Journal articles on the topic 'Neutrality (Romania)'
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1
EMILCIUC, Andrei. "Romanian Territorial Claims during World War I under the Gaze of the Russian Press." Territorial Identity and Development 5, no. 2 (November 14, 2020): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.23740/tid220201.
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The article analyses the approach of the Russian press towards the Romanian territorial claims during the World War I. It is ascertained that the territorial issue was important in Romania’s attitude towards war, as the unification of historical and ethnic Romanian territories was essential for the national affirmation of Romania as a state. In this regard, the Russian press pointed towards the territories under the rule of the Austro-Hungarian Empire as a major priority for the formation of Greater Romania. The goal was to attract Romania on its side against Austro-Hungarian and German offensive on the Eastern front. We scrutinize the Russian press’s approach towards Romanian territorial claims based on three distinct periods: 1) during Romania’s neutrality; 2) during Romania’s participation in the war as Russia’s ally; 3) After the Bolshevik revolution, when Russia withdrew unilaterally from the war. The emphasis on Romania’s territorial claims is shown mostly in the first period, with one exception – the Bessarabian issue is little or not mentioned at all. Within the second period, the Russian press almost lost sight of the Romanian territorial claims. Finally, the Bolsheviks, who proclaimed self-determination as the main approach to territorial issues, were those who denied Romania any claim for “disputable territories”, just because it opposed Bolshevization. During this latter period, the Bessarabian issue becomes the spear of Russian informational attacks against Romania, following the Union of this historical Moldavian territory with the Motherland.
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TOPOR, Claudiu-Lucian. "Carsten Nielsen and his “controversial” agreements in Romania (1915). Files re-opened in Nazi Germany." Analele Ştiinţifice ale Universităţii „Alexandru Ioan Cuza” din Iaşi, s.n., Istorie 69 (2024): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/asui-2023-0011.
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Neutrality-era Romania sometimes behaves like a transit country with the appearance of an oriental bazaar. The ideal place where all sorts of foreigners (some of dubious reputation) come to do noisy business. Eager traders who are eager to make a profit and are eager to get their hands on the most precious commodities in wartime: food and fuel. They were selling, sadly, almost everything. Corruption had touched the moral fibre of a nation in search of its identity. The insiders were well aware of the situation when they wrote: “With the refined senses that usually distinguish thieves, these individuals have noticed that we now have to work with money here and therefore they think that their time has come to fish in troubled waters”. These words belong to Austro-Hungarian plenipotentiary Ottokar Czernin. He recorded them in a report of February 1915 to the Foreign Minister. They show the involvement of Central Power diplomats in secret negotiations on trade arrangements that also concealed political desires in Romania at the time. In the economic sphere, these arrangements were aimed at obtaining the coveted export permits for grain and accepting the transit of munitions for the Ottoman Empire. There were, of course, possible political scenarios arising from the conclusion of the contracts. All were aimed at Romania’s entry into the war against Russia. The War Ministry held such discussions and even concluded a controversial trade treaty. Citing the need to ensure supplies of armaments and the import of ammunition on the old German (or Austro-Hungarian, as the case may be route, which had become inaccessible to Romania when neutrality in the war was proclaimed, the Romanian army chiefs sat down at the negotiating table. This is practically how the “grain for arms” exchange system was set up, a model of lucrative business justified by the superior interests of the state. The corrupt middlemen and officials in particular stood to gain. Many foreign traders were registered with the General Security, and at the time they were also known as grain traders. One of them, Carsten Nielsen, managed to rise to the top. He brokered the signing of a trade contract with the War Ministry which, once in force, would probably have secured Germany a benevolent neutrality from Romania. But this contract was never implemented. Carsten Nielsen suffered considerable damage. Always seeking justice in the interwar years, he created a legal dispute over financial compensation for losses resulting from the blocking of Romanian business. This legal dispute did not die out until the years of Nazi Germany. Nielsen drafted numerous petitions, some of which were even addressed to the German Foreign Ministry. The Communication analyses the contents of these documents and identifies information that sheds new light on the ‘alternatives’ to Romanian neutrality.
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Tănăsescu, Elena Simina. "The President of Romania." European Constitutional Law Review 4, no. 1 (February 2008): 64–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019608000643.
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Directly elected, but in constitutional terms not the central authority of the Romanian political system – A ‘trailblazer’ role in parliamentary elections – Political neutrality constitutionally required, but hard to realise in practice – Comparison with the French Presidency – Limited powers making the President in theory ‘a colossus with clay feet’ – Ambivalent relationships with Parliament and Government – Gap between the constitutional and the real powers on account of ‘active’ Presidents – A hard-to-qualify political system
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Prestia, Joseph D. "‘Civilized States’ and Situational Sovereignty: The Dilemmas of Romanian Neutrality, 1914–1916." European History Quarterly 51, no. 1 (January 2021): 45–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420983582.
