Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'New Kingdom Egypt'
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Stringfield, Sarah. "New kingdom /." Read thesis online, 2007. http://library.uco.edu/UCOthesis/StringfieldS2007.pdf.
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Harrington, Nicola. "Living with the dead in New Kingdom Egypt." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543671.
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Morris, Joanne Pamela. "Wells and water supply in New Kingdom Egypt." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.437502.
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Samuel, Delwen. "An archaeological study of baking and bread in New Kingdom Egypt." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/245007.
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This research applies a multi-disciplinary approach based on the archaeological record, to bread, a staple item of diet in ancient Egypt. Desiccated ancient loaves and artefacts connected with post-storage crop processing at settlement sites are the prime sources of data. They have been interpreted with reference to appropriate ethnographic analogies and to information about starch microstructure and its transformation under different processing techniques. These sources of evidence, together with experimental replication, have established that New Kingdom Egyptians obtained clean grain from emmer spikelets by dampening and pounding the spikelets in limestone mortars with wooden pestles, which shredded the chaff and freed whole grain. The mixture was dried, winnowed and sieved. The whole grain was then milled on a saddle quern, on which any desired grade of flour could be produced. This work has disproved the widely quoted hypothesis that addition of grit was needed to mill flour with the saddle quern. Identification and distribution of cereal processing artefacts have been linked to household self-sufficiency and general transport of cereal commodities. The study of actual ancient loaves has established a range of shapes, how they were formed, and that shape is not related to recipe. Emmer wheat was the cereal used for the great majority of the loaves examined, including those now held at the British Museum, the Louvre, and the Egyptian Museum, Turin. Occasional ingredients include fig, coriander and date. Barley was not an intentional addition. The analysis of starch from ancient loaves by optical and scanning electron microscopy has shown different patterns of germination and gelatinization, leading to the development of three different models for baking in New Kingdom Egypt. Bread was baked from untreated raw emmer, or from germinated emmer which was then air-dried and milled, or thirdly, from germinated emmer which was roasted prior to milling. These results have implications for the nutritional quality of bread, and for reinterpretation of the archaeological record.
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Serpico, Margaret Teresa. "Mediterranean resins in New Kingdom Egypt : a multidisciplinary approach to trade and usage." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362850.
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Resins were widely used in ancient Egypt for a variety of purposes, including as incense, as varnish, in cosmetic and ritual preparations and in mummification. However, as Egypt had virtually no internal sources, these resins would have been obtained through trade. Although Egypt's contacts with the south for resin are well-known, little is known of the Mediterranean resin trade. This study took a multidisciplinary approach, incorporating not only archaeological information, but also botanical data, chemical residue analysis and microscopic examination of pottery fabrics to find evidence of this trade. Each of the above mentioned usages was studied. Resins and resinous products subsequently identified included pistacia resin and pitch, Pinaceae resin, including coniferous pitch, cedar resin and cedar-scented products. These usages indicated a high level of demand for Mediterranean resins. Study of amphorae imported from Syria-Palestine to the site of Tell el- Amarna indicated a strong link between resin trade and Canaanite storage jars. The study of the distribution of these jars, in Egypt, Israel and on the contemporary shipwreck at Ulu Burun, Turkey, provided valuable information on Mediterranean resin trade.
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Madigan, Valeri J. "A comparison of tomb art from New Kingdom Egypt and classic period Oaxaca, Mexico." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1290.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
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Anthropology
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Mushett, Cole Edward James. "Decline in ancient Egypt? : a reassessment of the late New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7624/.
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The late New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period (1215-650 BC) have been, and continue to be, interpreted as periods of decline and dramatic change within ancient Egyptian history. This thesis challenges such views through an analysis of those interpretations and the evidence used to support them. In so doing I have evaluated if these periods do reflect a decline from previous periods and if the changes were as all-encompassing as previously suggested. In order to carry out this evaluation three key processes have been examined through detailed analysis of related datasets. These will establish the complexity of the periods, and the potential for nuance within specific datasets which is masked by the current descriptions. Reference has also been made to cross-cultural comparisons and ethno-archaeological theories as many of these processes have been identified in other societies and discussed outside Egyptology. This has led to some clarity regarding the complexity of the periods, recognising the extensive level of continuity and possible explanations for the changes visible, and thus an alternative to the 'simplistic' interpretation of decline and decay.
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Backhouse, J. "Scènes de gynécées’ figured ostraca : their relationship to the material culture of New Kingdom Egypt." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2016. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3002627/.
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Olivier, Anette. "Social status of elite women of the New Kingdom of ancient Egypt a comparison of artistic features /." Thesis, Pretoria : UNISA, 2008. http://etd.unisa.ac.za/ETD-db/theses/available/etd-09262008-134009/unrestricted/dissertation.pdf.
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Lang, Elizabeth. "The Daily Grind| Women's Experience of Bread-Making in Non-elite Households of New Kingdom Egypt." Thesis, Yale University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10633254.
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This dissertation explores non-elite women in the Amarna Workmen's Village and Deir el-Medina through their day-to-day experiences in making bread in the household. Bread was the most important food for ancient Egyptians, and in addition to fulfilling nutritional requirements, was a literal means of embodying culture and identity. Bread was also a way of defining a household unit, marking those who ate it together as an identifiable group. Such commensal links were often more significant than kin ties in creating household membership. Bread was therefore an essential part of ancient Egyptian life, and the work done by women in the household to process raw grain into this food was equally important.
This dissertation is guided by several research questions: How did ancient women experience the day-to-day work of bread making? What did bread and bread-making mean to the women doing it? How did association with bread structure their identity, and how did it impact the way they organized their work? In order to investigate these questions, an array of archaeological, written, and artistic evidence from ancient Egypt is analyzed, in conjunction with comparative data from ancient and modern societies.
This dissertation will seek to illustrate several points. The first is that women's work in non-elite households was important, skill-based, and is worthy of modern study in order to enhance understanding of the lives of ancient Egyptian women. Second, bread-making, which involved the six phases of spikelet cleaning, pounding, winnowing/sieving, grinding, mixing and proving, and loaf shaping and baking, required large amounts of labor, time, and space. Third, archaeological evidence and comparative study can be used to hypothetically model organization, group hierarchy, identity, and agency of women in the Amarra Workmen's Village and Deir el-Medina.
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Rademakers, F. "Into the crucible : methodological approaches to reconstructing crucible metallurgy, from New Kingdom Egypt to Late Roman Thrace." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2015. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1469615/.
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The subject of this PhD thesis is the study of ancient metallurgical crucible assemblages, with a particular focus on the methodological framework for such studies. This is approached through three case studies from the eastern Mediterranean: Qantir – Pi-Ramesse (Ramesside Egypt, 13th century BC), Gordion (Late Phrygian/Achaemenid Anatolia, 6th-4th century BC) and Nicopolis/Philippopolis/Serdica/Stara Zagora (Roman Thrace, 2nd-5th century AD). For each of these three case studies, the metallurgical activities are reconstructed and contextualised. This involves determining the technical processes, material use and organisation of metal production both on the site and regional scale. No relation exists between these sites and each case study stands on its own: results from the technological reconstruction are interpreted within their particular archaeological and regional/historical context, to which they offer novel contributions. The main research material consists of crucible remains, and to a lesser extent metal remains, which are investigated using optical microscopy and SEM(-EDS) to establish the technological processes and material use. The applicability of handheld XRF for such reconstructions is evaluated as well. Finally, lead isotope analysis (using MC-ICP-MS) of metal remains (scrap, spills, ingots, objects and prills extracted from crucible slag) and crucible ceramic and slag is performed. The overarching goal of this research is to evaluate methodological approaches to the study of crucibles and crucible assemblages by comparing the results for these three examples, not in terms of technology, but by evaluating the influence of varying crucible typology, preservation, abundance, contextual information, and sample availability, as well as the use of various analytical techniques. These considerations are then combined to formulate more general recommendations for the sampling, examination and interpretation of ancient crucible assemblages.
