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1
Scoular, Spencer. "State-Sponsored Abduction to Enforce British Law for Aotearoa New Zealand Pre-Annexation." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 54, no. 3 (December 6, 2023): 739–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v54i3.8789.
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Prior to the annexation of Aotearoa New Zealand in 1840, British authorities sponsored and practised the abduction of suspects from the islands of New Zealand to New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land, where they could be charged and tried before British courts for infringing laws for New Zealand passed by the British Parliament, as well as orders for New Zealand issued by governors of New South Wales. The sponsorship and practice of state-sponsored abduction occurred in two distinct periods: between 1814 and 1823, governors of New South Wales sponsored "magistrates" to practise abduction; and, between 1833 and 1840, the British Government sponsored British Residents to practise abduction. Specific cases are examined where the sponsorship of abduction was put into practice. The unlawful, expensive and impractical nature of state-sponsored abduction contributed to the ineffectiveness of the British system of law and order for New Zealand pre-annexation, which ultimately influenced Britain's decision to annex New Zealand after first signing a treaty with Māori. With the arrival of Hobson, the signing of te Tiriti o Waitangi/the Treaty of Waitangi and Britain's annexation of New Zealand in 1840, state-sponsored abduction became unnecessary and was quietly discontinued.
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Genn, Rowel. "New British public order bill proposes changes in racial incitement offences." Patterns of Prejudice 20, no. 1 (January 1986): 47–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1986.9969848.
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Morgan, Kenneth. "Peopling a new colony: Henry Jordan, land orders, and Queensland immigration, 1861–7." Historical Research 94, no. 264 (April 22, 2021): 380–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htab002.
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Abstract This article analyses the first years of the land order system of immigration that dominated Queensland’s settlement as a colony. Queensland issued land orders worth £30 per adult to fare-paying British and Irish immigrants who were mechanics, agriculturalists and people with modest amounts of capital. This form of immigration was facilitated through the work of an Emigration Commissioner – later an Agent-General – based in the British Isles. Henry Jordan held these positions in the period 1861–6. The article argues that land orders only partly met their intended outcomes, but that Jordan’s activities were essential for the scheme’s limited success.
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Pashman, Howard. "The People's Property Law: A Step Toward Building a New Legal Order in Revolutionary New York." Law and History Review 31, no. 3 (July 23, 2013): 587–626. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000254.
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Like revolutionaries throughout the modern world, Americans built a new, stable legal order on property confiscated from their enemies. Early in the American War for Independence, colonial governments collapsed, British courts closed, and ordinary people took the law into their own hands. They created committees that enforced harsh, revolutionary justice. But remarkably, by the end of the War, they were able to develop the stable legal institutions of new governments.
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Won, Tae Joon. "British ‘Guilt’ Concerning Anglo-New Zealand Relations and the Migration of Former IRA Detainees, 1970-1977." Institute of British and American Studies 58 (June 30, 2023): 173–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.25093/ibas.2023.58.173.
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This article examines how Britain’s deteriorating relations with New Zealand in the early 1970s rendered the London government to accommodate the Wellington administration’s foreign policy decisions at the risk of exposing Britain’s contentious internal policy arrangements to the wider world. Britain’s decision in the late 1960s and early 1970s to withdraw her troops from Southeast Asia and to join the European Economic Community had a negative impact on her diplomatic relations with various Commonwealth partners, including her traditionally strong bond with New Zealand. This was evident in the increasing anti-British sentiment amongst the people of New Zealand and in the introduction of anti-British policies by the Wellington government in the early 1970s. Consequently, Britain actively sought to placate New Zealand’s feelings and to improve Anglo-New Zealand relations by agreeing to accommodate New Zealand Prime Minister Robert Muldoon’s policy of allowing former IRA detainees in Northern Ireland to emigrate to New Zealand, even though this meant that Britain’s controversial detention policy in Northern Ireland could be laid bare to global scrutiny. London’s high-risk decision to give unofficial advice to Wellington on the suitability of candidates for emigration had to be concealed in order to give the impression that the British government was not in any way involved in New Zealand’s decisions. Therefore, when questions were raised in the British Parliament over the question of London’s involvement in Muldoon’s scheme, the British government went so far as to mislead the Commons on the issue.
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Bradbury, J. H. "New Settlements Policy in British Columbia." Urban History Review 8, no. 2 (November 13, 2013): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1019377ar.
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Between 1965 and 1972 the provincial government of British Columbia introduced a new resource towns policy aimed at changing the relationship between corporations, the provincial government, and resource based settlements. The Instant Towns Act, together with the creation of new municipalities, represented a new level of government involvement and intervention in resource towns. The policy served to pass townsite costs from the companies to the workforce and to rationalise the further involvement of the state in resource extraction activities. The provincial government and the companies argued that a new settlements policy was necessary to replace the older model of company towns in order to attract a new and more stable labour force. At the same time as this policy was being shaped, the government was also engaged in developing industrial infrastructure to facilitate the expansion and the changing needs of capital. The Instant Towns Act of 1965 was part of the legislation for the expansion of large firms in the resource extraction sector. This form of infrastructure planning, to coincide with the changing structure of capital, reflects a level of state intervention in the economy of British Columbia, in other Canadian provinces, and indeed in most other western capitalist societies in recent years.
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Aung-Thwin, Michael. "The British “Pacification” of Burma: Order Without Meaning." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 16, no. 2 (September 1985): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400008432.