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At the 1914 Crown Council, which decided to keep Romania neutral in 1914, former Conservative prime minister Petre Carp offered his succinct and direct opinion about the direction of Romanian foreign policy in the opening days of the Great War. He admonished the Council that, if Romania wanted to remain among the ‘civilized states’ ( statele civilizate) it had to follow Germany and Austria-Hungary into war immediately. The idea of ‘civilized states’ that dominated the remainder of the Crown Council was not merely an intersubjective social construction. It was a legal term of art in fin de siècle international law that could be applied in the real world. It was only the legally-civilized states that enjoyed the full panoply of rights, privileges, and protections under international law. This is a study of how Romania’s policy-making elite, and Ion I. C. Brătianu’s government, in particular, confronted the challenges of ‘situational sovereignty’. It asserts that, during Romania’s two-year Period of Neutrality (3 August 1914–17 August 1916), Brătianu initially used bilateral conventions as both a method to establish recognition of Romania’s status (or at least a guarantee of territorial integrity) and as a litmus test to determine which (if any) foreign powers recognized Romania as a legal equal. Although he was able to achieve a short-term victory of having an equality clause inserted into the August 1916 political convention with the Entente, it is unclear if that clause could have been durable. Ultimately, Brătianu was trapped between a desire to secure Romania’s recognition through international agreement, but confronted with the reality that Romania’s lack of recognition as a legally-civilized equal meant those very conventions could be unenforceable.
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Topor, Claudiu-Lucian. "Germany’s policy and the diplomatic agenda of Romanian neutrality (1914-1916). The Prospect of a plan for an alliance with Sweden." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 3, no. 1 (August 15, 2011): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v3i1_7.
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In the summer of 1915, concerned about Italy’s entry into the war in alliance with the Entente powers yet encouraged by the victories of its armies on the Eastern Front, the German diplomacy attempted to encourage Sweden and Romania to abandon their neutrality in order to give a decisive blow to Russia. In several reports dispatched from Berlin, Alexandru Beldiman, the envoy to Germany who was also Romania’s representative in the Scandinavian countries, raised the possibility of Sweden’s entry into the war on the German side. After he had identified Russia as the common historical enemy of the two countries, the Romanian diplomat suggested forging an alliance under the leadership of Germany. A strong alliance was thought to ensure Sweden’s ascendancy in Finland and the Baltic states, and Romania’s supremacy in the East at the Black Sea. Although this plan was rejected by the liberal government, Beldiman’s initiative in a period of neutrality remains an alternative in the Romanian political circles to Entente supremacy.
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Ungureanu, George-Daniel. "Percepții românești asupra Turciei și a rolului său la Marea Neagră (noiembrie 1940-iunie 1941)." Gândirea Militară Românească 2023, no. 4 (December 31, 2023): 462–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.55535/gmr.2023.4.28.
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In November 1940, the direct German-Soviet bilateral contacts revealed some substantial differences of interest, mainly concerning the Black Sea basin and the Balkan Peninsula. The relations between Germany and the USSR would become increasingly cold and difficult, culminating in the launch of Operation Barbarossa, on 22 June 1941. The intensification of the German-Soviet differences was seen as an encouraging development by both Romania and Türkiye, as both Pontic states had been subject to expansionist tendencies of the USSR, manifested in various forms and, in Türkiye’s case, lacking concrete results.Our article briefly presents Romanian perceptions of Türkiye’s importance and conduct in the region, within the context of a shrinking Romania that had become part of the Berlin-Rome Axis system, while Türkiye was striving to maintain its neutrality, sovereignty and territorial integrity. Among the sources we consulted, a number of documents from Romanian diplomatic and military archives ought to be mentioned.
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Ungureanu, George-Daniel. "Romanian Perceptions of Türkiye and Its Role in the Black Sea (November 1940-June 1941)." Romanian Military Thinking 2023, no. 4 (December 31, 2023): 460–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2023.4.28.
