکندریة 15, no. 15 - B (October 1, 2018): 88–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/thalexu.2018.51483.

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22

Spalinger, Anthony. "Sovereignty and Theology in New Kingdom Egypt: Some Cases of Tradition." Saeculum 47, no. 2 (December 1996): 217–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/saeculum.1996.47.2.217.

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23

Lesko, Leonard H. "Popular Religion in Egypt during the New Kingdom. Ashraf Iskander Sadek." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 54, no. 1 (January 1995): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373725.

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24

Ванюкова, Д. В. "ARCHITECTURAL RESTORATION CONCEPT IN THE MIDDLE KINGDOM EGYPT." ВОПРОСЫ ВСЕОБЩЕЙ ИСТОРИИ АРХИТЕКТУРЫ, no. 2(11) (February 17, 2020): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.25995/niitiag.2019.11.2.001.

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Древние египтяне не мыслили существования без опоры на прошлое своей страны: именно в мифическое «время бога» был создан мир и заложены основы царской власти, позволяющие стране пребывать в благополучии. Не удивительно поэтому, что внимание к памятникам прошлого являлось формой почитания предков и заботы о собственном благополучии в ином мире, причем последнее иногда достигалось не только самим актом поновления памятника, но и узурпацией собственно реставрационных текстов. Наибольшую известность получила реставрационная деятельность царей эпохи Нового царства, однако впервые ощущение, что прошлое отстоит от настоящего во времени и отличается своими особенными качествами, пришло к жителям долины Нила гораздо раньше. Именно после I Переходного периода тема восстановления - страны после «времени болезни», власти царя после периода междоусобиц, архитектурных памятников, разрушенных временем и войнами, - становится особенно актуальной. В статье рассматриваются тексты гробничных надписей времени I Переходного периода и эпохи Среднего царства, содержащие сведения о деятельности владельцев по восстановлению памятников прошлого. В центре внимания автора - стела Антефа сына Миит (XI династия). Ее текст выходит за рамки стандартной для подобных памятников «реставрационной формулы», что позволяет полнее представить воззрения египтян на процесс разрушения и последующего восстановления памятника. Особенности лексики, присущие тексту со стелы Антефа, позволяют обоснованно поставить вопрос о том, какую именно цель преследовали египтяне в эпоху Среднего царства, когда занимались восстановлением памятников прошлых эпох. In the mind of the ancient Egyptians - life was possible only because of their cultural memory - the Past was the literal mainstay of the country. It was the mythical “time of God” when the whole world was created together with the kingship, as a result of which, the country could be prosperous. It is not surprising that attention to the monuments of the past epochs was a way of venerating the ancestors and to care about one’s own destiny in another world. We even know of several cases when the restoration texts were usurped. Restoration projects of the New Kingdom are well known, but for the first time, a feeling of differences between Past and Present appeared in Egyptian culture much earlier. The XIth and XIIth dynasties connected with the time of reunion of the country after the “time of illness” (ancient Egyptian epithet for the crisis periods in their history, like the 1st Intermediate period), the restoration of kingship and architectural restoration concepts. The paper deals with the analyses of several 1st Intermediate and Middle Kingdom tomb inscriptions with “restoration formulas”, which are wider and more detailed than later ones, in the New Kingdom texts. Analyzing of peculiarities of Intef’s inscription (stela Berlin, Egyptian museum, № 13272) lexicon, the author discusses the problem of the true object of restoration acts in Egyptian culture: was the restoration of buildings the only and the main aim of Egyptians?
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Economou, Emmanouil M. L., and Nicholas C. Kyriazis. "The evolution of property rights in Hellenistic Greece and the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt." Journal of Institutional Economics 15, no. 5 (March 7, 2019): 827–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137419000055.

