Academic literature on the topic 'New Age movement – Political aspects'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'New Age movement – Political aspects.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "New Age movement – Political aspects"
1
Vodovnik, Ziga, and Andrej Grubacic. "“Yes, we camp!”: Democracy in the Age Occupy." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 537–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.537-557(2015).
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the global mass assembly movement, focusing on its redefinitions of democracy and political membership, where one of the most interesting and promising aspects is reaffirmation of spatiality. In a way, the so-called Occupy Movement imagined new concepts of democracy and political membership worked out on a more manageable scale, that is to say, within local communities. We build on the recent scholarly attention given to the notion of nonstate spaces, which we chose to call exilic spaces because they are populated by communities that voluntarily or involuntarily attempt escape from both state regulation and capitalist accumulation.
2
Bertuzzi, Niccolò. "Political Generations and the Italian Environmental Movement(s): Innovative Youth Activism and the Permanence of Collective Actors." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 11 (March 8, 2019): 1556–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831735.
Full textAbstract:
During recent years, Italian social movements have experienced a period of crisis, in part due to diffuse antipolitical feelings and latent social conflict. However, environmental issues and especially territorial mobilizations remain relevant, due to the appearance of new contentious actors and to the permanence of long-standing organizations and important local grassroots campaigns. Based on 19 semistructured interviews with activists belonging to informal groups and formal associations, this article discusses the role of age and generations within the variegated Italian environmental archipelago, in which organizational and collective aspects prove to currently have a relevant role. Indeed, age does not represent an important fracture, representing a partial anomaly if confronted with the other case studies discussed in this special issue. The only diversities between cohorts are related to the forms of action preferred and (eventually) adopted, while the common perception of job precariousness among young activists is not translated into a single frame and common path of resistance. More than a Millennials’ identity, it is rather appropriate to speak of various and divergent political generations: individuals belonging to different cohorts share some ideologies and visions of the world, especially related to territorial belongings or to specific ways of looking at environmental issues. Also for this reason, a final comparison between contemporary young activists and those of previous generations is proposed to address the generation(s) in movement(s) in a dynamic perspective.
3
Gow, James S., and Kathleen M. Grow. "Self-Esteem and Spiritual Vision." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 19, no. 1 (2007): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2007191/23.
Full textAbstract:
To fully engage virtue ethics, this essay examines movements in moral education which have led North America's youth simultaneously to the edge of illiteracy of mind and spirit. The self-esteem movement encompasses values clarification, political correctness, and New Age aspects, A mathematical analogy provides a reference point for the necessity of moving from emphasis on theorem-like ideals toward incorporating a sense of moral and spiritual vision. Both cognitively and affectively, this is based in lived relational experience. The inherent opportunities of mystery and choice are key properties in addressing self-centeredness as distinguished from moral and spiritual vision. Humanists and religious believers differ in their recognition of a transcendent God. The essay concludes that to self-select one's own criteria for self-giving may, ironically, render the authentic practice of virtue ethics categorically impossible.
4
Pandya, Samta. "‘Social’ Face of the Brahmakumaris in India." Fieldwork in Religion 8, no. 1 (October 29, 2013): 50–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.v8i1.50.
Full textAbstract:
Based on fieldwork, this article analyses the Brahmakumaris movement in India in terms of its contemporary perspectives and praxis nuances. The focus is that its contemporary stance is a mix of millenarianism, simultaneous accommodation-assimilation and subtle exclusivity. Commencing with a brief overview of the charisma, genesis and cultural geographies, the contemporary perspectives and visions on society, stratification, ethics and transformation have been discussed. These include the re-interpretations reflecting in ontology and epistemology, through the Raja Yoga propositions; in cosmology and historicity, through the world tree concept; and, an eventual instrumentalism and “New Age-ification” in praxis. Woven intermittently is the critique of the epistemological hybrid. The “social” angle in praxis nuances comes through aspects of volition, prescriptivism and doctrinarism, and the institutionalized endeavours. The political economy of practice through dimensions of memory and oblivion which determine the operational style has been deliberated. The new thematic and methodological insights gained from fieldwork have been discussed.
5
Belin, Luciane Leopoldo. "CONSERVADORISMO COMO DIRETRIZ: O QUE O CONTEÚDO E O LÉXICO DO ENCARTE «NOSSAS CONVICÇÕES» DIZEM SOBRE O JORNAL ‘GAZETA DO POVO’." INDEX COMUNICACION 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 169–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33732/ixc/10/02conser.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses 28 articles of a manifesto that launched a new phase for the Brazilian newspaper Gazeta do Povo, and officially presented its political opinion on various social, moral, religious and political issues. Mannheim's concept and its applications in the current Brazilian reality, as well as a brief discussion about the transformations of journalism in the digital age, this article uses a methodology divided in two parts —content analysis combined with lexical analysis— to understand what are the characteristics of contemporary conservative thinking present in the material in question. The presence of a critical discourse to the positions of progressive movements such as feminist and LGBTI+, the recurrence of arguments against the right to abortion and the defense of maintaining the concept of the traditional family are some of the results found in the analysis, which also identified the presence of a concern with aspects related to entrepreneurship. In the analyzed content, the idea of «family» appears as a central element and religion, recurrent aspect within the considered content, is associated with the State much more than the rights and autonomy of women.