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Klop, Damian Jerome O'Reilly. "Beer as a signifier of social status in ancient Egypt with special emphasis on the New Kingdom period (ca.1550 – 1069 BC) : the place of beer in Egyptian society compared to wine." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97042.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Some academics are of the generalist opinion that ancient Egyptian beer was only consumed by the lower classes because of its low social status. This is based on the generalization that individuals only consume alcoholic beverages matching the status of their social class. Therefore the lower classes consumed beer while the upper classes consumed an alcoholic beverage of higher status, i.e. wine. However, other academics are of the universalist opinion that Egyptian beer was universally consumed by all Egyptian social classes irrespective of the status of beer. This study aims to test the validity of these opposing academic opinions and also strives to understand how statements of status in Egyptian society were devised, and what they were conveying. This was achieved by determining the status of Egyptian beer and wine and then comparing them to the respective status of beer and wine drinkers in the New Kingdom period (c. 1550-1069) according to the factors of production, consumption, health, economic exchange & distribution, and religion. Use is made of an anthropological approach which allows the researcher to limit social bias and understand ancient Egyptian society on its own terms. Results of this study indicate that Egyptian beer had a much lower status than Egyptian wine and all social classes consumed beer while only the upper classes consumed wine. The generalist opinion, therefore, is falsified and the universalist opinion validated. The results also indicate that the upper classes justified their beer consumption by producing, consuming and exchanging an elite beer of higher status in a manner reminiscent of wine so that it compared more favourably with the status of their social classes. This study, therefore, not only settles an old academic dispute but also provides new insight into Egyptian beer.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sommige akademici huldig die algemene siening dat antieke Egyptiese bier uitsluitlik deur die laer klasse gebruik is, omdat bier ‘n laer status geniet het. Dit is gegrond op die veralgemening dat individue slegs alkoholiese drank gebruik het wat ooreenstem met hul eie sosiale klas. Die laer klasse het dus bier gedrink terwyl die hoër klasse alkoholiese drank van ‘n hoër status, naamlik wyn, gedrink het. Ander akademici is egter van mening dat Egiptiese bier deur alle Egiptiese sosiale klasse gebruik is, ongeag die status van bier. Hierdie studie poog om die geldigheid van hierdie teenstrydige akademiese menings te toets en poog ook om te verstaan hoe stellings oor status in die Egiptiese samelewing bedink is en wat hulle wou oordra. Dit is bereik deur die status van Egiptiese bier en wyn te bepaal en dit dan te vergelyk met die besondere status van bier en wyndrinkers in die Nuwe Koningkryk tydperk (c. 1550-1069) volgens die faktore van produksie, verbruik, gesondheid, ekonomiese uitruiling & verspreiding en godsdiens. ‘n Antropologiese benadering is gevolg omdat dit die navorser in staat stel om sosiale partydigheid te beperk en sodoende die Egiptiese samelewing in eie reg te kan verstaan. Resultate van hierdie studie dui aan dat alhoewel Egiptiese bier ‘n veel laer status as Egiptiese wyn geniet het, het alle sosiale klasse nietemin bier gedrink, terwyl net die hoër klasse wyn gedrink het. Die algemene mening is gefalsifiseer, terwyl die universele mening gestaaf word. Die resultate dui ook aan dat die hoër sosiale klasse hul bierverbruik geregverdig het deur ‘n elite bier van hoër status te produseer, uit te ruil en te gebruik op ‘n wyse soortgelyk aan diè van hul wynverbruik, sodat dit gunstig vergelyk met die status van hul sosiale klasse. Hierdie studie los dus nie net ‘n ou akademiese meningsverskil op nie, maar gee ook ‘n nuwe insig in Egiptiese bier en die gebruik daarvan deur die hoër klasse.
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Hinson, Benjamin Samuel Paul. "Coming of age or an age of becoming? : the role of childhood in identity formation at Deir el-Medina, New Kingdom Egypt." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/274925.
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This thesis explores the role of childhood in identity formation. The concept that childhood contributes to an individual’s identity—how a person becomes who they are, and how childhood influences this—is universally relevant. However, whilst the influence of childhood is universal, exactly what ‘childhood’ means is not. Because the existence of children is a common thread linking all societies, it is unsurprising that every society has a different conception of what ‘childhood’ means, which members were considered children, and the freedoms, restrictions or expectations placed on those at this stage of life. The discussion here is framed within the context of ancient Egypt—specifically, the site of Deir el-Medina—but its approach is also relevant to those studying childhood in other areas. Today, identity is considered equivalent to how we define and understand ourselves, influenced by our personal experiences. However, these experiences are themselves informed by how society defines and groups us, based on factors such as gender, ethnicity or religion. Identity therefore involves two inter-linked components: how society defines the individual, and how individuals define themselves. In exploring the role of childhood in identity formation, the aim of this thesis is to consider both components as they relate to children. The first reflects how society at Deir el-Medina constructed and conceptualised ‘childhood’, informing how children were treated, their scope for social participation, and the relationships they engaged in. The second reflects how children as individuals lived within these social structures, and how such personal experiences contributed to a sense of self. Only by considering both elements can a holistic picture be formed.
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Bryson, Karen Margaret. "An Egyptian Royal Portrait Head in the Collection of the Michael C. Carlos Museum at Emory University." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/art_design_theses/31.
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This thesis discusses a small, red granite, Egyptian royal portrait head in the collection of the Michael C. Carlos Museum in Atlanta, Georgia. The head is determined to be a fragment from a group depicting the king in front of the monumental figure of a divine animal, probably a ram or baboon. Scholars have attributed the head to the reigns of various New Kingdom pharaohs, including Horemheb and Seti I, but on more careful examination its style demonstrates that it dates to the reign of Ramesses II (1304-1237 B.C.).
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Fukaya, Masashi. "Socio-religious functions of three Theban festivals in the New Kingdom : the festivals of Opet, the Valley, and the New Year." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9eebe42-68d3-42dd-adcd-d1a3da145f0b.
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In addition to temple rituals performed for the god by the king, festivals incorporated a broader domain, where a wider public had access to the divine. The participants in feasts ranged from the royal, officials and priests to the non-elite and the dead. Theoretically and ideologically, individuals would have received fruits of the divine power through the king by taking part in celebrations to variable extent. This functioned a vehicle for the god and the king to maintain their authoritative credibility and, by extension, the world order. The circulation of the divine force formed a different appearance at each festival, such as material supplies, promotions, and juridical decrees. These divine conveyances would have more or less met people’s social and religious needs. By embracing modality, periodicity, and publicness, festivals provided participants and audiences with a public setting and a formal means, whereby they were able to seek their identity as part of society. This may or may not have been relevant to personal piety, allegiance, responsibilities, and goodness, but public celebrations at least brought the king’s subjects together to common grounds for official beliefs and social decorum. In order to demonstrate such socio-religious functions of festivals, I will attempt to focus on and examine three Theban celebrations in the New Kingdom, namely, the Festivals of Opet, the Valley, and the New Year, about which a wealth of information has survived. The examination can hardly be possible without exploring the history of these feasts because their development from earlier times, to which part of this thesis is also devoted, shows the continuity of elements essential to Egyptian cult practices, particularly those associated with the mortuary cult.
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Hammerle, Esme. "Technological change or consistency? : an investigation of faience produced from the Middle to the New Kingdom at Abydos, Egypt." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2012. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/8275/.