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AbstractIn the present paper we trace the development of property rights during the Hellenistic period (3rd–2nd centuriesbce), focusing on Athens, the democratic Hellenistic federations and the Ptolemaic Kingdom in Egypt. Property rights had been already well developed and protected by courts and state laws during the previous Classical period in ancient Greece, but we argue that they further evolved during the Hellenistic period due to the introduction of a series of new political and economic institutions. We found that there was a causal relationship between the evolution of property rights and the further development of economic institutions in Hellenistic Athens and the Hellenistic federations. We finally argue that the development and adoption of market-oriented economic institutions by the Ptolemaic Kingdom should be attributed to the great influence that these institutions had in the entire Hellenistic world, which resulted in their diffusion from the democratic states to kingdoms.
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Troalen, Lore G., Maria Filomena Guerra, Jim Tate, and Bill Manley. "Technological study of gold jewellery pieces dating from the Middle Kingdom to the New Kingdom in Egypt." ArchéoSciences, no. 33 (December 31, 2009): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/archeosciences.2095.

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Khalil, Noha, and Ayman Elgohary. "The Common Figs ‘Ficus Carica’ in Ancient Egypt until the New Kingdom." International Journal of Heritage, Tourism and Hospitality 14, no. 3 (March 1, 2020): 202–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ijhth.2020.153621.

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28

Bleiberg, Edward. "The Redistributive Economy in New Kingdom Egypt: An Examination of Bȝkw(t)." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 25 (1988): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40000876.

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Jones, Donald W., Andrew H. Gordon, and David A. Warburton. "State and Economy in Ancient Egypt: Fiscal Vocabulary of the New Kingdom." American Journal of Archaeology 102, no. 4 (October 1998): 850. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506127.

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30

TAKAHASHI, Kazumitsu. "Simplification in Production Technology of Blue Painted Pottery in New Kingdom Egypt." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 61, no. 2 (March 31, 2019): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.61.2_135.

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31

El Nadi, Mona. "Armless Figures in Ancient Egypt Until The End of The New Kingdom." Shedet 8, no. 8 (December 1, 2021): 60–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/shedet.2021.207778.

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32

Miller, R. L. "Palaeoepidemiology, literacy, and medical tradition among necropolis workmen in New Kingdom Egypt." Medical History 35, no. 1 (January 1991): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300053102.

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33

EL-HAWAGRY, MAGDI S., MAHMOUD S. ABDEL-DAYEM, and HATHAL M. AL DHAFER. "On the taxonomy of the genus Thyridanthrax Osten Sacken in Egypt and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, with description of a new species (Diptera: Bombyliidae)." Zootaxa 4701, no. 6 (December 3, 2019): 501–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4701.6.1.

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Egyptian and Saudi Arabian Thyridanthrax spp. collected in field trips or preserved in the Efflatoun’s insect collection in Cairo University were taxonomically studied. One new species, T. elegansoides sp. nov., is herein described, and two species, T. decipulus (Austen) and T. polyphemus (Wiedemann), are newly recorded from Egypt. Ten species are treated: one species from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, T. anomalus Greathead; two species from Egypt and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, T. decipulus (Austen) and T. perspicillaris (Loew); and seven species from Egypt: T. elegans (Wiedemann), T. elegansoides sp. nov., T. griseolus (Klug), T. incanus (Klug), T. lotus (Loew), T. obliteratus (Loew), and T. polyphemus (Wiedemann). Taxonomic comments, an identification key to species, diagnoses, and photographs of some species and genitalia are provided. Based on wing morphology and male genitalic characters, T. lotus clearly does not fit in the genus Thyridanthrax, and may need to be placed elsewhere, nevertheless it is not clear whether it can be included in any of the other currently recognized genera in the tribe Villini. It is here kept in Thyridanthrax until a more rigorous study can be conducted to better ascertain its position in the Villini.
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Loktionov, Alexandre Alexandrovich. "May my nose and ears be cut off: Practical and “supra-practical” Aspects of Mutilation in the Egyptian New Kingdom." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 60, no. 3 (March 7, 2017): 263–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341426.