6
Medeiros, Azize Maria Yared de. "Conspiração aquariana revisitada: correlações com as filosofias de Henri Bergson e William James." PHENOMENOLOGICAL STUDIES - Revista da Abordagem Gestáltica 14, no. 1 (2008): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18065/rag.2008v14n1.10.
Full textAbstract:
Analysis of the book The Aquarian Conspiracy by Marilyn Ferguson, which focuses on the origins of a New Age within western societies. Ferguson reviews aspects of the social movements that questioned the rational scientific paradigm leading to the birth of a consciousness revolution. After describing the confusion and crisis of belief and knowledge that occurs in post-modern societies, it is shown that Fergusons arguments points out that a rebirth of a new spirituality (based in the search for mystical experiences) is motivated by the idea that true knowledge comes from within the individual. There is a strong correlation between Fergusons assertion and the philosophical studies of Bergson and James in two primary ways: Intuition as a form of knowledge overcomes the limits of rationality and leads to the essence of what is being known, and faith is the result of the will to confirm what we have already anticipated as being real. Our conclusion presents the emergence of a real conspiracy as the foundation of a global spirituality capable of sustaining life on this planet promoted and supported by individuals.
7
BOGATYREV, ARSENIY. "THE KING WHO RISES AND REPENTS (TWO HYPOSTASES OF JAN III SOBIESKI IN THE REPORTS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOMAT)." Культурный код, no. 4 (2020): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36945/2658-3852-2020-4-35-50.
Full textAbstract:
The Age of Louis XIV is characterized by the pomp and splendor of court ceremonial, which had the goal, among other things, to exalt the figure of the sovereign. But in different traditions, not everything was so clear. This paper examines two seemingly mutually exclusive characteristics of the king of the Polish- Lithuanian Commonwealth, Jan III Sobieski. In the Russian translation of records from the reports of the Moscow permanent embassy in Warsaw, the image of the monarch is combined with the exploits of the crusaders. The passage clarifies some aspects of the political propaganda of the epoch of Jan III, makes it possible to better imagine the folding of his image as a knight of the new crusades against the Muslim Turks. The reference to the crusaders also fills in some gaps in the awareness of some Russians-intellectuals, representatives of high society, about the history of the Crusader movement. Another case studied in the article is not the heroic side of the king, a penitent sinner who begs for forgiveness for a crime of the legendary past. Here a phrase is analyzed, which in the Russian translation of the novel by the popular Polish writer Andrzej Sapkowski "Narrenturm" was rendered as "pal krestom na pol". This is not the first appearance of the expression in Russian - we notice something similar in the notes of the Russian resident in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The author of the article tries to reveal the "semantic levels" of an unusual phrase, to discover the relationship between the utterance and the cultural and political situation in Rzeczpospolita of the XVII century.
8
Kirosova, Natalia V. "REVISITING THE ISSUE OF WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN NATIONAL-STATE BUILDING THE KOMI AUTONOMY IN 1920–1930s." Historical Search 1, no. 3 (December 21, 2020): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2020-1-3-30-37.
Full textAbstract:
The study of the gender aspect in the personnel policy of the RCP (b) – ACP (b) during the period of the Soviet power establishment is one of the most interesting historical issues. The article discusses the experience of involving women in the political life of the Komi Autonomous Region – the Komi ASSR in the first years of statehood formation. On the example of creating women’s organizations in the party-state apparatus and their participation in delegate meetings, the first experience of women’s socialization into the “new life” is summarized. The article presents as well the results of analyzing the social-demographic and social-professional information about women-participants of Komi regional party conferences held during the specified period. The study was carried out using such sources as questionnaires and registration lists of women-delegates containing personal data on their age, nationality, party experience, social position, education level. Documents and materials of sixteen party conferences were processed – from January 1922 to January 1940. Based on the study of social characteristics of activists of the women’s movement it is established that mainly representatives of the indigenous nationality took part in the work of the supreme governing body, of whom a significant part belonged to the peasant community. In the composition of the women’s delegate corps of the 1920s there were more women who had secondary education, while at the regional conference held in the 1930s, mainly delegates with primary level of education were present. Personal data obtained from the archival sources give the opportunity to form a generalized social portrait of women, occupying the managerial positions in the party-state authorities. Most of them were communists of indigenous nationality, employees by their social status; they had a secondary or higher education and had the teaching background. The author analyzes their movement through the ranks which changed the social status of the women’s movement activists. However, despite the comprehensive women’s involvement in the socio-political life of the Komi region, in the community of the supreme party-state leadership there was a considerable gender asymmetry.
9
Shahinyan, Arsen K. "New Research in the Military History of the Late Rome and early Byzantium. A review of : Mekhamadiev, E. A. (2019). A Military Organization of the Later Roman Empire in 253–353 AD: From Emperor Gallienus’ Reforms to the Age of the Tetrarchy (253–305). St. Petersburg: Peterburgskoe Vostokovedenie Publishers. 406 p." Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 408–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.024.