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For many years, it has been argued that faience underwent dramatic technological changes from the Middle Kingdom (2040–1640 BC) to the New Kingdom (1570–1070 BC) in Egypt. These technological developments are said to include changes in the sources of some of the key ingredients of faience production, including the silica, alkali, and colourant. However, the proposed technological changes are broad generalizations and, in the case of some faience bead assemblages, they appear to be non-existent. This thesis considers the reasons for the developments in faience production, and focuses on the changes themselves by analysing the chemical composition of faience beads from the Middle to the New Kingdom at the site of Abydos. This research focuses on a sample of 151 beads, dating from the Middle Kingdom to the New Kingdom, which were found during John Garstang’s early 20th Century excavations. All aspects of the beads were investigated in order to establish the production methods used – this was, in essence, reverse engineering of the beads. The investigation was accomplished with a combination of established and innovative analytical methods, some of which had not been tested on faience material before. Scanning electron microscopy (SEM) was employed to determine changes in the microstructure, and led to an understanding of the glazing methods used in the production of the beads. Energy dispersive spectrometry (EDS) was used to test the chemical composition of the samples. Strontium isotope analysis was conducted to identify the raw material sources of the alkali used in the production of the beads. Electron backscatter diffraction (EBSD) was undertaken to determine the firing temperatures reached during production, and crystallography (CL) was undertaken to determine the silica source. Once these analyses were complete the archaeological samples were experimentally replicated and analysed. All of the results were then interrogated in order to prove, scientifically, whether or not Egyptian faience technology really underwent change from one period to the next.
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Hodgkinson, Anna. "Royal cities of the New Kingdom : a spatial analysis of production and socio-economics in Late Bronze Age Egypt." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2014. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/15815/.
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This study examines the distribution of high-status materials and archaeological and artefactual evidence of their production in the settlements known as royal cities during the New Kingdom in ancient Egypt (c.1550-1069 BC). The research focusses on the sites of Amarna, Gurob and Malqata, but also incorporates Qantir/Pi-Ramesse for comparison. The industries considered as relevant for inclusion within this thesis are those of glass, faience, metal, sculpture and textiles. No systematic and comprehensive discussion of the intra-urban distribution of high-status goods, their production or role as a marker of the nature of royal cities has been undertaken to date. The approach of using spatial analysis as a means to detect patterns of artefact distribution throughout entire suburbs has not been done in this form before and it has been proved successful in this thesis, although the methodological approach to each settlement necessarily varies, depending on the nature and quality of the available data. This thesis also includes new and unpublished data from survey and excavations at the site of Gurob, as well as critical and detailed reviews of the archaeology and material remains at several other sites. Apart from an introduction and a conclusion, the thesis comprises two main analytical and discussion chapters: The introduction outlines the aims and objectives, in addition to the theoretical and historiographical background to this thesis. In addition, it presents the sources used and methods employed. It furthermore provides some definitions and terminology used in the following chapters. The spatial and artefactual analysis chapter discusses the distribution of the artefactual evidence of glass-working, faience-production, metal-working and sculpture-production, as well as the finished products, and the evidence of textile-working, for both Amarna and Gurob. Using a Geographical Information Systems (GIS) model incorporating a database of all relevant finds and a vector grid, distribution patterns are plotted and spatially and statistically analysed. This was not possible for Malqata, however, and therefore that section contains a detailed discussion of all information available on the nature of the production of glass and faience objects throughout the site. This chapter highlights patterns of artefact distributions throughout the three settlements, attempting the reconstruction of infrastructures. The third chapter analyses workshops and factories in urban settlements in more detail. It includes a presentation of the archaeological remains at sites O45.1 and IA1 at Amarna and Gurob, highlighting parallels in layout and function. The chapter then focuses on archaeological analysis of artefactual assemblages from selected groups of houses at Amarna and Malqata, highlighting their industrial diversity. The thesis concludes by summarising the results from both chapters, and using these to address the research questions asked in the introduction. This chapter uses the preceding data analysis to define three broad types of workshops: (1) the large, purpose-built (often royal) workshops, (2) the larger houses involved in manufacture, but with limited specialism, and (3) those working on a household-level with a low skill set. Based on the results from the analysis, a series of organisational models has been proposed, one for each industry, including the control of raw materials and the redistribution of half-finished and finished objects and their consumption.
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Potter, George E. "Global Politics and (Trans)National Arts: Staging the “War on Terror” in New York, London, and Cairo." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1313427243.
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Alfieri, Gama-Rolland Cintia. "Les chaouabtis royaux et le développement de l’au-delà égyptien : la royauté et la religion des particuliers." Thesis, Paris, EPHE, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EPHE5026.
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Les statuettes funéraires égyptiennes dites chaouabtis ou, à partir de la XXIe dynastie, ouchabtis, comptent parmi les artefacts les plus couramment laissés par les Égyptiens anciens. On considère généralement qu’elles servent à conserver magiquement l’intégrité corporelle du défunt, ou à se substituer à lui lors des travaux agricoles obligatoires dans l’au-delà, ce qui explique la figuration d’outils. Aussi un certain nombre de questions sont posées par l’étude des exemplaires royaux. Pourquoi un pharaon, exempté de tout travail agricole de son vivant, aurait-il besoin de se faire représenter avec des outils, ou avoir des serviteurs travaillant pour accomplir ses corvées dans l’au-delà ? Si, comme l’affirme la théorie de la « démocratisation », la religion égyptienne se diffuse de la royauté à l'élite, puis au peuple de manière générale, comment expliquer que l’usage des chaouabtis semble se développer en sens inverse ? Cette recherche regroupe pour la première fois les chaouabtis royaux du Nouvel Empire dans un catalogue raisonné, sans se limiter au simple recensement, en insérant ces artefacts dans leur contexte religieux, social et politique, avec pour objectif de mieux appréhender les mouvements internes à la société égyptienneThe Egyptian funerary statuettes, known as shabtis, or as from the XXIst dynasty, ushabtis, are among the most commonly artefacts left by ancient Egyptians. It is generally considered that they served to magically conserve the bodies of the deceased, or to replace them on mandatory agricultural chores in the afterlife, which would explain the presence of tools. A certain amount of questions are also raised while studying the royal figurines. Why does a pharaoh, exempt from all agricultural tasks while living, would need the representation of tools, or of servants working to accomplish their chores, in the afterlife? If, as stated by the theory of « democratization », the Egyptian religion diffuses itself from the royalty to the elite, and then to the people as a whole, how does one explain that the use of shabtis seems to develop itself the other way around? This research gathers for the first time the royal shabtis from the New Kingdom in a catalogue, without limiting itself to simply listing the articles, but putting the artefacts in their religious, social and political contexts, aiming to better apprehend the movements inside the Egyptian society
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Klop, Damian. "Beer as a signifier of social status in ancient Egypt with special emphasis on the New Kingdom period (ca. 1550-1069 BC) : the place of beer in Egyptian society compared to wine." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96488.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Some academics are of the generalist opinion that ancient Egyptian beer was only consumed by the lower classes because of its low social status. This is based on the generalization that individuals only consume alcoholic beverages matching the status of their social class. Therefore the lower classes consumed beer while the upper classes consumed an alcoholic beverage of higher status, i.e. wine. However, other academics are of the universalist opinion that Egyptian beer was universally consumed by all Egyptian social classes irrespective of the status of beer. This study aims to test the validity of these opposing academic opinions and also strives to understand how statements of status in Egyptian society were devised, and what they were conveying. This was achieved by determining the status of Egyptian beer and wine and then comparing them to the respective status of beer and wine drinkers in the New Kingdom period (c. 1550-1069) according to the factors of production, consumption, health, economic exchange & distribution, and religion. Use is made of an anthropological approach which allows the researcher to limit social bias and understand ancient Egyptian society on its own terms. Results of this study indicate that Egyptian beer had a much lower status than Egyptian wine and all social classes consumed beer while only the upper classes consumed wine. The generalist opinion, therefore, is falsified and the universalist opinion validated. The results also indicate that the upper classes justified their beer consumption by producing, consuming and exchanging an elite beer of higher status in a manner reminiscent of wine so that it compared more favourably with the status of their social classes. This study, therefore, not only settles an old academic dispute but also provides new insight into Egyptian beer.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sommige akademici huldig die algemene siening dat antieke Egyptiese bier uitsluitlik deur die laer klasse gebruik is, omdat bier ‘n laer status geniet het. Dit is gegrond op die veralgemening dat individue slegs alkoholiese drank gebruik het wat ooreenstem met hul eie sosiale klas. Die laer klasse het dus bier gedrink terwyl die hoër klasse alkoholiese drank van ‘n hoër status, naamlik wyn, gedrink het. Ander akademici is egter van mening dat Egiptiese bier deur alle Egiptiese sosiale klasse gebruik is, ongeag die status van bier. Hierdie studie poog om die geldigheid van hierdie teenstrydige akademiese menings te toets en poog ook om te verstaan hoe stellings oor status in die Egiptiese samelewing bedink is en wat hulle wou oordra. Dit is bereik deur die status van Egiptiese bier en wyn te bepaal en dit dan te vergelyk met die besondere status van bier en wyndrinkers in die Nuwe Koningkryk tydperk (c. 1550-1069) volgens die faktore van produksie, verbruik, gesondheid, ekonomiese uitruiling & verspreiding en godsdiens. ‘n Antropologiese benadering is gevolg omdat dit die navorser in staat stel om sosiale partydigheid te beperk en sodoende die Egiptiese samelewing in eie reg te kan verstaan. Resultate van hierdie studie dui aan dat alhoewel Egiptiese bier ‘n veel laer status as Egiptiese wyn geniet het, het alle sosiale klasse nietemin bier gedrink, terwyl net die hoër klasse wyn gedrink het. Die algemene mening is gefalsifiseer, terwyl die universele mening gestaaf word. Die resultate dui ook aan dat die hoër sosiale klasse hul bierverbruik geregverdig het deur ‘n elite bier van hoër status te produseer, uit te ruil en te gebruik op ‘n wyse soortgelyk aan diè van hul wynverbruik, sodat dit gunstig vergelyk met die status van hul sosiale klasse. Hierdie studie los dus nie net ‘n ou akademiese meningsverskil op nie, maar gee ook ‘n nuwe insig in Egiptiese bier en die gebruik daarvan deur die hoër klasse.