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In November 1940, the direct German-Soviet bilateral contacts revealed some substantial differences of interest, mainly concerning the Black Sea basin and the Balkan Peninsula. The relations between Germany and the USSR would become increasingly cold and difficult, culminating in the launch of Operation Barbarossa, on 22 June 1941. The intensification of the German-Soviet differences was seen as an encouraging development by both Romania and Türkiye, as both Pontic states had been subject to expansionist tendencies of the USSR, manifested in various forms and, in Türkiye’s case, lacking concrete results.Our article briefly presents Romanian perceptions of Türkiye’s importance and conduct in the region, within the context of a shrinking Romania that had become part of the Berlin-Rome Axis system, while Türkiye was striving to maintain its neutrality, sovereignty and territorial integrity. Among the sources we consulted, a number of documents from Romanian diplomatic and military archives ought to be mentioned.
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Dragomir, Alina. "Transformational Leadership and Employee Psychological Needs." INFLUENCE : International Journal of Science Review 2, no. 2 (August 25, 2020): 8–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/influence.v2i2.101.
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The purpose of this document is to conduct a policy analysis and to identify strategies of improving the transition to low carbon industrial conditions for Romania. To achieve the desired outcomes, the Hoshin Kanri approach was used to establish feasible specific actions to execute by the firms under the existing strategy framework. The Romanian production sector must become more competitive and simultaneously comply with European and national carbon neutrality targets. Given that program documentation is fairly generic, the authors suggest that companies can benefit from increased direct help and support through public-private cooperation.
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LADOȘI, Ioan I., Mihai VIȘAN, Paula CĂLIANU, and Daniela LADOȘI. "Pig Carcass Quality Evolution in Romania." Bulletin of University of Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary Medicine Cluj-Napoca. Animal Science and Biotechnologies 79, no. 2 (November 14, 2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.15835/buasvmcn-asb:2021.0014.
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The Romanian Carcass Classification Commission (RCCC) was established in 2004 and it became the official partner for delivering carcass quality information to the European Commission in 2007. RCCC is the NGO serving the interests of the private stakeholders in the meat chain (farmers, slaughterhouses, processors, and traders), which guarantees the neutrality and objectivity of carcass quality assessment according to SEUROP grading system’s legally binding rules. Considering the importance of an independent assessment of the slaughter pig quality for the entire food chain, the analysis of the carcass quality evolution in Romania is important for future benchmarking and trend assessments as well. The current review is based on the public data developed in time by the RCCC. It demonstrates the importance of a professional organization measuring the quality of carcass in slaughtered pigs and its impact on the meat chain as a whole, both for its stakeholders and consumers. It also highlights the evolution of the pig carcasses produced in Romania, underlining the main factors involved and expected trends under the current circumstances of the presence and spread of the African Swine Fever virus (ASF) within Romania in the last four years. The main conclusion is that while the carcass quality improved over time, the graded carcass number decreased after 2017, primarily due to ASF outbreaks in commercial farms and the overall reduction of the farmed pig inventory, and increasing dependence of Romanian consumers on imports.
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Hlihor, Constantin, and Dan-Laurențiu Mocanu. "The Romanian Army from the guardian of constitutional order to a political actor for its change in Romania on December 30, 1947." Euro-Atlantic Studies, no. 4 (2021): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/eas.2021.4.2.
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The study analyzes the role of the Romanian military institution in the process of changing the constitutional regime by removing the Monarchy on December 30, 1947, from two perspectives: its position as guardian of constitutional order, but also that the monarch was the supreme commander of the army. The non-intervention of the army in the event that led to the overthrow of the Monarchy was interpreted in pre-1989 historiography as respecting its status of neutrality to the political struggle in society. It would have been true if there had been a regime of genuine democracy in Romanian society and not a dictatorship in which the army as an institution was subject to transformations that were not in line with traditions or the spirit in which it was formed and educated. All this shaped the military's path from political neutrality to be an instrument in the service of communist leaders.
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STANCIU, CEZAR. "Autonomy and Ideology: Brezhnev, Ceauşescu and the World Communist Movement." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (January 6, 2014): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000532.
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AbstractOne of Leonid Brezhnev's primary goals when he acceded to party leadership in the Soviet Union was to restore Moscow's control over the world communist movement, severely undermined by the Sino-Soviet dispute. Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania was determined to prevent this, in order to consolidate his country's autonomy in the Communist bloc. The Sino-Soviet dispute offered the political and ideological framework for autonomy, as the Romanian Communists claimed their neutrality in the dispute. This article describes Ceauşescu's efforts to sabotage Brezhnev's attempts to have China condemned by an international meeting of Communist parties between 1967 and 1969. His basic ideological argument was that unity of world communism should have a polycentric meaning.
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Ionescu, Adina, Alin Stancu, and Oana Mogos. "Controversy or Consensus: Launching Small Modular Nuclear Reactors in Romania." Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 18, no. 1 (June 1, 2024): 1785–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2024-0150.