Full textAbstract:
This paper states that the monograph published E. A. Mekhamadiev, a researcher from St. Petersburg, is a fundamental study of the Later Roman military organization, with especial attention to the epigraphic and papyrological accounts. The use of these sources allows the author to reconstruct the history of specific military units, their spatial movements, participation in various military campaigns and wars, and changes in their ranks. Important is that Mekhamadiev examined the internal (organizational) structure of all regional armies of the Roman empire from 253 to 305 and not restricted himself to specific and narrow aspects of history of a particular province or country. The author of the book under present review has analysed the data related to both the eastern and the western imperial provinces, discovered close interrelations of the western and eastern provinces, and indicated permanent movements of the military units from the west to east and in the opposite direction depending on the geopolitical and home political situation.
10
Kravchenko, Iryna. "DEVELOPMENT OF THE ARCHITECTURE OF NON-FORMAL EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS IN 1917-1940 ON THE TERRITORY OF UKRAINE." Current problems of architecture and urban planning, no. 60 (April 26, 2021): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2077-3455.2021.60.105-116.
Full textAbstract:
The study of the periodization of the development of architecture of non-formal education institutions (hereinafter NFEI) combines the following aspects: pedagogical aspect (is the decisive one, according to the author), social, political, scientific and technical aspects that are inherent in the era. The author investigates the developmental periods of architecture of non-formal education institutions. The time limits studied in the article from 1917 to 1940 belong to the second stage of development of NFEIs and their architecture - the period of development and formation. Many scholars and educators note that in Ukraine the existence of non-formal education covers the following areas: extracurricular education; postgraduate education and adult education; civil education; school and student self-government; educational initiatives aimed at developing additional skills and abilities; universities of the third age that provide educational services to the elderly. Given the modern interpretation and combination into a single concept - "lifelong learning" - all forms of education, this article examines the formation of the architecture of additional education institutions for all ages, i.e. analyzes the conditions that led to the creation of appropriate architectural forms, and the main, according to the author, examples and characteristics. This stage of development of NFEIs and their architectural and typological links is the period after the First World War and the beginning of the Soviet Union era. The nature of functioning remains mainly compensatory and educational. During this period, a unique world-renowned system of extracurricular activities is developed. Educational institutions and institutions of additional education in public houses and public schools continue to function. Various professional associations were born in the Soviet Union, and clubs, houses, and palaces of culture began to be built for them. In addition, during this period in Ukraine, religious institutions are gradually losing their influence, and educational functions are transferred to other institutions: libraries, houses and palaces of culture and so on. The beginning of the youth movement, stations of young nature lovers are created. The organization of seasonal (summer) children's camps takes new pedagogical and ideological forms. At this stage, specialized institutions started to form that carried out extracurricular educational work in one specific direction: stations for young naturalists, young technicians, children's railways, children's theaters and cinemas, libraries, sports and music schools - specialized non-formal education institutions. Institutions of a wide profile continued to function and had an appropriate number of offices and workshops - clubs of various types.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "New Age movement – Political aspects"
1
Ellery, Margaret. "Making the frontier manifest : the representation of American politics in new age literature." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0043.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the history of the New Age movement through a political analysis of influential New Age books. By drawing upon cultural, religious and American studies, and concepts from literary criticism and political science, a new understanding of the movement becomes possible. This thesis analyses the ideological representations and rhetorical strategies employed in both New Age literature and American presidential discourse. It is argued that their shared imagery and discursive features indicate that New Age writings derive their ideological underpinnings and textual devices from dominant beliefs of American nationalism. This historical examination begins with the Cold War in the late 1940s and ends with the 1990s. Each chapter traces parallels between a particular presidential discourse and New Age texts published in the same decade commencing with Dwight D. Eisenhower and The Doors of Perception and finishing with William J. Clinton and The Celestine Prophecy: An Adventure. It argues that the appropriation of particular spiritualities in New Age texts is closely related to contemporary American geo-political interests and understandings. Major New Age spiritual trends are derived from regions, most often in the third world, which are considered to be under threat from forces such as Communism. New Age writings construct an imaginary possession of these worlds, reconfiguring these sites into frontiers of American influence. In particular, this study examines the influence of the jeremiads and the ensuing Monroe Doctrine and Manifest Destiny ideologies upon post-war national beliefs and the extent to which these understandings of nationalism inform New Age discourse. Representations of time and space, destiny and landscape, and self and other in these literary and political contexts are analysed. From this perspective, the eclecticism that marks the New Age can be historically understood as a shifting cultural expression of Cold War and post-Cold War political responses. Consequently, New Age literature is one of the means by which dominant American identity is reproduced and disseminated in what seems to be an alternative spiritual context.
2
Kensicki, Linda Jean. "Media construction of an elitist environmental movement new frontiers for second level agenda setting and political activism /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3034551.