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Valerio, Marta. "Le traitement des prisonniers de guerre en Égypte sous le Nouvel Empire." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MON30069.
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Le but de la présente étude, est de tracer les caractéristiques principales du traitement de prisonniers de guerre pendant le Nouvel Empire. La période choisie coïncide avec l’arrivée d’une grande nombre de prisonniers étrangers en Égypte à la suite des activités belliqueuses portées contre les populations de Syrie- Palestine, de Nubie ou de Libye. En parallèle, les richesses apportées de ces pays permettaient la réalisation des nombreuses œuvres monumentales nécessitant de la main d’œuvre pour les bâtir et les entretenir. Dans ce cadre s’insèrent donc les prisonniers, enlevés de leur pays pour être emportés en Égypte comme trophées, mais aussi et surtout comme force de travail. De ce que nous avons pu constater, la condition de prisonnier était une condition temporaire qui cessait après l’arrivée en Égypte. À travers l’analyse des sources, écrites comme iconographiques, nous avons essayé de déterminer la répartition de ces nouveaux habitants dans le pays, les différentes institutions (temples, armée..) ou les particuliers qui les employaient et les conséquences sociales et économiques de ce phénomène. En outre, la manière dont les prisonniers sont cités dans les documents permet de dévoiler leur rôle dans l’idéologie royale et ses reflets dans le sources privées ou littérairesThe purpose of this study is to describe the main characteristics of treatment of prisoners of war, during the New Kingdom. The period chosen coincides with the arrival of a large number of foreign prisoners in Egypt as a result of the belligerent activities against the populations of Syria-Palestine, Nubia or Libya. At the same time, the goods brought from these countries allowed the realisation of numerous monumental works requiring labour to build and maintain them. Prisoners were incorporated in this framework, taken from their country, carried in Egypt as trophies, but also and especially used as a work force. The evidence presented in this thesis shows that the condition of prisoner was temporary and ceased after the arrival in Egypt. Through the analysis of written and iconographic sources, this work seeks to determine the distribution of these new inhabitants in the country, the different institutions (such as temples and the army) or the individuals that employed them, and the social and economic consequences of this phenomenon. Moreover, the way prisoners are cited in the sources reveals their role in the royal ideology and its reflections in private or literary sources
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Bergh, Viktor. "Slaveri under det Nya Riket i Egypten." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi och antik historia, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-358617.
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The concept of slavery in ancient Egypt is a debated issue, that has mostly focused upon the different uses of the phrasing and terminology of the different words for servitude. Without giving too much emphasis upon the different terminologies, this essay presents a summary of the state of slavery within the borders of Egypt during the New Kingdom. As different kinds of servitude existed in the country, the focus is upon the types of slaves who were the property of their master and could be bought and sold. The essay presents who the slave was and where he came from, as well as what kinds of duties the slave was used for. The process of acquisition is also covered, before finally discussing the rights of the slave as well as the means to become free of your bonds.
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Ueno, Kaori. "Enquête sur l’évolution des cultes d’Amon thébain au Nouvel Empire (1550-1069 avant J.-C.) : iconographie et phraséologie." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO20141/document.
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Dieu majeur du panthéon égyptien, Amon a acquis un prestige sans pareil comme dieu dynastique durant le Nouvel Empire à Thèbes. Depuis sa première attestation certaine au début de la 11ème dynastie, après l’unification des territoires égyptiens, les rois régnants n’ont cessé de lui dédier des monuments, véritables trésors des arts égyptiens. Pendant le Nouvel Empire, la popularité d’Amon diffuse parmi les particuliers des différentes conditions sociales. Ils ont produit de nombreux monuments, variés dans leurs formes, représentant Amon sous divers aspects. Dans une approche concernant l’évolution du culte amonien, nous nous sommes plus particulièrement intéressées à la fonction d’Amon, selon ces différents aspects. Il existe bien sûr des études plus anciennes consacrées à tel ou tel aspect spécifique d’Amon, mais aucune ne donne cependant une vision globale de l’ensemble de ces aspects. Nous avons donc voulu savoir quelle fonction était liée à quel aspect d’Amon, sous forme humaine ou animale. Pour mener ces enquêtes systématiques, nous avons utilisé la méthode statistique, encore peu courante dans l’étude de la religion égyptienne. Comme elle doit s’appuyer sur des exemples en nombre significatif, nous avons choisi la période et le lieu les plus prolifiques pour l’iconographie d’Amon : le Nouvel Empire à Thèbes. Nous avons de plus sélectionné deux types d’objets particulièrement répandus, les stèles et les statues, appartenant à des gens de diverses conditions sociales, afin de comparer le culte amonien selon les différentes catégories sociales. En nous basant sur le croisement de données portant sur plus de 500 monuments, nous avons effectué deux séries d’analyses : une analyse iconographique (type de rite, personnages associés) et une analyse phraséologique (types de formules et épithètes), en tenant compte des datations et des provenances (rive est ou ouest du Nil). Cette analyse a produit des résultats intéressants sur l’évolution des cultes d’Amon à cette période. Nous avons notamment pu mettre en évidence les traitements très différenciés entre les rois et les particuliers dans la façon d’approcher Amon. En somme, les rois ont sélectionné des motifs évoquant des moments importants des cérémonies officielles. Dans la phraséologie d’Amon, qui reste conventionnelle, les rois ont mis en avant l’appellation parentale « fils et père » et la qualité de « souveraineté ». Dans la réalisation de leurs monuments, ils ont voulu s’identifier à Amon anthropomorphe ou dialoguer avec lui une relation réciproque, les plaçant sur un même rang, de manière à manifester leur royauté. Lorsqu’ils optent pour l’aspect animal d’Amon, c’est toujours dans la statuaire et sous la forme criocéphale. Leurs statues portant un objet criocéphale, liées au culte ambulatoire de l’entité divine, ont été installées dans les lieux les plus ouverts au public, à l’inverse des statues royales représentant Amon anthropomorphe, qui sont installées au fond des sanctuaires. Il existait certainement une hiérarchie entre les aspects humain et animal dans la pensée royale.En revanche, les particuliers ont représenté Amon sous divers aspects. Il est l’objet de leurs prières pour régler leurs affaires quotidiennes ou pour assurer leur survie posthume. Ils sont alors figurés dans des scènes d’adoration envers Amon, sous sa forme humaine ou animale et même sous la forme d’animal entier. Les particuliers montrent plus de flexibilité que les rois dans la sélection d’épithètes moins habituelles. Celles-ci manifestent tantôt la qualité de « démiurge », tantôt la qualité d’Amon comme « intercesseur » ou « sauveur » du peuple.Au terme de cette enquête, nous pouvons établir un nouveau corpus raisonné de l’iconographie et de la phraséologie d’Amon. Il nous est désormais possible de différencier les cultes officiels royaux, des pratiques privées et de « piété personnelle » grâce aux préférences montrées par les dédicants pour un type de monument en fonction de leur statutAmun, the deity of the Egyptian pantheon, had acquired unparalleled prestige as a dynastic god in Thebes during the New Kingdom. Since his first appearance at the beginning of the 11th dynasty, after the unification of the Egyptian territories, the kings continued to dedicate the monuments, treasures