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One of the most frequently made remarks concerning British colonialism, both in print and in informal settings, has been the British role in bringing “law and order” to the colonies. Although serious scholarship has successfully questioned this assertion for some areas of the world, particularly India, for Burma, very little has been done. The reasons for proposing that Britain brought law, and especially order to Burma seem to stem from at least two factors. First, the study of Burmese law in the West is at best in its infancy, despite recent efforts by Burmese historians. Second, and more importantly, historians by and large have tended to ignore Burmese criteria for defining order, and have therefore misinterpreted as simple lawlessness what were on many important occasions traditional forms of expressing dissent and symptoms of social dysfunction, as well as cultural and psychological ambivalence of identity, especially amongst certain new classes created by colonialism itself. Thus what often appeared on the surface as order after so-called “pacification” and in general throughout the colonial period is an incomplete picture, for it was almost certainly as well, if not more so, the political, military, and psychological inability of the Burmese to present a united front against a technologically superior power. But because the entire colonial period cannot be dealt with here—although I suspect it would only further support the major thesis of this essay—and because the British concept of “pacification” (and as a result the literature on the subject) had established the intellectual framework and parameters for evaluating the subsequent colonial and post-independence periods, I feel it is adequate to have centered my arguments around the so-called period of “pacification” only. I intend to approach this topic by first describing briefly what we might call indigenous methods of pacification, contrast it to the general pacification policies and methods pursued by the British, observe the significance of the differences, and then conclude by showing how the coup of 1962 could be interpreted more as a resurrection than a true revolution.
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Allen, Matthew. "Convict police and the enforcement of British order: Policing the rum economy in early New South Wales." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 53, no. 2 (January 8, 2020): 248–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004865819896398.
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Among the many peculiarities of early New South Wales was the absence of a police force to manage a population largely composed of convicted criminals. Instead, the early Governors were forced to employ trusted convicts and ex-convicts to act as watchmen and constables and police their fellows. This article explores the history of these neglected convict police in the context of the contemporary development of modern policing in the British world. Using a case-study of a crack-down on illicit distilling under Governor King in 1805–1806, I demonstrate that the convict police were both surprisingly effective and prone to corruption, reflecting the legacy of British policing traditions and the influence of reformist ideas.
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Bakhiet, Salaheldin Farah Attallah, and Richard Lynn. "A Note on a New Study of Intelligence in Egypt." Psychological Reports 115, no. 3 (December 2014): 810–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/04.pr0.115c27z3.
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Three studies of intelligence in Egypt published between 1957 and 1989 and based on small samples gave British IQs between 77 and 83. The present paper reports the results of a recent study based on a much larger sample in order to examine how far the results of the older studies can be replicated. The Coloured Progressive Matrices was standardized in Egypt in 2011–2013 on a sample of 11,284 children aged 5.6 to 10.5 years. The sample obtained a British IQ of 84.2 and provides a satisfactory replication of the earlier studies.
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Rumley, Dennis. "The Asia-Pacific region and the new world order." Ekistics and The New Habitat 70, no. 422/423 (December 1, 2003): 321–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200370422/423259.
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The author is Associate Professor, School of Social and Cultural Studies, University of Western Australia. He gained a Geography Honours degree and MA in Applied Geography at the University of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, and a Ph. D at the University of British Columbia. He has taught at the University of Western Australia since then, apart from 1991-1993 when he was Professor of Australian Studies at the University of Tokyo attached to the Department of International Relations at Komaba. He has published widely in various areas of political geography, including electoral geography, local government, federalism and more recently geopolitics. His most recent book, is The Geopolitics of Australia's Regional Relations (Dordrecht, Kluwer, 1999, reprinted 2001). His current research projects are in the areas of water security, Australia's "arc of instability," regionalism and Australia-Asia relations. He is a full member of the IGU Commission on the World Political Map and English-language editor of Chiri, the Japanese journal of human geography. He will be Visiting Professor at the University of Kyoto during 2003.
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Datla, Kavita Saraswathi. "The Origins of Indirect Rule in India: Hyderabad and the British Imperial Order." Law and History Review 33, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 321–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248015000115.
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The main problem with the orthodox account of modern world politics is that it describes only one of these patterns of international order: the one that was dedicated to the pursuit of peaceful coexistence between equal and mutually independent sovereigns, which developed within the Westphalian system and the European society of states....Orthodox theorists have paid far too little attention to the other pattern of international order, which evolved during roughly the same period of time, but beyond rather than within Europe; not through relations between Europeans, but through relations between Europeans and non-Europeans. Instead of being based on a states-system, this pattern of order was based on colonial and imperial systems, and its characteristic practice was not the reciprocal recognition of sovereign independence between states, but rather the division of sovereignty across territorial borders and the enforcement of individuals' rights to their persons and property. The American Revolution and the “revolution” in Bengal posed new political questions for domestic British politics and inaugurated a new era for the British empire. As the British committed themselves to the administration of a vast population of non-Europeans in the Indian province of Bengal, and estimations of financial windfalls were presented to stockholders and politicians, the center of the British Empire came slowly to shift toward the East. The evolution of a system of indirect rule in India as it related to larger political questions being posed in Britain, partly because of its protracted and diverse nature, has not received the same attention. Attention to Indian states, in the scholarship on eighteenth century South Asia, has closely followed the expanding colonial frontier, focusing on those states that most engaged British military attention: Bengal, Mysore, and the Marathas. And yet, the eighteenth century should also command our attention as a crucial moment of transition from an earlier Indian Ocean world trading system, in which European powers inserted themselves as one sovereign authority among many, to that of being supreme political authorities of territories that they did not govern directly. India's native states, or “country powers,” as the British referred to them in the eighteenth century, underwrote the expansion of the East India Company in the East. The tribute paid by these states became an important financial resource at the company's disposal, as it attempted to balance its books in the late eighteenth century. Additionally, the troops maintained to protect these states were significant in Britain's late eighteenth century military calculations. These states, in other words, were absolutely central to the forging of the British imperial order, and generative of the very practices that came to characterize colonial expansion and governance.
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Peng, Ruoyu. "Public Relations between British Museum and Chinese Audience." SHS Web of Conferences 148 (2022): 03009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202214803009.
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In the era of new media, the external publicity of museums should also actively use new media thinking and new media tools. Web pages are one of the main new media tools for external publicity of museums today, or they can be called the “facade on the Internet” of museums. This paper attempts to understand the public relations between the British Museum and Chinese audiences through the comparison of the layout and content of the British Museum’s Chinese and English homepage, including the perfection of its communication information, the frequency of maintaining the website, the aesthetics of the layout design, etc., in order to get a glimpse of the attitude of the British Museum towards Chinese audiences.
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Holloway, Steven W. "Nineveh sails for the New World: Assyria envisioned by nineteenth-century America." Iraq 66 (2004): 243–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001820.