Full text
3
Wakabi, Wairagala. "A critical analysis of the coverage of Uganda's 2000 referendum by The New Vision and The Monitor newspapers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002947.
Full textAbstract:
On July 29 2000, Uganda held a referendum to decide whether to continue with the ruling Noparty Movement system or to revert to the Multi-party platform. This research entails a qualitative content analysis of the role the media played in driving debate and understanding of the referendum and its role in the country’s democratisation process. The research is informed by Jurgen Habermas’s public sphere paradigm as well as the sociological theory of news production. The research covers Uganda’s two English dailies – The New Vision and The Monitor, examining whether they provided a public sphere accessible to all citizens and devoid of ideological hegemony. It concludes that the newspapers were incapable of providing such a sphere because of the structural nature of Ugandan society and the papers’ own capitalistic backgrounds and ownership interests. The research concludes that such English language newspapers published in a country with a low literacy rate and low income levels, can only provide a public sphere to elite and privileged sections of society. A case is then made that multiple public spheres would be better suited to represent the views of diverse interest groups.
4
Guess, Andrew Markus. "A New Era of Measurable Effects? Essays on Political Communication in the New Media Age." Thesis, 2015. https://doi.org/10.7916/D89C6X6R.
Full textAbstract:
In this dissertation, I explore the ways in which traditional processes of opinion formation, media exposure, and mobilization operate in a networked, fragmented, and high-choice environment. From a methodological standpoint, one of the advantages of this shift toward Internet-mediated activity is the potential for enhanced measurement. In my dissertation, I take advantage of the data trail left by individuals in order to learn about political behavior and media effects online. Combining this measurement strategy with field experiments conducted in naturalistic online environments, I am able to shed light on how longstanding concerns in political science manifest themselves in the present-day media landscape. The overarching theme is that, thanks to advances in both research design and technology, many well-articulated concerns about the impact of the Internet on politics and public life can now be subjected to rigorous scrutiny. As I show here, the most dire predictions -- about people's tendency to cocoon themselves into ideological echo chambers or opt for low-cost "slacktivism" over more meaningful contributions to collective action -- appear to lack strong support. But it is also clear that results clearly depend on the structural features of a particular medium: Twitter enables peer effects and the mutual reinforcement of viewpoints, while the high-choice environment of the Web may inherently lead to moderation.
5
Mahla, Daniel. "Orthodoxy in the Age of Nationalism: Agudat Yisrael and the Religious Zionist Movement in Germany, Poland and Palestine 1912-1952." Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8Q81BCR.
Full textAbstract:
While it is widely recognized that Zionism was inspired and shaped by modern European nationalism, Orthodox responses to Zionism (whether nationalist or anti-nationalist) are typically viewed as internal Jewish affairs. This dissertation argues that these responses, like Zionism itself, must be understood in their Eastern and Central European contexts. When appropriately contextualized, the anti-Zionist Agudat Yisrael and the Zionist Mizrahi movement take on a different meaning than that assigned them in the conventional narrative. In particular, these movements were not the natural and inevitable results of preexisting ideological differences but, rather, were a product of power struggles that, themselves, shaped and consolidated differing ideological positions.
6
Knight, Simon A. "Reluctant realists: the Pacific Northwest lumber industry, federal labor standards and union legislation during the New Deal." Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2591.
Full textAbstract:
The relationship between government and business during the New Deal can best be understood as one based on mutual dependence rather than endemic hostility. This is demonstrated with reference to the Northwest lumber industry and its response to New Deal labor standards and labor union legislation. The Northwest lumber industry during the 1920s and 1930s was beset by the problems of overproduction and cut throat competition which plagued much of American industry during the Great Depression. Industry leaders strove for ways in which to regulate a fiercely competitive marketplace. Attempts to foist higher production standards on marginal competitors through the promotion of voluntary trade associations failed because of the absence of enforcement mechanisms within the associational structure. The National Recovery Administration (NRA) similarly failed to provide a disciplined framework for competition in the region because the federal government failed to fulfill its role as an enforcement agent, although the experience of the NRA did suggest to the industry the potential benefits of stabilizing the marketplace through the regulation of labor costs, which were such a significant and vulnerable item in the business calculations of lumber operations. The problem of enforcement, however, remained. Labor unions had a record under the NRA and in the coal and clothing industries as an effective regulator of labor standards, but the memory of radical unionism in the early lumber industry combined with a concern for managerial prerogatives to forestall any voluntary support on the part of Northwest lumber leaders for unionisation in the region. The elevation of unions under the National Labor Relations Act, however, prompted versatile lumber executives to use the empowered unions for their own regulatory purposes. Never entirely comfortable with the potential costs of strong unions, the Northwest lumber industry turned to the federal regulation offered under the Fair Labor Standards Act as an additional, effective and less risky method of securing much needed stability in the industry.
Books on the topic "New Age movement – Political aspects"
1
Webster, Frank. Culture and politics in the information age: A new politics? New York: Routledge, 2001.
Find full text
2
Fino. New Age spiritualism, New Age sexuality. Tucson, Ariz: Silver Circle Press, 1994.