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This paper investigates mutilation of the nose and ears in New Kingdom Egypt (c.1550-1070bce). The topic is first contextualised within cross-cultural mutilation research, before discussion shifts to focus more closely on Egypt. The threat of mutilation in oaths is considered, as is the possibility of mutilation not being enforced if such oaths were broken. The paper then investigates the lived experience of mutilation, encompassing both physiological and social impairments. Finally, a ‘supra-practical’ aspect is proposed, considering the esoteric connotations of mutilation, this latter understood as a set of practices including but not confined to actual physical dismemberment.
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SUGI, Akiko. "Iconographic Expressions of ‘Life-giving Water’ and Its Function in New Kingdom Egypt." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 50, no. 2 (2007): 55–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_55.

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Dabbs, Gretchen R., and Melissa Zabecki. "Slot-type fractures of the scapula at New Kingdom Tell El-Amarna, Egypt." International Journal of Paleopathology 11 (December 2015): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijpp.2015.07.003.

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Malykh, Svetlana E. "Fide et diffide: Ancient Egyptian Archaic Pottery in the Collection of the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, or To the Question of the Reattribution of Museum Objects." Oriental Courier, no. 3 (2022): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023758-1.

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The article analyzes three ceramic bowls purchased by Vladimir S. Golenischev in Egypt and included in the collection of the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts in Moscow. Two of them were previously dated to the Predynastic time, the other to the New Kingdom. However, the morphological and technological analysis of the objects, as well as the identification of similar potmarks, makes it possible to attribute the vessels to the same burial complex and date them to the Early Kingdom (c. 30–28 centuries B.C.).
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Osborne, William R. "The Tree of Life in Ancient Egypt and the Book of Proverbs." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 14, no. 1 (May 27, 2014): 114–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341259.

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Since the mid-twentieth century, scholars have highlighted the similarities between the book of Proverbs and wisdom texts from ancient Egypt, the most recognized being “The Instruction of Amenemope” (ca. 1100 bce). Consequently, some have asserted that this relationship points toward a likely Egyptian provenance and origin of biblical concepts like the Tree of Life in Proverbs 3:17–18; 11:30; 13:12; 15:4. Recognizing the undisputable contact with ancient Egypt, the present work argues through the method of comparative study that the Tree of Life in the book of Proverbs should not be interpreted with an ideological antecedent of a divine tree goddess in the New Kingdom period of ancient Egypt.
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Ilin-Tomich, Alexander. "The Theban Kingdom of Dynasty 16: Its Rise, Administration and Politics." Journal of Egyptian History 7, no. 2 (November 20, 2014): 143–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340016.

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This paper focuses on the emergence of the Theban kingdom of Dynasty 16 in the Second Intermediate Period and explores the historical repercussions of its assumed struggle with the declining state of Dynasty 13 centered at Itjtawy. A revision of the recent evidence from Edfu raises doubts about the alleged contemporaneity of Sobekhotep iv and Khayan. A survey of administrative titles in the sources pertaining to the Theban kingdom testifies that it arose independently based on the local power structures of the Late Middle Kingdom rather than because of a relocation from the north. The separation of the nascent Theban kingdom from the state of Dynasty 13 and a surmised consequent confrontation between these entities had an impact on the ideology of the new polity and influenced the policy of its direct successor—the state of Dynasty 17 and the early New Kingdom. The original lack of legitimacy of Dynasty 16 could have been one of the reasons for overstating the power of the Hyksos in historical texts—in order to justify Theban claims to rule in Middle and Lower Egypt.
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Khaled, Mohamed Ismail. "Nomes of Lower Egypt in the early Fifth Dynasty." E&G Quaternary Science Journal 70, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/egqsj-70-19-2021.

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Abstract. Having control over the landscape played an important role in the geography and economy of Egypt from the predynastic period onwards. Especially from the beginning of the Old Kingdom, we have evidence that kings created new places (funerary domains) called (centers) and (Ezbah) for the equipment of the building projects of the royal tomb and the funerary cult of the king, as well as to ensure the eternal life of both kings and individuals. Kings used these localities in order to do so, and they oftentimes expanded the border of an existing nome and created new establishments. Consequently, these establishments were united or divided into new nomes. The paper discusses the geography of Lower Egypt and the associated royal domains in the early Fifth Dynasty based on the new discoveries from the causeway of Sahura at Abusir.
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Smith, Michael E. "Ancient Egyptian Urbanism in a Comparative, Global Context." Journal of Egyptian History 13, no. 1-2 (February 16, 2021): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340060.