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In order to understand the unique reception of ancient Assyria in nineteenth-century America, it is necessary to describe the British public's own reception of the earliest British Museum exhibits, together with the marketing of publications of Layard and others. And, in order to grasp something of both Britain's and America's keen fascination with the earliest images of Assyria, I must introduce you briefly to the changing perceptions and tastes in admissible historical representation that, I believe, drove this fascination.The British public's breathless enthusiasm for the monuments from Bible lands had radical origins in English soil. Seventeenth- and eighteenth-century antiquarians surveyed, sketched and wove theories about the prehistoric relics that dot the English landscape, occasionally linking them with a mythical Christian past. William Stukeley, for example, student and first biographer of Sir Isaac Newton, made something of a career out of surveying Avebury and Stonehenge, in an early eighteenth-century quest for evidence that could link the Britons of Celtic fame with the peoples and the received timeline of the Bible. By the early nineteenth century, the Gothic Revival movement had begun in earnest. Its proponents saw this project as a moral mainstay in the revitalization of English society and culture. English prehistoric and medieval monuments would be measured, drawn, catalogued, published, and ultimately by so doing, laid at the feet of the British public. The Napoleonic wars accelerated this movement, for Continental sightseeing was impossible, so the classic Grand Tour evaporated down to an insular walking tour. This of course fuelled the sense of British national destiny:Works on topography… tend to make us better acquainte d with every thing which exists in our native land, and are therefore conducive to the progress of real knowledge, to the diffusion of rational patriotism, and to virtuous sentiments and propensities …
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McKEAGUE, J. A., C. TARNOCAI, and H. A. LUTTMERDING. "EXISTING AND POSSIBLE NEW GLEYSOLIC ORDER CRITERIA APPLIED TO FIVE PEDONS FROM BRITISH COLUMBIA." Canadian Journal of Soil Science 66, no. 2 (May 1, 1986): 323–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4141/cjss86-033.
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Use of the current criteria for distinguishing Gleysolic soils from gleyed intergrades to other soil classes resulted in the apparent misclassification of some soils in British Columbia. Pedologists of the area selected five pedons encompassing several degrees of expression of gley features. Current classification criteria based on soil color and possible new differentiating features based on chemical and micromorphological analyses were applied in considering the classification of the soils. Application of the current specific color criteria involving low chromas and prominent mottling result in the classification of three pedons in the Gleysolic order and two in gleyed subgroups of other orders. This classification was appropriate in the view of B.C. pedologists except for one Gleysolic pedon in which the water table is rarely within 1 m of the surface. Prior to drainage, however, the soil was probably saturated to the surface and under reducing conditions for prolonged periods each year. Thus, classification as a Gleysolic soil is appropriate as it probably reflects the prevailing conditions and processes during most of the period of soil genesis.Segregation of iron and manganese as nodules and coatings was most marked in the Gleysolic pedons. Walls of some voids were bleached due to depletion of iron oxides. Though study of thin sections, bulk chemical analysis and analysis of specific features by scanning electron microscopy-energy dispersive X-ray analysis (SEM-EDXRA) were useful in providing information on soil properties, they did not indicate an improved basis for differentiating Gleysolic soils from others. The color criteria used to distinguish soils of the Gleysolic order do not necessarily reflect the current soil water regime, and they are not intended to do so. The current criteria resulted in the appropriate classification of the five soils. Key words: Gleying, reduction, iron, manganese, micromorphology, SEM-EDXRA
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Staff, Helge. "Partisan effects and policy entrepreneurs. New Labour’s impact on British law and order policy." Policy Studies 39, no. 1 (October 12, 2017): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2017.1386782.
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Leask, Rognvald. "New Jerseys from Old Wool : cultural blending in Aotearoa New Zealand." Recherches anglaises et nord-américaines 43, no. 1 (2010): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ranam.2010.1389.
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The writer examines the developing relationship between the two major population groups in Aotearoa-New Zealand in order to draw some conclusions about cultural blending, both in that country and as a generalised process. The two groups studied are the numerically dominant Pakeha, or white New Zealanders largely of British origin, and the Maori, of Polynesian origin and the first inhabitants of the country. The text highlights elements of the author’s research in a number of cultural domains, in order to test the hypothesis that the more balanced the demographics and social and political status of any two groups, the greater will be the probability that the process of cultural blending will take place. It appears that the Maori renaissance has caused a discernible acceleration in the process, leading to a distinct culture containing not only separate Maori and Pakeha elements, but also a blending of both.
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Hendley, Matthew. "Constructing the Citizen: The Primrose League and the Definition of Citizenship in the Age of Mass Democracy in Britain, 1918-1928." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 7, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031105ar.
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Abstract The Primrose League was a patriotic mass organisation nominally independent from, but allied to the British Conservative Party. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, it politically mobilised large numbers of British women. In addition, through its social activities, the League assisted with the social integration of those holding full political rights with those who did not. The Fourth Reform Act of 1918 fundamentally altered the structure of British politics by tripling the size of the electorate and giving the vote to a significant number of British women for the first time. In this new political environment, Conservatives were concerned with countering the rising Labour Party and limiting the expectations of new voters. After 1918, the Primrose League attempted to define or construct a partisan model of citizenship. The League's model emphasised citizens' duties, individuals' civil rights and the idea of active citizenship. This campaign both helped the Conservative Party to adjust to the new political order and gave the Primrose League a new role to play in the age of mass democracy.
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Sullam, Sara. "Illuminating Botteghe Oscure’s British network." Modern Italy 21, no. 2 (May 2016): 171–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.7.
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Working at the intersection between literary history and periodical studies, this article investigates the role played by the literary journal Botteghe Oscure (Rome, 1948–1960) in processes of Anglo-Italian literary transfer. The article charts the journal’s British network, analysing quantitatively the presence of both established and new writers. Further, it focuses on Botteghe Oscure’s publishing and distribution policy in the United Kingdom, drawing on its founder Marguerite Caetani’s correspondence in order to interrogate the location of the journal within the Italian and the English literary systems, and thus illuminate the journal’s role as a site of literary production as it was shaped in both Italy and Britain.