Find full text
3
Ribner, Melinda. New age Judaism. Secaucus, N.J: Carol, 1999.
Find full text
4
Mutschler, Hans-Dieter. Physik, Religion, New Age. Würzburg: Echter, 1990.
Find full text
5
Terrin, Aldo N. New Age: La religiosità del postmoderno. Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane, 1992.
Find full text
6
Le New-Age: Ritualités et mythologies contemporaines. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2000.
Find full text
7
Paul, McGuire. Supernatural faith in the New Age. Springdale, Pa: Whitaker House, 1987.
Find full text
8
Your child & the New Age. Wheaton, Ill: Victor Books, 1990.
Find full text
9
Padberg, Lutz von. New Age und Feminismus: Die neue Spiritualität. Frankfurt am Main: Ullstein, 1990.
Find full text
10
Padberg, Lutz von. New age und Feminismus: Die neue Spiritualität. 2nd ed. Asslar: Schulte + Gerth, 1988.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "New Age movement – Political aspects"
1
Alahmed, Anas. "Political Information, Political Power, and People Power." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 1–25. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6066-3.ch001.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter explores the concept of new media in the Arab world and how politics in the information age has changed Arab politics and moved citizens to the streets. However, the evolution of new media social networks and the cause of political information in particular during the revolution is not studied alone. In fact, the evolution of the Arab Spring and the effects of new media social networks are taken into account by exploring how politics in the information age has influenced Arab citizens and allowed them to use information for the greater good and established such a new social movement. This chapter takes the Arab Spring as a case study and an empirical example to understand the transnational protests and global movements, the concept of global media and global politics in the case of the Arab Spring, new media and new politics regarding the Arab Spring, and city and street and public sphere as people power in the information age. Finally, the chapter distinguishes between the new social movements through social networks and the roles of ICTs to aim revolution and whether such a revolution will erupt without new media social networks.
2
Rosas, António. "Protesting in a Cultural Frame." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 296–318. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6066-3.ch018.
Full textAbstract:
ICTs and particularly the Internet are changing national and international politics. International organizations, activists, and even national governments are now extending their organizational resources and apparatuses to the digital virtual worlds, thus expanding the horizons of politics to new levels and challenges. In this chapter, the author concentrates on a surprising and unprecedented initiative that took place in Portugal in March 12th, 2011, the “Geração à Rasca” protests, as well as on the March 12th Movement (M12M), the social movement that followed it. More precisely, the chapter examines how Internet-enabled technologies, like social media, were used as tactics for political organization and mobilization, and how several political cultures were activated. In a country where non-conventional politics was limited to unions and to well-demarcated interests, those two initiatives inaugurated a new era of political participation and democratic opposition. For the first time, 4 young graduates, who never participated in politics before, were able to mobilize more than 500,000 people in several cities of the country, while adapting their messages to the particular political cultures of their “natural” constituencies, the young unemployed or underpaid seasonable workers, to the overall population, dissatisfied with the economic performance of successive governments, and to the more radical groups still committed to the political cultures of the 1974 Carnations Revolution. Besides those tactical and discursive uses, political and economic contexts, contingent events, and the support of symbolic elites were also important factors in both initiatives.
3
Boehm, Ryan. "Civic Cults between Continuity and Change." In City and Empire in the Age of the Successors. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520296923.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter considers the important role of the polis as a religious community. Reconstructing cultic continuities and changes reveals aspects of social response to the rupture and discontinuity posed by population movement, settlement shift, and political change. The epigraphic, literary, and archaeological evidence allows us to piece together important indications of how traditional cultic and religious identities intersected with innovation. The chapter first maps the changing religious landscape of regions before and after urban mergers and considers how and why particular cults survived or died out and what this meant for the community that resulted. It then shows the ways in which central sanctuaries and civic cults served as focal points for integrating the discrete citizen groups into the polis, and the ways in which the traditional sacred landscape was simultaneously respected and replicated in the center of the new city. Finally, it examines the ways in which these synoikized communities—and, at times, their original constitutive parts—participated in religious and theoric networks such as koina and Panhellenic festivals.
4
Pinheiro, Francisco A. C. "Politically Oriented Database Applications." In Handbook of Research on Innovations in Database Technologies and Applications, 214–20. IGI Global, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-242-8.ch025.
Full textAbstract:
Technology pervades every aspect of modern life. It has an impact on the democratic life of a nation (Chen, Gibson, & Geiselhart, 2006) and is frequently an object of dispute and negotiation, affecting the way politics is done, by shaping new forms of planning and performing political actions. The changing of professional politics is fuelled up by the increasing use of information and communication technologies by both citizens and organizations. Attempts to increase the use of technology to run elections (Hawthorn & Simons, 2006) are just one aspect of this movement. Many researchers also identify a steady pace of change on the nature of political parties and the ways politics is performed by politicians: Margetts (2001) notices the emergence of cyber parties, characterized by technologically-aided relationships between party and voters rather then formal membership. Pedersen and Saglie (2005) present a survey discussing how this and other kinds of party organizations (e.g. media and networked parties) affect traditional Scandinavian parties. Information systems are themselves instruments of power in several ways. As an example, Hayes and Walsham (1999) discuss the political use of information stored in shared databases. Their study shows how databases storing contact and activity information were used by employees and managers to foster they careers, impose their views and control people subordinated to them. Applications used in or related to politics are information intensive, making databases a prime element in building politically oriented applications. This article discusses some aspects of database related technology necessary for this kind of application.