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Abstract The transition towards net zero by 2050 is underway in the European Union, but its country members are divided over their energy strategies. France, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, Slovakia, and Romania support nuclear plants as contributing to carbon neutrality, while Germany, Spain, Denmark, Portugal, and Luxembourg oppose (Reuters, 2023). The study “Between Stability and Sustainability: Nuclear Energy in Romania's Energy Mix” concludes that Romania can benefit from its nuclear facilities and domestic uranium resources, to consolidate its sustainable energy policy. However, new nuclear capacities may pose considerable challenges, especially in terms of costs (Dumitrescu, 2023). Unfortunately, rising costs per megawatt hour are the very reason why NuScale, the operator chosen by Romania to deploy six small nuclear reactors by 2027, canceled their US-based flagship Carbon Free Power Project (Fortune, 2023). Nevertheless, the setback in the home country did not prevent Romanian authorities from licensing the NuScale small modular reactor power plant in Doicești (World Nuclear News, 2023). The watchdog Greenpeace warned about the project’s high costs and the long construction timeframe. It was also emphasized that Romania adopted a technology that had never been tested before. In addition, the location of the new plant had been decided without prior consultation from the local community, claimed the NGO (Greenpeace, 2022). According to the journalists, the local community has been divided between those who want new jobs and people afraid of radiations. Reporters made a parallel between the current situation and a formerly failed Chevron shale gas production investment, due to the strong opposition to fracking (Hotnews, 2024). This paper attempts to determine how a newcomer to the nuclear energy market, with a significant approval setback in its home country, using untested technology, can complete the construction of six small modular reactors in Romania, integrate those into the national grid and win over the public acceptance by 2030.
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Miroiu, Mihaela. "All in One: Fairness, Neutrality and Conservatism – a Case Study of Romania." PROSPECTS 34, no. 1 (March 2004): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:pros.0000026682.07794.c9.
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Vinogradov, V. N. "Romania in the First World War: The Years of Neutrality, 1914–1916." International History Review 14, no. 3 (September 1992): 452–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1992.9640620.
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FRATITA, Michael, Florin POPESCU, and Eugen RUSU. "ASSESSMENT OF THE SOLAR ENERGY POTENTIAL IN THE ROMANIAN NEARSHORE." Journal of Marine Technology and Environment 2 (October 1, 2022): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.53464/jmte.02.2022.04.
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In December 2019, the first official European Green Deal document was released, which aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions gradually by 2050, when the carbon neutrality target should be reached. The aim of the paper is to analyse the possibility of implementing solar farms in Romania with particular interest for the nearshore area of the Black Sea. Moreover, it is analysed the current status of electricity generation sources in Romania, the profile of consumers connected to the National Energy System (NES), and the electricity injected into the grid through solar farms. On the other hand, the possibility of intermittent injection of energy into the grid and the effects on the stability of the national energy system are analysed.
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Palade, Dan, and Alexandra Ioanid. "Prosumer Aggregators in Romania." Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 18, no. 1 (June 1, 2024): 1212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2024-0103.
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Abstract The European Union has pledged to transform Europe into the first climate neutral continent by 2050, and the first step towards achieving this goal is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 55% by 2050, compared to levels recorded in 1990. The two main paths the EU has chosen to follow to ensure its climate neutrality goals are electrification and the increase of the integration of renewable energy technologies. If the 2010 period was characterized by the development and adoption of large-scale production of energy by using renewable sources, the 2020s seem to encompass a decentralization process, meant to bring energy production closer to the final consumer. In Romania, the past three years saw a rapid growth in the overall production of energy through distributed energy sources. Although this development is encouraging for achieving the broader environmental targets of the EU, at a local level there are several disadvantages that are starting to appear, such as issues in the distribution grid and confusion of both consumers and prosumers regarding the economic advantages of producing energy locally. The main goal of the research that has been conducted for a doctoral thesis was to develop a set of recommendations for aggregators regarding prosumers, based on mathematical model and calculations centered around a specific time frame. Research was spread into identifying and analyzing existing renewable technologies, detailing concepts such as decentralization, electrification, demand response and power aggregators, and the study of the main power aggregator business models. For these aspects to be covered, secondary research was used in the form of both academic and industry state-of-the-art papers. The main contributions of the research are the synthesizing of available information on aspects related to decentralized energy systems, and a set of recommendations aimed at aggregators, as a business, and existing and potential future prosumer.
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Ghenghea, Mircea-Cristian. "“War against the Double Alliance would be a disaster”. Ilie Bărbulescu, the “Seara” newspaper, and Romania’s neutrality (1914-1916)." Romanian Journal of Modern History 13, no. 1-2 (December 30, 2022): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.26424/rjmh.2022.13.1-2:61.