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Abstract For more than 50 years, archaeologists have debated whether or not Egypt was a “civilization without cities.” The publication of Nadine Moeller’s book, The Archaeology of Urbanism in Ancient Egypt: From the Predynastic Period to the End of the Middle Kingdom, provides the opportunity to reconsider this issue, using a more complete record of the relevant archaeological finds. I present a new, flexible approach to urban definition, and then I examine the ways in which ancient Egyptian urbanism resembled and differed from other early urban traditions. I conclude that Egypt was indeed an urban society, and that Egyptian urban patterns were highly distinctive within the canon of ancient urban systems. I place these points within the context of competing ideas about the nature of global history.
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Gautschy, Rita, Michael E. Habicht, Francesco M. Galassi, Daniela Rutica, Frank J. Rühli, and Rainer Hannig. "A New Astronomically Based Chronological Model for the Egyptian Old Kingdom." Journal of Egyptian History 10, no. 2 (November 17, 2017): 69–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340035.

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Abstract A recently discovered inscription on an ancient Egyptian ointment jar mentions the heliacal rising of Sirius. In the time of the early Pharaohs, this specific astronomical event marked the beginning of the Egyptian New Year and originally the annual return of the Nile flood, making it of great ritual importance. Since the Egyptian civil calendar of 365 days permanently shifted one day in four years in comparison to the stars due to the lack of intercalation, the connection of a date from the Egyptian civil calendar with the heliacal rising of Sothis is vitally important for the reconstruction of chronology. The new Sothis date from the Old Kingdom (3rd–6th Dynasties) in combination with other astronomical data and radiocarbon dating re-calibrates the chronology of ancient Egypt and consequently the dating of the Pyramids. A chronological model for Dynasties 3 to 6 constructed on the basis of calculated astronomical data and contemporaneously documented year dates of Pharaohs is presented.
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Strudwick, Nigel, and Sigrid Hodel-Hoenes. "Life and Death in Ancient Egypt. Scenes from Private Tombs in New Kingdom Thebes." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 38 (2001): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40000558.

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44

Troy, Lana, Sigrid Hodel-Hoenes, and David Warburton. "Life and Death in Ancient Egypt: Scenes from Private Tombs in New Kingdom Thebes." Journal of the American Oriental Society 122, no. 1 (January 2002): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3087675.

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45

Siegel, Oren. "Reevaluating the Role of Inter-Polity Boundaries (tꜢšw) in Middle and New Kingdom Egypt." Journal of Egyptian History 15, no. 1 (September 9, 2022): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-bja10011.

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Abstract Chains of frontier fortresses and the presence of boundary stelae have understandably encouraged scholars to emphasize parallels between Pharaonic political boundaries and contemporary political borders. However, ancient Egyptian territoriality and conceptions of political boundaries differed in several key ways. First, Pharaonic boundaries were not defined by their permeability, but rather their capacity to be altered by royal action. Second, specific territorial claims were often less vital than the sovereign act of claiming or marking a boundary. Finally, ancient Egyptian boundaries were often discussed in personal terms, as belonging to a particular pharaoh. They were not abstracted, linear features that aspired to an ahistorical permanence, but functioned as powerful, performative displays of political authority in liminal spaces. Recognizing these fundamental differences builds upon the insights of earlier scholarship and provides new perspectives on Pharaonic boundary-making practices.
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46

Ibrahim, Mohamed Moustafa, and Hamdy Mohamed Mohamed. "Analytical Study and Conservation of New Kingdom Period Pottery Jars from Saqqara Excavation, Egypt." Advanced Materials Research 1167 (November 9, 2021): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.1167.101.