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Graham, Kirk Robert. "Germany on the Couch: Psychology and the Development of British Subversive Propaganda to Nazi Germany." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 3 (January 12, 2018): 487–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417739365.
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New developments in social psychology proliferated in Britain and the USA throughout the 1930s. With the advent of war, psychology promised insight into the Nazi mind. Some war departments were particularly enthusiastic about these intellectual developments. The USA’s OSS can claim credit for bringing Frankfurt School neo-Freudianism onto the public stage. In Britain meanwhile, the Ministry of Information turned to behaviourism in order to better understand the British public. But the propagandists of the Political Warfare Executive (PWE), charged with the subversion of enemy morale, were wary of new perspectives. Psychology was valuable only so long as it was practical. For PWE, this meant that psychopathological orientations, which emphasized ahistorical German distinction, were for much of the war favoured over behaviourism or neo-Freudianism. This article examines the role that psychology played in British subversive propaganda directed at Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Did psychology offer any answers to the ‘German problem'? And what made PWE distinct from contemporary propaganda organizations? PWE's particular engagement with psychology demonstrates the diverse and often culturally contingent ways in which psychology transitioned from the academy to the public sphere, and offers new insight into British wartime perspectives on Nazi Germany.
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Moore, Daniel. "‘A New Order is Being Created’: Domestic Modernism in 1930s Britain." Modernist Cultures 11, no. 3 (November 2016): 409–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2016.0148.
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This article addresses the attempts in Britain in the 1930s to integrate modernist aesthetics with the home. A number of initiatives during this period were directed towards improving both standards of living and the public's taste: arising from exposure to continental modernism (Adolf Loos, Le Corbusier) and with a fervent belief in the democratisation of the living space, innovators such as Wells Coates, Jack and Molly Pritchard, and Maxwell Fry sought to re-invent the home for the twentieth century. The results were often short-lived, and in some cases, abject failures. Yet the negotiations that these designers, architects, and visionaries made between high-minded aesthetics and the practicalities of quotidian British life reveal much about standards of taste during the 1930s. This article takes two case studies in detail: The Lawn Road Flats – the Isokon Building – in Hampstead, London, and the activities of the Design and Industries Association (DIA). In doing so, I chart the ways in which interior design developed in Britain during the decade before the outbreak of World War Two, and explore how small-scale, short-lived activities in this period laid the foundations for a flowering of new modes of living post-1945.
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Murphy, Robert. "New Morning: Optimism and Resilience in Tony Richardson's A Taste of Honey and The Loneliness of the Long Distance Runner." Journal of British Cinema and Television 11, no. 2-3 (July 2014): 378–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2014.0222.
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Tony Richardson's major contribution to British and international cinema has been obscured by jejune prejudices over his small-town, north of England origins, his parallel career as a theatre director and his eclectic choice of film subjects. This article concentrates on his two most important contributions to the ‘British New Wave’ – A Taste of Honey and The Loneliness of the Long Distance Runner – in order to demonstrate Richardson's ability to recreate dramatic and literary works as dynamic and innovative films.
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Maurer, Bill. "Orderly families for the new economic order: Belonging and citizenship in the British Virgin Islands." Identities 2, no. 1-2 (January 1995): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.1997.9962530.
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Kew, Carole. "Mary Wigman's London Performances: A New Dance in Search of a New Audience." Dance Research 30, no. 1 (May 2012): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2012.0032.
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Mary Wigman (1886–1973) visited London on two occasions in order to perform her solo work. These fleeting visits act as the backdrop to an essay on the reception of her dance in Britain. In both dance composition and in spectatorship Wigman encouraged a process of self-enquiry. This new approach challenged prevailing cultural expectations in Britain concerning the nature of dance performance. Wigman returned to Germany having made little overt impact on the dance culture in Britain. But the possibility remains that her visits influenced the development of dance in a more oblique way by acting as a stimulus to the inter-war drive to establish a British ballet tradition.
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COPPINS, Brian J., and André APTROOT. "New species and combinations in The Lichens of the British Isles." Lichenologist 40, no. 05 (August 26, 2008): 363–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0024282908008165.
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Abstract:The preparation of the new edition of The Lichen Flora of the British Isles necessitates the publication of several taxonomic and nomenclatural novelties. The following new species are described: Anisomeridium robustum (Monoblastiaceae), Antennulariella lichenisata (Antennulariellaceae), Fellhanera duplex (Pilocarpaceae), Gyalideopsis crenulata (Gomphillaceae), Micarea farinosa (Pilocarpaceae) and Xerotrema quercicola (Odontotremataceae). Antennulariella lichenisata is the first lichenized member of the order Capnodiales to be described. The following new combinations are proposed: Bacidia squamellosa, Catillaria lobariicola, Collemopsidium arenisedum, C. argilospilum, C. caesium, C. chlorococcum, C. monense, C. subarenisedum, Miriquidica pycnocarpa f. sorediata, Pyrenocarpon thelostomum, Topeliopsis azorica, and Verrucaria nigrescens f. tectorum.
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HART, EMMA. "‘The middling order are odious characters’: social structure and urban growth in colonial Charleston, South Carolina." Urban History 34, no. 2 (June 20, 2007): 209–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926807004610.
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In recent years, the idea that Britain and its northern American colonies were part of a single ‘British Atlantic world’ has provided historians of both the Old World and the New with a novel perspective from which to explore their subjects during the long eighteenth century. With a case study of Charleston, South Carolina, this essay extends British categories of analysis across the Atlantic to uncover the origins of an American middle class. Emphasis is placed on the simultaneous consideration of all arenas of identity formation, with a view to demonstrating that examining either the cultural sphere or the economic one cannot bring a genuine understanding of the coherence of this eighteenth-century middling sort. Investigating the emergence of this social group in the widest possible sense, I show how the economic experience of these middling people forged common values which then found their expression in the cultural and political sphere. Since this middle sort achieved such coherence before 1776 I suggest that we must move away from accounts that depict colonial society as a place of binary opposites and occupational groupings, for such models cannot convey the complexity of the British Atlantic urban society that took shape during this era.
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Leggett, Will. "British Social Democracy beyond New Labour: Entrenching a Progressive Consensus." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9, no. 3 (August 2007): 346–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00267.x.