of Egyptian fine art.During the New Kingdom, the popularity of Amun diffused among individuals with different social status. People produced numerous monuments in various forms of Amun. To explore the evolution of the Amun’s cult, we specifically investigated in the function of Amun, as his different aspects. The previous studies of Amun focused on one particular aspect, but none of them gave an overview of all aspects. We sought which function was related to either human or animal form of Amun. To perform these systematic surveys, we used the statistical method which is still a novel approach in the study of Egyptian religion. To obtain the significant numbers of data, we chose the most prolific time and place for the iconography of Amun : the New Kingdom in Thebes. We selected two types of objects particularly prevalent, stelae and statues which belonged to people from various social ranks. Based on more than 500 monuments data, we conducted two types of researches: iconographic analysis (ritual (ceremonial) type and associated character) and phraseological analysis (formulas type and epithets). We also included date and place (either east or west bank of the Nile). Those analyses revealed interesting results on the evolution of worship of Amun at that time. In particular, we could highlight huge differences between kings and commoners in their methods to approach to Amun.In summary, the kings selected motifs evoking important moments of royal ceremonies. In the phraseology of Amun, which remains conventional, kings emphasize parental appellation "son and father" and the quality of "sovereignty". In carrying out their monuments, they wanted to identify with anthropomorphic Amun or dialogue with him a reciprocal relationship, placing them on the same row, so to show their royalty. The animal form of Amun is only depicted in statuary as the sacred ram-headed form. Their statues presenting the ram’s head object related to the moving of the divine entity were installed in places more open to the public, unlike the royal statues of anthropomorphic Amun, which are installed in places the most sacred in the temple. There certainly was a hierarchy between human and animal aspects in the royal mind.In contrast, commoners valued his various aspects. Amun was the object of their prayers to adjust their daily business or for their posthumous survival. They then depicted in the worshipping scenes of Amun in his human or part-animal form and even in the form of whole animal. The commoners show more flexibility than the Kings in the selection of epithets less common. Theses epithets sometimes showed the quality "demiurge" and sometimes the quality of Amun as "intercessor" or "savior" of the people.The success of this attempt brought a new rational corpus of the iconography and phraseology of Amun. This study revealed that royal official cults was different from private practices and "personal piety" with the preferences shown by devotees for a type of monument, dependent on their status as well as the time
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Bornholm, Johanna. "Egyptens balsameringsteknik : en kemisk analys av organiska lämningar." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Arkeologiska forskningslaboratoriet, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-87213.
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This paper deals with the embalming process in ancient Egypt. Samples were collected from six objects from Medelhavsmuseet in Stockholm. The objects were one supposed ladle and five different contents from pottery. Fourier transform infrared spectrometry (FTIR) and gas- chromatography/mass spectrometry was used to characterize the components of the materials. The result was then correlated with previously made analysis of embalming materials to discover similarities. The results show complex mixtures mainly consisting of resin from Pinaceae origin, also beeswax, vegetable oil and Castor oil. Some samples show differences in the mixture, one dominated by cholesterylacetat. The results of the ladle samples is comparable to previous samples from other analysis and can therefore be confirmed as an embalming ladle.
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Wahlberg, Eva-Lena. "The Wine Jars Speak : A text study." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi och antik historia, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-174631.
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The Wine Jars Speak: A text study. Reworked and translated from a Swedish MA thesis, Vinkärlsetiketterna berättar: En textstudie from 2008 in Egyptology, Uppsala University. This paper examines the texts written on shards from wine jars found at El-Amarna, Tutankhamun’s tomb (KV 62) and Deir el-Medina. Information concerning the administration of wine and its production, found in these texts, is examined. Wine was an important element in Egyptian society and a common iconographic motif in tombs at Thebes during New Kingdom. A survey on previous research on the subject is presented. This is followed by analysis of the different reoccurring elements found in the texts. A definition of the standard formulation of the wine jar label texts is given and the minimal level of information needed for the administration of wine production and distribution is identified. The chapter of the analysis deals with the various types of information given in the label texts, such as date, wine classification, and function. The next chapter presents the words associated with the vineyard, the names of the institutions involved in the production and use of wine, and the place names that identify where wine production took place. The following chapter deals with the titles and personal names of the officials involved in wine production. This study shows that these small texts contribute to an understanding of wine production. They also display continuity in form that bridges the turbulence of the Amarna Period. The earlier examples of these texts do not have an ideological component. It is first with the Ramesside Period, and the more intrusive inclusion of the name of the King, that some ideological intent can be identified.
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Wahlberg, Eva-Lena. "Vinkärlsetiketterna berättar : En textstudie." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi och antik historia, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-144639.
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This paper examines the texts written on shards from wine-jars found at El-Amarna, Tutankhamuns tomb (KV 62) and Deir el-Medina. Information concerning the administration of wine and its production, found in these texts, is examined. Wine was an important element in Egyptian society and a common iconographic motif in tombs at Thebes during New Kingdom. A survey on previous research on the subject is presented. This is followed by analysis of the different reoccurring elements found in the texts. A definition of the standard formulation of the wine jar label texts is given and the minimal level of information needed for the administration of wine production and distribution is identified. The chapter of the analysis deals with the various types of information given in the label texts, such as date, wine classification, and function. The next chapter presents the words associated with the vineyard, the names of the institutions involved in the production and use of wine, and the place names that identify where wine production took place. The following chapter deals with the titles and personal names of the officials involved in wine production. This study shows that these small texts contribute to an understanding of wine production. They also display continuity in form that bridges the turbulence of the Amarna Period. The earlier examples of these texts do not have an ideological component. It is first with the Ramessid Period, and the more intrusive inclusion of the name of the King, that some ideological intent can be identified.
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Hue-Arcé, Christine. "La violence interpersonnelle dans la documentation égyptienne au Nouvel Empire et aux époques grecque et romaine : (XVIe – Xe s. av. n. ère / IVe s. av. – IVe s. de n. ère)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG039.