5
Selke, Stefan. "The new economy of poverty." In Austerity, Community Action, and the Future of Citizenship. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447331032.003.0012.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter reflects the consequences of an established system of poverty relief: German foodbanks (Tafeln), which meanwhile have become part of the basic food supply of many citizens. Even if Tafeln consider themselves as a social movement they more and more appear as moral enterprises. This requires the analysis of the fundamental mechanisms within the economy of poverty, such as the commercialization of morals and the corresponding corruption of values. German foodbanks predominantly find their resonance in the system of economy. On the basis of reliable relationships to their moral clients, foodbanks are supplied with goods, equipment and services. The product they offer in return is a moral profit in the form of a positive image, which is useful in the context of Corporate Social Responsibility activities. As a social enterprise foodbanks imitate and emulate the prevailing economic rationality on every level from local practices to long-term strategies. This encompasses aspects such as differentiation of their range of products, securing the availability of their supply, quality management, professionalization as well as the efficiency enhancement. With their trademark protection and branding as Tafel, German foodbanks have emerged as monopolists on the market of pity, driving off other projects according to the logic of competition. The chapter comes to the conclusion that we have arrived in a society of spectacles in which it is becoming easier to receive public approval for symbolic poverty relief than it is to establish political legitimacy through sustainable fight for poverty reduction.
6
"MOU Convergence." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 174–96. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-8961-7.ch008.
Full textAbstract:
Several historical, sociocultural, and political dimensions have shaped the development and the discourse and practice of the trade union movement. The characteristics of “traditional” trade union discourse and practice are explored, providing a contextual understanding for the contest, challenge, and change evidenced by the process of translation into the MOU actor network. There are several implications for the “identity,” “relational,” and “ideational” aspects of trade union discourse and industrial relations practice by convergence with the MOU actor network. However, while relationships within the black box of network interaction affords the union movement prominence and access to the powerful halls of leadership and governance, the union constituency becomes contested in acceding to discoursal change and practice resulting in “boxing and dancing” within the new context of diminished adversarialism.
7
Cerasi, Laura. "Tra nostalgia preindustriale, ghildismo e rinascita nazionale Il pensiero sociale di Ruskin nel dibattito culturale italiano." In John Ruskin’s Europe. A Collection of Cross-Cultural Essays With an Introductory Lecture by Salvatore Settis. Venice: Fondazione Università Ca’ Foscari, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-487-5/021.
Full textAbstract:
Ruskin’s social criticism, which in Unto This Last (1862) harshly condemned the effects of industrialism by mythologizing medieval age and craftmanship, had a wide influence on social reformers of various political orientations: William Morris, J.A. Hobson, the Art and Crafts Movement, the guildism of Arthur Penty and GHD Cole and the New Age circle, with an impact that went as far as the early decades of the 20th century. While his work as an art critic was promptly received in the Italian cultural debate, his social criticism found little audience, at least until the turn of the centuries, and anyway not in the sphere of economic and sociological culture. In this contribution I intend to examine how the circulation of Ruskin’s social thought in the Italian cultural debate between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was inscribed in the renewed interest in the social function of art, advocated in the Florentine literary journal Il Marzocco with particular reference to the work of Lev Tolstoy by young intellectuals such as Ugo Ojetti, Angelo Orvieto, and Enrico Corradini, as well as established critics as Angelo Conti. The debate became a watershed moment in Italian culture, involving crucial issues as identity and tradition, artistic heritage and national rebirth. By including in this cultural framework the reception of Ruskin’s social criticism, I intend to highlight its connection with the emergence of the movement for the conservation of the artistic heritage, in which Il Mazocco had a leading role, and to suggest it having mixed political implications. Ruskinian references were channeled in a perspective of national rebirth and regeneration; for a paradoxical but interesting twist, aspects of Ruskin's anti-industrialist and medievalist imagery converged within the new nationalist and nationalist dimension that crossed the Italian (and European) culture of the first decade of the century.
8
Chow, Alex Yong Kang. "Prefigurative Politics of the Umbrella Movement." In Take Back Our Future, 34–51. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501740916.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter discusses how the Umbrella Movement was an instance of prefigurative politics. Prefigurative politics refers to political actions or movements in which political ideals are experimentally realized in the “here and now,” in which activists attempt to construct aspects of the ideal society envisioned in the present, rather than waiting for them to be realized in a distant future. It means that political principles are embodied in current behavior, not put on hold until the time is deemed right for them to be deployed. Analyzing the everyday culture of the seventy-nine-day occupation through the lens of prefigurative politics, the chapter then shows two salient dynamics that propelled and fractured the movement. First, occupiers built an alternative urban commons that embraced equality, sharing, and solidarity in everyday life, envisioning a utopian socioeconomic order different from the existing one in Hong Kong. Second, throughout the movement, occupiers and leaders struggled with the idea and practice of leadership. The predicament of ambivalent, ambiguous, and fragmented leadership in what some protesters deemed a “leaderless” movement led to indecision at several critical junctures of the movement.