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Social democrats are seeking a project beyond New Labour's dwindling Third Way. In particular, they have seized on the idea of a ‘progressive consensus’ as a means of entrenching a deeper, cultural shift in British society on centre-left terms. This article assesses the potential of social democratic responses to New Labour for fulfilling this task. ‘Traditional’ and ‘modernising’ perspectives are identified, each of which have a positive and critical variant. The critical-modernising approach emerges with the greatest potential for moving beyond the New Labour project. Critical-modernisers operate on the Third Way's analytical terrain—recognising the still-changing operating environment of the centre-left. However, they seek simultaneously to develop a political narrative that is distinct from the Third Way. In order to achieve this latter objective, the normative heritage of more traditional approaches remains a key resource for critical-modernisers, as they seek to show how more recognisably social democratic themes can resonate with a rapidly changing social context.
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McCaskie, Tom. "‘History has many cunning passages’: Kwasi Apea Nuama between the Asante and the British." Africa 88, no. 2 (May 2018): 222–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972017000894.
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AbstractThis article, a companion piece to that on Kwame Tua, traces the life history of his elder full brother Kwasi Apea Nuama (c.1862–1936) as he too sought purchase and place in the new colonial order in Asante. Temperamentally a very different man from his brother, Kwasi Apea Nuama set out to make himself indispensable as the interpreter of Asante history and custom to the uncomprehending British. Both brothers, then, were mediators or translators between the old and new worlds in which they found themselves. Their heyday was the often anarchic early colonial period. Thereafter, and most especially after the British restored the office and some of the prerogatives of Asante kingship, their influence fell away. They found themselves caught between a colonial order that had little further need of their services, and a restored Asante polity that demonized them as collaborators.
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Petrukhin, Aleksei Mihailovich. "Reaction of the British press to The Manifesto on the Improvement of the State Order of October 17 (30), 1905." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 7 (July 2024): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2024.7.71286.
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The subject of the study is publications in the British press of various political orientations dedicated to the Highest Manifesto on the improvement of the state order, promulgated on October 17 (30), 1905. This imperial Manifesto proclaimed a number of civil liberties (personal integrity, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and unions), which contributed to transformation of the Russian political system and the emergence of a new government body in the empire – the State Duma. The Manifesto of October 17 (30) aroused increased interest among British political circles and the public, who viewed this event as a significant step towards the establishment of parliamentarism in Russia and limiting the power of the emperor. At the beginning of the 20th century the press was the main source of information shaping British public opinion, including about the Manifesto under consideration. In addition, publications by British correspondents significantly complement the overall historical picture of events taking place in the Russian Empire. Analysis of the reviewed publications in English periodicals allows us to draw the following conclusions. The opinions of British correspondents regarding the events of October 17 (30) differ in accordance with their political and ideological predilections and, partly, personal political experience. The journalist from the liberal The London Daily News expressed much greater hopes for the implementation of the provisions of the Manifesto than his colleagues from the conservative The Morning Post, The Pall Mall Gazette and The Daily Telegraph & Courier. However, all the correspondents, although with varying degrees of optimism, did not give up hope that a constitutional order could be established in the Russian Empire.
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Wilson, M. J., and D. C. Bain. "Spheniscidite, a new phosphate mineral from Elephant Island, British Antarctic Territory." Mineralogical Magazine 50, no. 356 (June 1986): 291–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1180/minmag.1986.050.356.14.
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AbstractSpheniscidite is a new phosphate mineral occurring in a soil profile in an area of nesting penguins on Elephant Island. It is the NH4-dominant analogue of leucophosphite and has the formula (NH4,K)(Fe3+,Al)2 (PO4)2(OH) · 2H2O. It is monoclinic, P21/n with unit cell parameters a = 9.75, b = 9.63, c = 9.70 Å, β = 102° 34′, and Z = 4. The strongest X-ray lines are 6.79(100), 5.99(90), 3.05(45), 7.62(40) Å. Spheniscidite is thought to have formed by the interaction of ammonium phosphate solutions from penguin guano with micaceous and chloritic minerals in the soil. The name is for Sphenisciformes, the order name for penguins, and has been approved by the IMA Commission on New Minerals and Mineral Names.
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Byrne, Deirdre. "NEW MYTHS, NEW SCRIPTS: REVISIONIST MYTHOPOESIS IN CONTEMPORARY SOUTH AFRICAN WOMEN’S POETRY." Gender Questions 2, no. 1 (September 21, 2016): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-8457/1564.
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Considerable theoretical and critical work has been done on the way British and American women poets re-vision (Rich 1976) male-centred myth. Some South African women poets have also used similar strategies. My article identifies a gap in the academy’s reading of a significant, but somewhat neglected, body of poetry and begins to address this lack of scholarship. I argue that South African women poets use their art to re-vision some of the central constructs of patriarchal mythology, including the association of women with the body and the irrational, and men with the mind and logic. These poems function on two levels: They demonstrate that the constructs they subvert are artificial; and they create new and empowering narratives for women in order to contribute to the reimagining of gender relations.
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Harris, Eileen. "Acquisition and use: British architectural books before 1800." Art Libraries Journal 17, no. 3 (1992): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307472200007896.
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Architectural books in use in England – and specifically in the Royal Academy Library – in the second half of the 18th century included translations of the major Italian treatises; Sir William Chambers’ Treatise on civil architecture (the first work of its kind by an English author); volumes recording actual buildings by English architects; archaeological works documenting the remains of ancient buildings; and works by Fréart and Perrault on the classical orders. The latter were complemented by Henry Emlyn’s eccentric Proposition for a new order of architecture published in 1781. The contents of Sir John Soane’s private library included a number of works not available at the Royal Academy, which he criticised for providing only a “very limited collection of Works on Architecture”. Soane’s library can be seen to have anticipated the professional architectural library, including more practical books (intended in many cases for the use of builders and carpenters), which was founded at the Royal Institute of British Architects in 1834 — today’s British Architectural Library.
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Sultan, Nabil. "British Students' Academic Writing." Industry and Higher Education 27, no. 2 (April 2013): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/ihe.2013.0145.