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La violence interpersonnelle n’a encore jamais été globalement étudiée pour l’Égypte antique. Elle a été examinée pour les époques lagide et romaine, mais à partir de la seule documentation grecque. Cette thèse a pour objectif l’étude de ce phénomène au Nouvel Empire et aux époques grecque et romaine. Cette approche comparative vise à souligner les spécificités propres aux deux grandes périodes, ainsi que les similarités dans l’expression et le traitement de la violence interpersonnelle. Pour mener cette recherche, tous les textes égyptiens des périodes envisagées mentionnant une agression physique dans un cadre quotidien ont été traduits et analysés. Le corpus de cette étude intègre des textes documentaires, littéraires, royaux et funéraires. Une analyse du vocabulaire de la violence a été menée, ainsi qu’une étude des mécanismes du règlement des conflits violents. Enfin, a été posée la question d’une spécificité de ces aspects en fonction de la nature des protagonistes de la violenceInterpersonal violence in Ancient Egypt has never been subjected to a comprehensive study. Papyrologists examined it for the Hellenistic and Roman periods, though based on the sole Greek documentation. The objective of this dissertation is to study this social phenomenon for the New Kingdom, and the Greek and Roman periods. This comparative approach endeavours to highlight the characteristics and similarities of each epoch in the mechanisms of expression and treatment of interpersonal violence. For this purpose, every Egyptian text from the New Kingdom, and Greek and Roman periods that reports a physical assault has been translated and analysed. Therefore, this research includes documentary, literary, royal and funerary texts. A thorough analysis of the terminology of violence was carried out, as well as a study of the mechanisms of conflicts regulation. Finally, the issue of specificities according to the gender, the social status and the age of both victim and assailant was raised
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Froppier, Elsa. "Enquête sur tit et djed dans le domaine funéraire, à partir de la documentation du Nouvel Empire." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016MON30047.
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Tit et djed sont les noms égyptiens de deux signes utilisés à la fois dans le système hiéroglyphique et dans le domaine iconographique, mais qui se matérialisent aussi sous forme d’objets (amulettes) intégrés aux rites funéraires ; ce triple emploi ayant longtemps empêché de définir distinctement leur nature. Leur apparition, remontant aux plus hautes époques de l’histoire de l’Égypte ancienne (Ire dynastie), montre déjà une affectation funéraire marquée des emblèmes, spécialisation qui ne cessera de progresser tout au long de cette vaste période, avec une nette transition au Nouvel Empire, justifiant le cadrage chronologique mais aussi la sélection du contexte funéraire pour notre étude. Celle-ci se propose d’examiner trois catégories principales de documents : les papyri du Livre des Morts, l’iconographie des tombes et les décors du mobilier funéraire, dans le but de comprendre les croyances et fonctions associées à l’emploi combiné des deux emblèmes, en tenant toujours compte des aspects politiques et religieux relatifs à l’institution pharaonique qui pourraient l’éclairerTit and djed are the egyptian names of two signs employed at the same time in the hieroglyphic system and in the iconographic domain, but which materialize too in the form of objects (amulets) into the funerary rites ; this triple use long prevented to define their nature. Their occurrence, which dates from the first dynasty, already shows a funerary affectation of the emblems, specialization which continues to progress during this period, with a transition during the New Kingdom, justifying the chronological framing but also the selection of the funeral context for our study. This one intends to examine three main categories of documents : the Book of the Dead papyri, the iconography of the tombs and the decorations of the funeral furniture, in order to understand the beliefs and functions concerning both signs, always by taking into account political and religious aspects relative to the pharaonic institution, which could enlighten it
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Seguin, Joffrey. "La politique des souverains égyptiens de la XVIIIe dynastie au Levant : mise en place d’une domination." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040275.
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Durant la période pharaonique, l’Etat égyptien pris le contrôle du Levant à deux reprises, dès la période prédynastique et au Nouvel Empire. Le premier temps d’occupation égyptienne est connu par des traces archéologiques qui plaident pour un intérêt économique. L’Egypte y installe des colonies et gère en direct ces zones où les colons présents vivent largement séparés des populations locales.Le Nouvel Empire voit apparaître de nouvelles solutions. Le Levant ne connaît plus de colonisation ; les objectifs égyptiens ont changé. L’exploitation économique de la région est désormais une conséquence de l’occupation. La présence égyptienne revêt alors une valeur stratégique. La constitution d’une zone tampon séparant l’Egypte de ses principaux compétiteurs septentrionaux devait limiter leurs propres velléités stratégiques ou économiques.C’est bien la sécurité de l’Egypte qui est en jeu et qui dicte son comportement dans cette région ; un comportement au seul profit de l’Egypte qui ne fait aucun effort visant à permettre l’intégration a posteriori de quelque manière que ce soit de cette région dans un vaste système égyptien comme c’est apparemment le cas avec la Basse Nubie et comme on pourrait l’attendre d’un empire en cours de constitution.Il apparaît que sa gestion ne vise qu’une efficacité à court terme, sensible aux évolutions extérieures. Néanmoins la fin du Nouvel Empire est une lente dégradation de sa situation au Levant, peut-être parce que les menaces à l’origine de sa présence diminuent. La dernière réaction notable de l’Egypte est de contrecarrer l’avancée des Peuples de la mer, non pour restaurer un empire perdu au Levant, mais parce qu’encore une fois ils menacent l’intégrité territoriale de l’Egypte mêmeDuring the Pharaonic period, the Egyptian State took the control of the Levant twice, as soon as the predynastic period and in the New Kingdom. This first example of Egyptian occupation is known by archaeological traces which plead for an economic interest. Egypt settles colonies to control these zones directly where the Egyptian inhabitants live widely separated from the local populations.In the New Kingdom new solutions appear. The Levant knows no more colonisation; Egyptian goals have changed. The economic exploitation of the region is in fact a consequence of its occupation. The Egyptian presence acquires then a strategical value. The constitution of an exclusive zone of control separating Egypt from its main northern opponents was aimed at limiting their own strategical or economic ambitions.It is the security of Egypt that is in balance and dictates its behaviour in this region; a behaviour in the sole benefit of Egypt who makes no effort aiming at allowing an integration of any kind of this region in a large Egyptian system as it is obviously the case with Lower Nubia and as it would be expected from an empire whose constitution is still in progress.It appears that its management aims only at a short-term effectiveness, influenced by external evolutions. Nevertheless the end of the New Kingdom is a slow deterioration of its situation in the Levant, perhaps because threats at the beginning of its presence are decreasing. The last noteworthy reaction of Egypt is to thwart the advance of the People of the Sea, not to restore a lost eastern empire, but only because once again the territorial integrity of Egypt is threatened
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Chollier, Vincent. "Administrer les cultes au Nouvel Empire (1539-1077 av. J.-C.) : stratégies sociales et territoriales." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2049.