9
BANFIELD, STEPHEN. "Tudorism in English Music, 1837–1953." In Tudorism. British Academy, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264942.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
Between the early nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries, a cultivated relationship with the music of a favoured period in the distant national past was a pervasive aspect of high, and sometimes lower, musical culture in England. This chapter first sketches a general picture of that relationship before presenting some particular case studies. It addresses the following questions: to what extent does Tudorism in music refer to the revival of music itself, to what extent to its stylistic emulation in nineteenth- and twentieth-century English compositions? Was it a matter of appealing to the Tudors to set a political agenda for music? Tudorism in English music was many things but also one very definite thing — a conscious modelling of style or atmosphere in musical composition on that of a perceived golden age of national culture. It was in some respects part of the early music movement that Harry Haskell identified as beginning in 1829 with Mendelssohn's revival of J. S. Bach's St Matthew Passion, yet not the same thing insofar as that movement was about reviving discarded old music and Tudorism was about creating new music in an earlier image.
10
Micalizzi, Alessandra, and Alessandra Nieli. "#M5S (Five Star Movement) and the National Political Campaign." In Handbook of Research on Politics in the Computer Age, 217–34. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-0377-5.ch013.
Full textAbstract:
In 2009, a new political movement was born in Italy. It is called “Five Star Movement” (M5S) and it was positioned as a new voice of Italian people: alternative, populist, against élites, and against the traditional “way of doing” politic in the First and Second Republic Age. The power of this new political subject is linked with the use of social media platforms to communicate and share information, opinions, and positions with its “base” in a participative democracy perspective. In the last national political campaign, the M5S obtained 32% of the votes with a peak in the South of Italy. The chapter aims at presenting the main results of an empirical research focused on Sicilian voters of the East coast, in order to verify if and how digital communication helped in obtaining this success. Data show evidence about the relevance recognized to social media as first direct sources for collecting political information. The respondents express a large consent for traditional media that maintain in the public opinion a strong reputation in construction and share the public-sphere.
Conference papers on the topic "New Age movement – Political aspects"
1
Mancini, Francesco Maria, and Tanja Glusac. "Void of Power." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6172.
Full textAbstract:
The history of built environment reflects the rise and fall of political systems, their conflicts, social contradictions and ultimately, the state of being of particular civic societies over time. Former symbols of power, such as ancient monuments, palaces and churches still express their symbolic, economic, cultural and political value which constituted in different ages the motivation for their being. Today these are replaced by new symbols of contemporary economic forces which through skyscrapers express global tendency and power shifts. While such edifices are recognizable embodiments of power and political systems of their time, less visible, yet equally potent, are the shifts and voids in power relations. To fully comprehend the role of architecture in expressing and supporting power structures, it is important to question the concept of architecture as a mere act of presence (construction) and consider instead the void and its complementary aspects: absence, erasure and ideological need for demolition, as expressions of power. This paper considers power within the parameters of void, which extend beyond the notion of “tabula rasa” that has characterized many urban transformations. By considering the emblematic case of Via dell’ Impero, analyzing various ‘iconic’ works of architecture for their role in expressing power of institutions and individuals, and identifying dispersion as an underhanded way of exercising power, this paper proposes a more complex reading of urban transformations. It offers moments of reflection and a shift in research focus in terms of how the void is used today to express and support present power relations.
2
Akbar, Poeti Nazura Gulfira, and Jurian Edelembos. "Place-making in Indonesian Kampung: A Case Study of Bustaman, Semarang. Creating Urban Spaces that Enhance Local Empowerment." In 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/ljth4799.
Full textAbstract:
For almost a decade, there has been a grassroots movement in the country that adopts placemaking in kampungs (Indonesian urban informal settlements) through cultural and contemporary art festivals. The common issues that have been faced by almost every kampung are to maintain their existence in the city where they tend to be excluded, marginalized, and demolished. Placemaking has been held with the hopes of improving the aesthetic appeal of the kampungs, creating new opportunities for the residents to develop creative output relevant to their neighborhood and communities’ specialties, and strengthening the local identity to protect kampungs from the demolishment threat (Kustiawan et al. 2015; Lieshout 2014; Prasetyo and Iverson 2013). Although many pieces of research from a different part of the world have shown that "temporal" place-making through cultural and art festivals provides many social benefits to the individual and their communities, it seems to be unclear from the global South context. Consequently, uncertainties exist whether place-making brings positive impacts on social aspects of residents in the context of developing countries, particularly those who live in problematic areas such as urban informal settlement dwellers. It is indeed an area that has been little explored in the place-making literature (Lew 2017). Therefore, this study will contribute to understanding the implications of place-making towards the public life of informal settlers, particularly in Indonesia. The main purpose of this study was to examine the impacts of place-making on the local capacity in Indonesian kampung. The research was carried out using a sequential mixedmethods in Bustaman, Semarang. Results from multiple regression analysis showed that placemaking through regular "everyday life" and temporal "festivals" have significantly influenced local empowerment. While the qualitative findings further explained that place-making can promote local empowerment by encouraging youth's participation, increasing the organizational and mobilizational capacity of the local community, providing knowledge exchange, and broadening local community’s perspectives about their place and community. This study also demonstrated that different types of place-making bring a different kind of impact towards particular socio-economic groups. Therefore, to achieve a better quality of place-making, the enhancement of relational resources between different age group is necessary. Finally, these findings raise important questions and suggestions for incorporating place-making into neighborhood planning efforts.