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Ancient archaeological sites contain numerous pottery objects that suffered from different deterioration factors. This study aims to use different analytical methods to study the chemical and mineralogical composition and identification of deterioration aspects of some ancient Egyptian pottery jars from Saqqara excavation. Thus, to explain the deterioration factors' mechanisms and apply the proper conservation methods to the deteriorated pottery jars. AutoCAD, digital microscope, scanning electron microscope (SEM-EDX), and x-ray diffraction (XRD) were used to clarify the preservation states of pottery jars. The results of the investigation revealed that the selected jars suffered from different cracks, salts crystallization, some surface black spots, separation of the slip layer, and heterogeneity in the grains size. XRD analysis revealed that quartz, diopside, illite, muscovite, orthoclase, anorthite, and hematite are the main components of the jars. SEM-EDX analysis showed high concentrations of chlorides and sulfate salts, besides the presence of manganese oxide. Different treatments were performed for the pottery jars include mechanical and chemical cleaning. Additionally, the completion process was done by using a mixture of dental gypsum with grog. Moreover, the consolidation process was achieved by using paraloid B-72.
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Abe, Yoshinari, Rodan Harimoto, Tadashi Kikugawa, Ken Yazawa, Akiko Nishisaka, Nozomu Kawai, Sakuji Yoshimura, and Izumi Nakai. "Transition in the use of cobalt-blue colorant in the New Kingdom of Egypt." Journal of Archaeological Science 39, no. 6 (June 2012): 1793–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2012.01.021.

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48

Austin, A. E. "The Cost of a Commute: A Multidisciplinary Approach to Osteoarthritis in New Kingdom Egypt." International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 27, no. 4 (December 16, 2016): 537–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/oa.2575.

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BAREKET, ELINOAR. "The head of the Jews (ra'is al-yahud) in Fatimid Egypt: a re-evaluation." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 67, no. 2 (June 2004): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x04000138.

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The debate concerning the Head of the Jews (ra'is al-yahud) in the Fatimid kingdom, which has interested researchers since the late nineteenth century, has yet to reach a final conclusion. Today's researchers usually argue that this position was established in Egypt at the end of the eleventh century with the final fall of the Palestinian Yeshiva; prior to this the Head of the Jews was the gaon of Palestine, appointed by the Fatimid Imam. More recently a new argument has emerged, re-embracing the approach of J. Mann, who argued that the position of the Head of the Jews was established at the beginning of Fatimid rule (late tenth century), and the person to hold the position was a Jewish courtier from the field of finance or medicine, appointed by the Imam to be the supreme leader for all Jews in the Fatimid kingdom: Rabbanites, Karaites and Samaritans. This old–new notion is yet to be clearly proven. Such views are mainly supported by circumstantial analysis of logical arguments that arise from the Geniza documents, without real written proof, but the Geniza is known for surprises and it is possible that we will soon find unequivocal proof to show that the Head of the Jews in the Fatimid kingdom was indeed a Jewish courtier appointed by the Imam, since the beginning of the Fatimid rule over Egypt, Palestine and Syria at the end of the tenth century.
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Giménez, Javier. "Integration of Foreigners in Egypt." Journal of Egyptian History 10, no. 2 (November 17, 2017): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340036.

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Abstract The relief of Amenhotep ii shooting arrows at a copper ingot target has often been considered as propaganda of the king’s extraordinary strength and vigour. However, this work proposes that the scene took on additional layers of significance and had different ritual functions such as regenerating the health of the king, and ensuring the eternal victory of Egypt over foreign enemies and the victory of order over chaos. Amenhotep ii was shooting arrows at an “Asiatic” ox-hide ingot because the ingot would symbolize the northern enemies of Egypt. The scene belonged to a group of representations carved during the New Kingdom on temples that showed the general image of the king defeating enemies. Moreover, it was linked to scenes painted in private tombs where goods were brought to the deceased, and to offering scenes carved on the walls of Theban temples. The full sequence of scenes would describe, and ritually promote, the process of integration of the foreign element into the Egyptian sphere.
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