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The problem of poor academic writing among British university students is a major cause of concern for universities and their tutors; and it is also of concern to employers struggling to recruit individuals able to communicate clearly and accurately. This article reports on a study designed to highlight some of the reasons for the lack of writing skills, with a view to identifying remedial measures that could be taken to address the problem. The object of the study is an Academy (secondary school) in the North of England, referred to as Northland Academy (NA), one of the new Academies first introduced by the Labour Government in 2000 and now enthusiastically endorsed and promoted in England by the current UK Coalition Government. A first group of students at NA was given relatively simple tests of punctuation and word selection and essay writing; and, separately, a second group was presented with a research proposal and given the task of writing an essay on it. It is suggested that a change in Government policy is needed in order to emphasize and include the importance of academic writing for secondary and FE students intending to progress into HE.
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Jovanovski, Dalibor. "Fighting the local foe: The British preventive measures against malaria on the Macedonian (Salonica) front." Acta historiae medicinae, stomatologiae, pharmaciae, medicinae veterinariae 42, no. 2 (2023): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/acthist2302084j.
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The occurrence and spread of malaria amongst the warring parties on the Macedonian1 front brought about the appearance of completely new approaches in its treatment and prevention among the solders on both sides of the front line. The British experience in preventing the spread of malaria is a very interesting topic for analysis. The Macedonian front became an enormous experimental field for malaria research and experiments carried out by British medical and military personnel. The impact malaria had on the readiness of British soldiers concerning their combat activities on the front forced the command structures to undertake preventive measures in order to halt its spread. Thus, the British military command in Salonica became involved in draining swamps, clearing streams, oiling, and other methods of treating breeding places, fumigation and spraying, mosquito-proofing the huts and the carrying quinine prophylaxis.
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LIPKOWITZ, ELISE S. "Seized natural-history collections and the redefinition of scientific cosmopolitanism in the era of the French Revolution." British Journal for the History of Science 47, no. 1 (March 26, 2013): 15–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087413000010.
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AbstractIn order to recast scholarly understanding of scientific cosmopolitanism during the French Revolution, this essay examines the stories of the natural-history collections of the Dutch Stadholder and the French naturalist Labillardière that were seized as war booty. The essay contextualizes French and British savants' responses to the seized collections within their respective understandings of the relationship between science and state and of the property rights associated with scientific collections, and definitions of war booty that antedated modern transnational legal conventions. The essay argues that the French and British savants' responses to seized natural-history collections demonstrate no universal approach to their treatment. Nonetheless, it contends that the French and British approaches to these collections reveal the emergence in the 1790s of new forms of scientific nationalism that purported to be cosmopolitan – French scientific universalism and British liberal scientific improvement.
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Ankit, Rakesh. "To Issue ‘Stand Down’ or Not…: Britain and Kashmir, 1947–49." Britain and the World 7, no. 2 (September 2014): 238–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2014.0150.
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‘It turned out to be a war unlike all others in that the respective Commanders communicated daily by telephones between Rawalpindi and New Delhi’. Thus it was that Henry Devereux – a British officer with the Pakistan Artillery – remembered the India-Pakistan conflict on Kashmir, 1947–49. It was a unique conflict with British generals commanding armies, on both sides, engaged in open warfare with each other and British diplomats taking up cudgels on behalf of the hostile governments they were accredited to. Therefore, whether to issue an order of “stand down” to the British military personnel involved in Kashmir emerged as an important question which the Clement Attlee Government (1945–51) faced as it struggled to formulate its response to the conflict. The article focuses on this question of the involvement of British officers in the armies of two warring dominions of the British Commonwealth and analyses the response of Great Britain, which sought to resolve the dilemma by keeping in mind the wider, international ramifications of its response – a fascinating though neglected aspect of the immediate aftermath of British decolonization in South Asia.
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Gómez Galisteo, María del Carmen. "Leaving the New World, entering history: Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, John Smith and the problems of describing the New World." Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses, no. 22 (November 15, 2009): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/raei.2009.22.08.
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Spanish conquistador Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca and British explorer John Smith went to the New World for different reasons but both shared the experience of being a captive to the Native Americans. After their return to Europe, both of them undertook the task of putting pen to paper to describe their New World experiences so as to inform their fellow countrymen. Writing in different countries and separated by a century of colonial discoveries and experiences, nevertheless, they encountered very similar difficulties in being trusted by professional historians. Both had to strive in order to be regarded as authoritative and valid sources of knowledge about a continent where they, contrary to most historians, had actually traveled to and lived in. This essay examines what their problems were and the strategies they made use of in order to persuade their readers of their trustworthiness.
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Ahmadi, Moslem. "John Keats and John Clare: The Ivory Tower Poets of British Romanticism." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 9, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.9n.2p.67.
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The focus of this research is in the area of the British Romantic literature. Such a study is important in order to demonstrate how the great poets of the British Romantic literature possess the potential to be regrouped under new labels based on the existence of similar attitudes in their literary works. The findings from this research provide evidence that the labels by means of which the scholars group different poets of an age are not fixed and they are susceptible to change. The main conclusion drawn from this study is that new literary labels can be an excellent methodology for determining the real attitudes which influence different poets’ literary works. This paper recommends that new literary labels can be an excellent way for a better understanding of literary works.
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Riley, Charlotte Lydia. "Must Labour Lose?" Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 47, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2021.470206.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores Mark Abrams, Richard Rose, and Rita Hinden’s 1960 publication Must Labour Lose? in order to demonstrate that contemporary debates around British identity and political culture are nothing new. The concerns about political, party, and national identity in this book clearly prefigure 2016 debates about Britain, not least because a specific question—how to vote—became a conversation about a broader set of ideals. This article explores how Must Labour Lose? constructed an image of British politics in 1959. It interrogates its silences around racial identity and argues that we must read race into this book and others like it. And it concludes that research like this enables a much wider understanding of the British electorate than simply how they voted.
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Minasyan, Eva, Armine Grigoryan, and Yulia Kuznetsova. "Hybrid ESP Courses as Tool to Improve Students’ Informal Learning and Educators’ Academic Mobility." SHS Web of Conferences 50 (2018): 01110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185001110.