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L’administration des cultes provinciaux en Égypte ancienne recouvrait un certain nombre d’enjeux dépassant très largement le cadre de la théologie. En effet, les temples étaient des centres économiques régionaux en raison notamment de l’étendue territoriale de leurs propriétés foncières. Ainsi le directeur du culte, le grand prêtre, administrait-il un vaste domaine au-delà du seul temenos sacré, en plus d’être responsable des liturgies. Dans ce contexte, les grands prêtres du Nouvel Empire (1539-1077 av. J.-C.) faisaient partie des personnages les plus puissants du royaume. Parmi eux, le premier prophète d’Amon à Thèbes est rapidement devenu un représentant incontournable de l’État tant la richesse et la puissance de son culte se sont développées tout au long de la période. Cette toute-puissance eut pour conséquence, dès la fin du Nouvel Empire, l’annexion du sud de la Haute-Égypte.Malgré la prédominance du temple d’Amon, d’autres cultes ont continué à prospérer en province, notamment en raison de leur importance économique et géostratégique. L’objectif de cette thèse est de mettre en évidence les mécanismes sociaux qui ont permis à leurs administrateurs de se hisser et de se maintenir dans les plus hautes sphères de l’État pharaonique. À l’inverse, il s’agit aussi de comprendre comment la monarchie s’est appuyée sur ces potentats locaux pour garantir son autorité sur l’ensemble de la Vallée du Nil.L’anthropologie de la parenté contribue à déterminer les vecteurs de la conservation du pouvoir, comme les transmissions de charges sacerdotales ou le mariage. Mais elle permet également de remettre en perspective la réalité des liens de parenté mentionnés dans les sources à disposition. Il s’impose que ces liens revêtent divers degrés de compréhension qu’il n’est pas toujours possible de déterminer précisément, avec pour conséquence une inévitable incohérence dans la reconstruction des généalogies. Cependant, à l’aide de la Social Network Analysis, une discipline sociologique visant à l’étude des réseaux relationnels, on peut en partie gommer la contrainte induite par l’incapacité à déterminer la nature précise des liens. Cette discipline permet également de mettre en évidence l’importance de certains individus au sein de ces réseaux, par le biais de calculs mathématiques.À partir de l’étude particulière d’un certain nombre de cas, sélectionnés tout au long de la période, il paraît possible de faire la lumière sur les stratégies mises en place par la monarchie pour s’attacher la fidélité de cette élite sacerdotale, avec plus ou moins de succès. On peut également dessiner les contours de l’évolution de ces réseaux relationnels de prêtres, avec comme point de mire l’expansion territoriale et économique de leur pouvoir. Il s’agira aussi de comprendre l’importance particulière de certains temples de Haute-Égypte qui émergent régulièrement de la documentationIn Ancient Egypt, the administration of provincial worships exceeded the theological frame. Temples were economical regional centres due to the importance of their properties. In this way, besides being responsible for the liturgy, high priests had to administer a large land beyond the sacred temenos. In this context, of the New Kingdom’s ones (1539-1077 B.C.) were among the State’s most powerful dignitaries. Among them, the first prophet of Amun in Thebes soon became an inescapable representative of the State, for his worship's power and wealth continuously increased during the whole period. This omnipotence consequently led to the seizing of Upper Egypt as early as the end of the New Kingdom. In spite of the predominance of Amun’s temple, other provincial worships continued to prosper due to their economic and geostrategic importance. This thesis goal is to bring to light the social mechanisms which allowed their administrators to advance and remain in the highest spheres of the Pharaonic state, and to understand in which ways the monarchy relied on these local potentates in order to guarantee their authority on the Nile Valley. The kinship anthropology contributes to determining the vectors for keeping the power, such as marriage or the transmission of sacerdotal charges. But it also permits to put into perspective the reality of family relationships mentioned in the available sources. As a matter of fact, it appears that it is not always possible to precisely determine those links, which consequently limits the reconstitution of genealogies. However, the Social Network Analysis – a sociological discipline which studies social ties – allows to improve the understanding of family links. It also permits to bring to light the importance of some of these characters among those networks by the means of calculations. From the study of a number of cases chosen from the whole period, it seems possible to enlighten the monarchy’s strategies to grant itself the fidelity of this sacerdotal elite, with more or less success. The evolution of the priests social networks, as long as the expansion of their properties and power, can also be sketched. At last, the aim is also to understand the peculiar importance of certain temples of Upper Egypt, which regularly emerge from the documentation
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Yoyotte, Marine. "Le « harem » royal dans l’Égypte ancienne. Enquête philologique, archéologique et prosopographique." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040113.
Full textAbstract:
Le mot « harem » renvoie immanquablement à un imaginaire orientaliste construit autour du sérail turc. Le « harem » dans l’Égypte ancienne appelait donc à une redéfinition en s’appuyant sur les attestations connues de l’Ancien Empire jusqu’aux périodes tardives. Les deux expressions qui servent à le désigner, jpt nsw et pr xnty, permettent tout autant d’évoquer la communauté des femmes et des enfants qui y résident, le bâtiment qui les abrite que l’institution toute entière, privilège royal. À l’origine, le « harem » constitue des quartiers privés dans le palais du roi, puis peut au Nouvel Empire caractériser des « harems » séparés du lieu de résidence du pharaon, mais encore intégrés au complexe palatial, parallèlement à la création de « harems » en dehors du complexe palatial. Le « harem » connaît alors un essor considérable tant du point de vue architectural qu’institutionnel, sans doute en raison notamment de la mise en place de mariages diplomatiques avec les filles de souverains étrangers. C’est à cette époque, sous le règne de Thoutmosis III, qu’est bâti le « harem » de Mi-Our, situé à l’entrée sud de la dépression du Fayoum, qui regroupe les seuls vestiges conservés d’une telle structure architecturale, ainsi qu’une documentation inscrite et méritait donc une attention particulière. Nous nous sommes par ailleurs attachée à l’examen des habitants du « harem » ainsi qu’au personnel chargé de l’administrer. Ce dernier a fait l’objet d’une étude prosopographique exhaustive pour déterminer de quelle manière cette entité administrative était hiérarchisée, mais également dans le but de comprendre la microsociété que constituait une telle institutionThe word "harem" invariably refers to an orientalist fantasy built around the Turkish harem. The "harem" in Ancient Egypt was then due for a redefinition based on the known attestations dating from the Old Kingdom to the Late Period. The two expressions used to designate it, jpt nsw and pr xnty, allow to evoke at the same time the community of women and children who live there, the building that houses them, as well as the institution as a whole, which is a royal privilege. Originally, the "harem" constitutes private quarters in the king’s palace; then during the New Kingdom, it can characterize "harems" separated from the pharaoh’s residence but still integrated into the palace complex, along with the creation of "harems" outside the palace complex. The "harem" then experienced a considerable growth both in terms of institution as well as of architecture, probably due in part to the setting up of diplomatic marriages with daughters of foreign rulers. It is under the reign of Thutmose III that was built the "harem" of Mi-wer, located at the southern entrance of the Fayyum depression. The fact that it includes the only remains of such an architectural structure as well as a written documentation therefore deserved a specific attention. We also examined the inhabitants of the "harem" and the employees who were in charge of its administration. These people are the subject of an exhaustive prosopographical study conducted to determine how this administrative unit was organized but also to understand the microsociety that was such an institution
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Morris, Ellen Fowles. "The architecture of imperialism : military bases and the evolution of foreign policy in Egypt's New Kingdom /." Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39930624f.
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Furlong, Pierce James. "Aspects of ancient Near Eastern chronology (c. 1600-700 BC)." Melbourne, 2007. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/2096.
Full textAbstract:
The chronology of the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age Near East is currently a topic of intense scholarly debate. The conventional/orthodox chronology for this period has been assembled over the past one-two centuries using information from King-lists, royal annals and administrative documents, primarily those from the Great Kingdoms of Egypt, Assyria and Babylonia. This major enterprise has resulted in what can best be described as an extremely complex but little understood jigsaw puzzle composed of a multiplicity of loosely connected data. I argue in my thesis that this conventional chronology is fundamentally wrong, and that Egyptian New Kingdom (Memphite) dates should be lowered by 200 years to match historical actuality. This chronological adjustment is achieved in two stages: first, the removal of precisely 85 years of absolute Assyrian chronology from between the reigns of Shalmaneser II and Ashur-dan II; and second, the downward displacement of Egyptian Memphite dates relative to LBA Assyrian chronology by a further 115 years. Moreover, I rely upon Kuhnian epistemology to structure this alternate chronology so as to make it methodologically superior to the conventional chronology in terms of historical accuracy, precision, consistency and testability.
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Lippiello, Lauren Elizabeth Ward Cheryl. "Symbolic perceptions of New Kingdom Watercraft building boats from Gods /." Diss., 2004. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07192004-091022/.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.S.)--Florida State University, 2004.Advisor: Dr. Cheryl Ward, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of Anthropology. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Apr. 18, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 111 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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"The Amarna South Tombs Cemetery: Biocultural Dynamics of a Disembedded Capital City in New Kingdom Egypt." Doctoral diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.51760.