Reports on the topic "New Age movement – Political aspects"
1
Hunter, Fraser, and Martin Carruthers. Iron Age Scotland. Society for Antiquaries of Scotland, September 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/scarf.09.2012.193.
Full textAbstract:
The main recommendations of the panel report can be summarised under five key headings: Building blocks: The ultimate aim should be to build rich, detailed and testable narratives situated within a European context, and addressing phenomena from the longue durée to the short-term over international to local scales. Chronological control is essential to this and effective dating strategies are required to enable generation-level analysis. The ‘serendipity factor’ of archaeological work must be enhanced by recognising and getting the most out of information-rich sites as they appear. o There is a pressing need to revisit the archives of excavated sites to extract more information from existing resources, notably through dating programmes targeted at regional sequences – the Western Isles Atlantic roundhouse sequence is an obvious target. o Many areas still lack anything beyond the baldest of settlement sequences, with little understanding of the relations between key site types. There is a need to get at least basic sequences from many more areas, either from sustained regional programmes or targeted sampling exercises. o Much of the methodologically innovative work and new insights have come from long-running research excavations. Such large-scale research projects are an important element in developing new approaches to the Iron Age. Daily life and practice: There remains great potential to improve the understanding of people’s lives in the Iron Age through fresh approaches to, and integration of, existing and newly-excavated data. o House use. Rigorous analysis and innovative approaches, including experimental archaeology, should be employed to get the most out of the understanding of daily life through the strengths of the Scottish record, such as deposits within buildings, organic preservation and waterlogging. o Material culture. Artefact studies have the potential to be far more integral to understandings of Iron Age societies, both from the rich assemblages of the Atlantic area and less-rich lowland finds. Key areas of concern are basic studies of material groups (including the function of everyday items such as stone and bone tools, and the nature of craft processes – iron, copper alloy, bone/antler and shale offer particularly good evidence). Other key topics are: the role of ‘art’ and other forms of decoration and comparative approaches to assemblages to obtain synthetic views of the uses of material culture. o Field to feast. Subsistence practices are a core area of research essential to understanding past society, but different strands of evidence need to be more fully integrated, with a ‘field to feast’ approach, from production to consumption. The working of agricultural systems is poorly understood, from agricultural processes to cooking practices and cuisine: integrated work between different specialisms would assist greatly. There is a need for conceptual as well as practical perspectives – e.g. how were wild resources conceived? o Ritual practice. There has been valuable work in identifying depositional practices, such as deposition of animals or querns, which are thought to relate to house-based ritual practices, but there is great potential for further pattern-spotting, synthesis and interpretation. Iron Age Scotland: ScARF Panel Report v Landscapes and regions: Concepts of ‘region’ or ‘province’, and how they changed over time, need to be critically explored, because they are contentious, poorly defined and highly variable. What did Iron Age people see as their geographical horizons, and how did this change? Attempts to understand the Iron Age landscape require improved, integrated survey methodologies, as existing approaches are inevitably partial. Aspects of the landscape’s physical form and cover should be investigated more fully, in terms of vegetation (known only in outline over most of the country) and sea level change in key areas such as the firths of Moray and Forth. Landscapes beyond settlement merit further work, e.g. the use of the landscape for deposition of objects or people, and what this tells us of contemporary perceptions and beliefs. Concepts of inherited landscapes (how Iron Age communities saw and used this longlived land) and socal resilience to issues such as climate change should be explored more fully. Reconstructing Iron Age societies. The changing structure of society over space and time in this period remains poorly understood. Researchers should interrogate the data for better and more explicitly-expressed understandings of social structures and relations between people. The wider context: Researchers need to engage with the big questions of change on a European level (and beyond). Relationships with neighbouring areas (e.g. England, Ireland) and analogies from other areas (e.g. Scandinavia and the Low Countries) can help inform Scottish studies. Key big topics are: o The nature and effect of the introduction of iron. o The social processes lying behind evidence for movement and contact. o Parallels and differences in social processes and developments. o The changing nature of houses and households over this period, including the role of ‘substantial houses’, from crannogs to brochs, the development and role of complex architecture, and the shift away from roundhouses. o The chronology, nature and meaning of hillforts and other enclosed settlements. o Relationships with the Roman world