Full textAbstract:
The era of advanced information and communication technologies is offering new opportunities and challenges for the integration of web-based authentic materials into the learning settings. Such teaching elements are regarded British Council LearnEnglish, BBC English, Ted-Ed, YouTube Edu, LearnOutLoud, LinguaLeo communicating and collaborating tools, which are integrated in course development to create blended learning context for ESP (English for Specific Purposes) auditorium. The article suggests strategies for implementing British Council LearnEnglish.org, BBC English, Ted-Ed, LearnOutLoud, LinguaLeo materials in order to foster learners’ awareness and cooperation in hybrid courses. The analyses of British Council LearnEnglish.org, BBC 6-minute English, Ted-Ed, LearnOutLoud, LinguaLeo online platforms illustrate the benefits and peculiarities of language learning process by using virtual sources.
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Panin, Sergei. "“The question of the transfer of Kushka to Afghanistan disappears”: territorial problems in the context of early Soviet-Afghan relations." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, no. 4-2 (April 1, 2023): 04–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202304statyi53.
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The article analyzes Soviet-Afghan relations during the reign of Amir Amaah Khan in Afghanistan, who, after a lost war with the British, was looking for ways to strengthen his power. He tried to make the territorial issue one of the important directions in relations with Soviet Russia (the transfer of Kushka and the Pende oasis to the Afghans), believing that the Soviets were ready to make these concessions in order to strengthen their role in the emirate and joint anti-British actions. The article shows the inconsistency and ambiguity of the Soviet policy, which initially supported the Afghan territorial claims for the sake of a new involvement of Afghanistan in the war with the British, and then refused to fulfill these promises.
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Chisnall, G. "British Aerospace Hawk into the 1990s." Proceedings of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, Part G: Journal of Aerospace Engineering 206, no. 1 (January 1992): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1243/pime_proc_1992_206_236_02.
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The paper covers a review of the British Aerospace Hawk aircraft programme. An overview of the main development events and entry into RAF service is included, which emphasizes the versatility of the basic concept. This was deliberately designed in by the original team in order to maximize the subsequent export potential of the aircraft. That this was an outstanding success is shown in the outline of the main export variants to date. This background gives context to the main body of the paper, in which the new Hawk aircraft developments, the 100 and 200 series respectively, are described. These advanced versions are intended to maintain the market dominance of Hawk throughout the 1990s and beyond. A final, brief review of the broader environment within which BAe is carrying out its private venture development of Hawk is included as a conclusion to the paper.
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Ćwikliński, Konrad. "Społeczeństwo obywatelskie w Nowej Zelandii według: International Comparative non-profit research programme." Cywilizacja i Polityka 14, no. 14 (October 30, 2016): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.0243.
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Basic information about history of shaping civil society institution in New Zealand based on International Comparative non-profit research programme, Center for Civil Society Studies at Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore. New Zealand during the colonial period was formed by regulating the social, legal and political from the British legislation,and signing of the Treaty of Waitangi, which gave basis for shaping the social and institutional order.
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Quintanilla, Mark. "The World of Alexander Campbell: An Eighteenth-Century Grenadian Planter." Albion 35, no. 2 (2003): 229–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000069830.
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In 1763 few Europeans doubted the enormous importance of their Caribbean possessions, a fact indicated by the ready willingness of the French to cede Canada in order to regain British-occupied Martinique. The British were no different, and in the West Indies they were in the process of establishing a New World aristocracy whose riches were based upon African slavery and the production of tropical crops. The British prized their Caribbean territories, especially since the sugar revolution that had begun during the mid-seventeenth century first in Barbados where the crop had become dominant by 1660 and then in Jamaica. British planters continued their success in the Leeward Island settlements of Antigua, St. Christopher, Nevis, and Montserrat, where entrepreneurs converted their lands to sugar cane by the early 1700s. West Indian planters became influential within the British Empire, and exercised profound social, political, and economic importance in the metropolis. By the eighteenth century they were the richest colonists within the empire; they were landed aristocrats who could have vied in wealth and prestige with their counterparts in Britain.
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LIVESEY, JAMES. "THE DUBLIN SOCIETY IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY IRISH POLITICAL THOUGHT." Historical Journal 47, no. 3 (September 2004): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04003887.
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Through an analysis of the debate between Charles Davenant in England, and Arthur Dobbs, Thomas Prior, and Samuel Madden in Ireland, it establishes that the founders saw the society as a response to Ireland's dependent status in the emerging British empire. The Dublin Society distinguished itself from other improving societies in the British Isles because it explicitly represented a new principle of sociality. The article describes the cultural origins of that principle arguing that a diverse set of groups converged on the ideal of association as a new form of order. The article concludes with a consideration of Madden's understanding, derived from his commitment to improving associations, that Irish national life was best understood as the pursuit of happiness rather than justice or virtue.
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Sklyarov, Sergey A. "Curzon's Ultimatum and Its Impact on the USSR Policy Towards Poland." RUDN Journal of Russian History 22, no. 1 (March 15, 2023): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2023-22-1-139-150.
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The author raises the issue that was practically unexplored on the impact of the British ultimatum delivered to the USSR in May 1923 on the relations between Moscow and Warsaw. The author cites new documents from the diplomatic correspondence of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs' central office (NKID) with the Polish embassy which show that the uproar caused by the Curzon memorandum in the Soviet leadership extended far beyond the sphere of Soviet-British relations. There are analyzed the concessions that Moscow was ready to make in order to prevent Poland from joining the new anti-Soviet front. The comparative-historical analysis is used to examine the dynamics of changes in the nature and scale of these concessions depending on the tension in Soviet-British relations. The conclusion is made that the Curzon memorandum provoked a turn in the Soviet policy towards Poland which Moscow did not fully abandon even when the fears of forming a new anti-Soviet coalition were dispelled. The article also substantiates the reasons why the Soviet leadership decided not to give up its readiness to make a number of concessions to Poland, despite the fact that in June 1923 there was no threat of a new anti-Soviet intervention and Warsaw's participation in it.
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Yim, Denise. "Dangerous Liaisons. New light on the reasons for the expulsion of the violinist G.B. Viotti from Britain in 1798." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 15, no. 2 (October 27, 2016): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409816000240.