Full textAbstract:
abstract: The Egyptian New Kingdom city of Akhetaten (modern: Tell el-Amarna, el-Amarna, or simply Amarna) provides a unique opportunity to study ancient biocultural dynamics. It was a disembedded capital removed from the major power bases of Memphis and Thebes that was built, occupied, and abandoned within approximately 20 years (c. 1352–1336 BCE). This dissertation used the recently excavated Amarna South Tombs cemetery to test competing models for the development of disembedded capitals, such as the geographic origin of its migrants and its demographic structure in comparison to contrastive models for the establishment of settlements. The degree to which biological relatedness organized the South Tombs cemetery was also explored. The results suggest that the Nile Valley into the New Kingdom (1539–1186 BCE) was very diverse in dental cervical phenotype and thus highly mobile in respects to gene flow, failing to reject that the Amarna city was populated by individuals and families throughout the Nile Valley. In comparison, the Amarna South Tombs cemetery contained the least amount of dental phenotypic diversity, supporting a founder effect due to migration from larger, more diverse gene pools to the city or the very fact that the city and sample only reflect a 20-year interval with little time to accumulate phenotypic variation. Parts of the South Tombs cemetery also appear to be organized by biological affinity, showing consistent and significant spatial autocorrelation with biological distances generated from dental cervical measurements in male, female, and subadult (10–19 years of age) burials closest to the South Tombs. This arrangement mimics the same orderliness in the residential areas of the Amarna city itself with officials surrounded by families that supported their administration. Throughout the cemetery, adult female grave shaft distances predict their biological distances, signaling a nuclear family dynamic that included many females including mothers, widows, and unwed aunts, nieces, and daughters. A sophisticated paleodemographic model using simulated annealing optimization projected the living population of the South Tombs cemetery, which overall conformed to a transplanted community similar to 19th century mill villages of the United States and United Kingdom.Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Anthropology 2018
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Yoyotte-Husson, Marine. "Le « harem » royal dans l’Égypte ancienne. Enquête philologique, archéologique et prosopographique." Thesis, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040113.
Full textAbstract:
Le mot « harem » renvoie immanquablement à un imaginaire orientaliste construit autour du sérail turc. Le « harem » dans l’Égypte ancienne appelait donc à une redéfinition en s’appuyant sur les attestations connues de l’Ancien Empire jusqu’aux périodes tardives. Les deux expressions qui servent à le désigner, jpt nsw et pr xnty, permettent tout autant d’évoquer la communauté des femmes et des enfants qui y résident, le bâtiment qui les abrite que l’institution toute entière, privilège royal. À l’origine, le « harem » constitue des quartiers privés dans le palais du roi, puis peut au Nouvel Empire caractériser des « harems » séparés du lieu de résidence du pharaon, mais encore intégrés au complexe palatial, parallèlement à la création de « harems » en dehors du complexe palatial. Le « harem » connaît alors un essor considérable tant du point de vue architectural qu’institutionnel, sans doute en raison notamment de la mise en place de mariages diplomatiques avec les filles de souverains étrangers. C’est à cette époque, sous le règne de Thoutmosis III, qu’est bâti le « harem » de Mi-Our, situé à l’entrée sud de la dépression du Fayoum, qui regroupe les seuls vestiges conservés d’une telle structure architecturale, ainsi qu’une documentation inscrite et méritait donc une attention particulière. Nous nous sommes par ailleurs attachée à l’examen des habitants du « harem » ainsi qu’au personnel chargé de l’administrer. Ce dernier a fait l’objet d’une étude prosopographique exhaustive pour déterminer de quelle manière cette entité administrative était hiérarchisée, mais également dans le but de comprendre la microsociété que constituait une telle institutionThe word "harem" invariably refers to an orientalist fantasy built around the Turkish harem. The "harem" in Ancient Egypt was then due for a redefinition based on the known attestations dating from the Old Kingdom to the Late Period. The two expressions used to designate it, jpt nsw and pr xnty, allow to evoke at the same time the community of women and children who live there, the building that houses them, as well as the institution as a whole, which is a royal privilege. Originally, the "harem" constitutes private quarters in the king’s palace; then during the New Kingdom, it can characterize "harems" separated from the pharaoh’s residence but still integrated into the palace complex, along with the creation of "harems" outside the palace complex. The "harem" then experienced a considerable growth both in terms of institution as well as of architecture, probably due in part to the setting up of diplomatic marriages with daughters of foreign rulers. It is under the reign of Thutmose III that was built the "harem" of Mi-wer, located at the southern entrance of the Fayyum depression. The fact that it includes the only remains of such an architectural structure as well as a written documentation therefore deserved a specific attention. We also examined the inhabitants of the "harem" and the employees who were in charge of its administration. These people are the subject of an exhaustive prosopographical study conducted to determine how this administrative unit was organized but also to understand the microsociety that was such an institution
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Richard, Abigaëlle. "Représentations votives pour la « Dame de Vie » : analyse iconographique des bols de faïence du Nouvel Empire égyptien." Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/6154.
Full textAbstract:
La question de recherche à la base de cette étude soulève le point de la nature paradoxale du canon de représentation égyptien qui démontre, simultanément, une certaine rigidité dans l’application de règles stylistiques et iconographiques établies, particulièrement dans l’art non commandité par l’État, et des preuves de transformation et d’intégration de motifs nouveaux. Partant de cette problématique, l’étude vise à identifier les mécanismes par lesquels ce canon permet, à la fois, l’innovation et le maintien d’une certaine tradition. L’approche est de nature double et consiste tout d’abord à identifier de grandes tendances et discontinuités stylistiques et iconographiques sur les bols de faïence du Moyen au Nouvel Empire. De plus, elle tente de déterminer si les transformations d’ordre sociopolitique et idéologique, survenant à ces périodes, peuvent être lues dans les variations stylistiques et iconographiques trouvées sur les bols de faïence. Après une description du champ conceptuel de la « représentation » en contexte égyptien, l’auteur effectue l’analyse iconographique exhaustive de ce qui constitue l’apport majeur de son étude, un corpus de 500 bols et fragments de faïence provenant de divers sites égyptiens du Moyen au Nouvel Empire. Les données ont été traitées par le biais de la méthode d’analyse iconologique proposée par Panofsky, qui lui permet de dévoiler un grand nombre de continuités et de transformations d’ordre stylistique et iconographique pour les différentes périodes. Plusieurs facteurs semblent avoir été à l’origine de ces transformations, dont la fluctuation entre un contexte de centralisation et de décentralisation politique de l’État, ainsi que l’intégration de motifs étrangers (proche-orientaux et égéens) résultant d’un contact accru entre l’Égypte et les régions voisines. De plus, les transformations idéologiques apportées par le règne d’Akhénaton et par la « contre-réforme » idéologique à la période ramesside, semblent avoir également contribué à des innovations au sein du canon, même si ce dernier maintient une certaine continuité légitimée par le pouvoir étatique. Le canon de représentation, devient ainsi une forme de langage dont l’État se sert et qui, parfois malgré lui, se transforme et fluctue selon les réalités des différentes périodes.This study’s research question raises the issue of the paradoxical nature of the Egyptian canon of representation which shows, simultaneously, a certain rigidity in the application of established stylistic and iconographic rules, especially in non-state commissioned art, and evidence for the transformation and integration of new iconographical motifs. The study aims to identify the mechanisms by which the canon permits, at the same time, transformative processes and the maintenance of tradition. The approach is twofold and consists primarily in identifying trends and stylistic/iconographical discontinuities in the iconography found on the faience bowls from the Middle to the New Kingdoms. Furthermore, it aims to determine if the socio-political and ideological transformations taking place in these periods can be discerned in the stylistic and iconographical variations found on the bowls of the Middle to the New Kingdoms. The author discusses the theoretical model of “representation” in Egyptian context, followed by an analysis of what constitutes the major contribution of this study: an exhaustive iconographical analysis of 500 faience bowls and fragments originating from various Egyptian sites dating to the New Kingdom. The data was evaluated by means of the method of iconological analysis proposed by Panofsky, which permits the identification of a number of stylistic and iconographic continuities and changes for all periods. These transformations seem to be the result of a variety of factors, including fluctuations in the centralization and decentralization of the state, as well as the integration of foreign motifs (Near-Eastern and Aegean), which results from increased contacts between Egypt and its neighbouring regions. Furthermore, the ideological transformations taking place under Akhenaton’s reign and the ones resulting from the ideological “counter-reformation” occurring during the Ramessid period, equally seem to contribute to the changes in the representational canon, even though the latter maintained a certain continuity that was legitimized by the state. The canon thus emerges as a form of language used by the state, and sometimes despite it, which can fluctuate and be altered depending on the realities of the different periods.