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In March 1798 the violinist Giovanni Battista Viotti was expelled from Britain, suspected of being a Jacobin sympathizer. He was allowed to return to England in the summer of 1799 under circumstances that have remained vague to this day. In 1811 he was granted British denizenship, but only after petitioning the Crown. To understand the British Government’s determined stance against Viotti it is necessary to examine his life in Paris in the period 1789–92 – his friendship with the Jacobin journalist-diplomat Hugues Bernard Maret, his entrepreneurial activities, and his attempted takeover of the Paris Opera. These activities were remembered by two eccentric characters of the age, both spies for the British government. The first was an unscrupulous French ultraroyalist, the Comte d’Antraigues. The second was the dogmatic and at times irrational Englishman W.A. Miles, who was especially suspicious of Viotti’s pupil Pierre Rode, who made an unexpected landing in Britain in early 1798. In this article I re-examine the question of Viotti’s expulsion from Britain in light of new evidence against the violinist, some of it apparently damning, and attempt to determine once and for all whether the order was justified.
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Obaidullah and Md Masud Rana. "Re-reading of Society and Culture in the Context of Administrative System in 19th Century British Bengal: A Review." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 11, no. 1 (February 17, 2024): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol11iss1pp1-16.
Full textAbstract:
There have been revolutionary changes in the arts, literature and culture of Bengal during the post-Polasshey battle period. As the British interfered with the rule and government system, the then Muslims left no stone unturned to protect the so-called religious values cherished by Muslims. During this time the British brought about a lot of administrative reformation by passing and enacting newer laws in order to ensure their power long lasting. Although the British started ruling the Bengal with the purpose of trade and commerce at the beginning, later on they started ruling for political gains. They formulated laws that were suited to the existing society and culture and so the influence of newer forms of culture increased gradually. Although the local Muslims rejected the arts, education and culture of the British merchants, the Hindu community soon accepted them and became successful in attaining the satisfaction and favourism of the British. Thus, the Hindus solely succeeded in playing a great role in influencing the administration. After a further deterioration of the Muslims in the administrative role in the 19th century, the Muslim leaders realized the situation and they took some timely decisions. As a result, an introduction to Muslim renaissance started along with the changes of their previous negligence. By that time, the youths of the Hindu community, patronized by the British merchants and ruling community, have gained sole control in most of the social indexes including trade and commerce, education and job sectors. During this period, there arose a complicated proximity in the relationship between the Hindus and the Muslims and a result, a great change went through the socio-cultural aspects. The Muslims participated in some minor to significant rebellious movements against the British to get rid of the antagonistic/contradictory behavior, discrimination and exploitation of the British. These movements, although were not completely successful outwardly, paved the way for preparing a strong foundation of nationalistic movements later on. Thus, there arose a new context in which the study of language, arts, literature and gaining knowledge got a new dimension which paved the way for a new culture amidst the repudiation of the British elements.
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Crammer, J. L. "Twenty-five Years of the British Journal of Psychiatry." British Journal of Psychiatry 153, no. 4 (October 1988): 434–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.153.4.434.
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The year 1963 was a time of innovation and excitement in British psychiatry, thanks largely to the National Health Service (NHS), which in 1948 had taken the mental hospitals from the control of the local authorities and made them part of a national service, which meant more money and far more medical staff. Rehabilitation of chronically ill patients resulted in a proliferation of out-patient clinics, home assessments, day hospitals, and even halfway houses; doors were unlocked, and informality became the order of the day. Hospitals with enough nurses demonstrated that the whole adult psychiatric service of an area could be successfully provided without a single locked door and almost without a compulsory order in a year. Medical superintendents disappeared and therapeutic communities developed. Suicide ceased to be a crime and became a new subject of research. And, of course, it was the era of successful chemotherapy, chlorpromazine in 1954 and imipramine in 1957 being the first of many drugs used.
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Kahlenberg, Caroline. "New Arab Maids: Female Domestic Work, “New Arab Women,” and National Memory in British Mandate Palestine." International Journal of Middle East Studies 52, no. 3 (June 29, 2020): 449–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743820000379.
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AbstractThe “new Arab woman” of the early 20th century has received much recent scholarly attention. According to the middle- and upper-class ideal, this woman was expected to strengthen the nation by efficiently managing her household, educating her children, and contributing to social causes. Yet, we cannot fully understand the “new Arab woman” without studying the domestic workers who allowed this class to exist. Domestic workers carried out much of the physical labor that let their mistresses pursue new standards of domesticity, social engagement, and participation in nationalist organizations. This article examines relationships between Arab housewives and female domestic workers in British Mandate Palestine (1920–1948) through an analysis of domestic reform articles and memoirs. Arab domestic reformers argued that elite housewives, in order to become truly modern women, had to treat maids with greater respect and adjust to the major socioeconomic changes that peasants were experiencing, yet still maintain a clear hierarchy in the home. Palestinian memoirists, meanwhile, often imagine their pre-1948 homes as a site of Palestinian national solidarity. Their memories of intimate relationships that developed between elite families and peasant maids have crucially shaped nationalist narratives that celebrate the Palestinian peasantry.
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Goscilo, Helena. "Between the gangster and the country gentleman: Male fashion during the volatile 1990s." Critical Studies in Men???s Fashion 6, no. 1 (September 1, 2019): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/csmf_00004_1.
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Official de-Sovietization during the chaotic 1990s ushered in ‘The New’ – ostensibly, a new sociopolitical and economic order, a new business vocabulary, the new word ‘rossiiane’ for Russian citizens, the New Russians and the new genre of male fashion. Much of the new, in fact, recuperated the pre-Soviet old, including appropriation of western styles in sundry walks of life. Within male fashion, sartorial choice signalled allegiance to the ‘new’ order, financial and social status, individualism or membership in various collectives. Glossies targeting a male readership served as both primers and advertisements for men intent on forging an identity expressed in sartorial choices derived from such western modes as grunge, pop, Mafia, British rural garb and youth-eclectic ‘casual’. For better and worse, that plethora reflected the seemingly endless options for the country during the Yeltsin era.