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In the attempt of reconsidering and properly understanding the so-called Germanophile option of a part of the Romanian society during the Great War, knowing those who have placed themselves on the side of the Central Powers is a sine qua non condition. Apart from the personalities already recognized for this, one must also consider other names who, although not always in the foreground of the events or on the spotlights of the press, presented an unquestionable regional or institutional importance for the realities of those troubles years. One of these figures was Professor Ilie Bărbulescu from the University of Iaşi, well-known back then for his “unpatriotic” views which caused a lively opposition both from students and some of his colleagues. Within our text we refer to his collaboration to the “Seara” newspaper in Bucharest, one of the most important Germanophile periodicals in Romania during the neutrality (1914-1916).
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OTU, Petre. "COMPETITION FOR THE LEADERSHIP OF THE GREAT GENERAL STAFF DURING THE BALKAN CRISIS AND THE NEUTRALITY PERIOD (1912-1916)." Romanian Military Thinking 2021, no. 2 (June 2021): 184–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2021.2.09.
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The study analyses the competition for the position of Chief of the General Staff during the Balkan crisis (1912-1913) and during Romania’s neutrality (1914-1916). The position was very important and enjoyed an increased prestige, because it created the conditions for standing out on the battlefield and, implicitly, for winning military glory. Therefore, the number of competitors was quite high. However, the major decision-maker regarding the appointment of the Chief of the General Staff, which, during the war, was transformed into the General Headquarters, was the political factor, namely the ruling party and the king, who was “the head of the armed power”. The solution chosen at the beginning of the world conflict, which worked even after Romania entered the war, with General Vasile Zottu as Chief and General Dumitru Iliescu as Deputy Chief, actually leading the Romanian armed forces operations, was inefficient. The right person to lead the General Headquarters, namely General Constantin Prezan, was found only at the beginning of December 1916.
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Stanciu, Cezar. "The common denominator. Romania and the Nordic countries, 1966-1969." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 4, no. 2 (December 15, 2012): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v4i2_10.
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One of Nicolae Ceauşescu’s beliefs was that international security and cooperation could not rely on Cold War bipolarity, but on active involvement from every state in promoting its interests and points of view. In defending such policies, Romania sought not only to affirm its sovereignty in front of Moscow, but also to build bridges towards other countries sharing similar ideas. Starting from the early 1960s, Romania developed a coherent policy towards Nordic Europe, consisting in both economic and political cooperation. The neutrality of countries such as Sweden or Finland was regarded in Bucharest as directed against superpowers bipolarity which served as a common denominator. This paper deals with Romania’s relations in Nordic Europe during the 1960s, investigating the rationalities and factors which contributed to the emergence of constructive cooperation among countries with such different backgrounds.
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Shevchuk, Victor, and Roman Kopych. "Exchange Rate Volatility, Currency Misalignment, and Risk of Recession in the Central and Eastern European Countries." Risks 9, no. 5 (May 1, 2021): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/risks9050082.
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This study is aimed at estimation of the exchange rate volatility and its impact on the business cycle fluctuations in four central and eastern European countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Romania). Exchange rate volatility is estimated with the EGARCH(1,1) model. It is found that exchange rate volatility is affected by the components of the Index of Economic Freedom from the Heritage Foundation, besides inflation and crisis developments. The empirical results using GMM estimation technique and comprehensive robustness checks suggest that exchange rate volatility reduces the risk of recession in the Czech Republic while the opposite effect is found for Hungary and Romania, with a neutrality for Poland. These findings continue to hold after controlling for the fiscal and monetary policy indicators. There is evidence that the RER undervaluation prevents sliding into a recession on a credible basis in Poland only, with a neutral stance for other countries. Except in Romania, higher levels of economic freedom is associated with worsening of the cyclical position of output. Among other results, stabilization policies in the recession imply fiscal tightening for the Czech Republic and Romania, higher money supply for the Czech Republic and Poland, and lower central bank reference rate for Hungary.
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Voicu-Dorobanțu, Roxana, Clara Volintiru, Maria-Floriana Popescu, Vlad Nerău, and George Ștefan. "Tackling Complexity of the Just Transition in the EU: Evidence from Romania." Energies 14, no. 5 (March 9, 2021): 1509. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14051509.
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The process of reaching carbon neutrality by 2050 and cutting CO2 emissions by 2030 by 55% compared to 1990 as per the EU Green Deal is highly complex. The energy mix must be changed to ensure long-term environmental sustainability, mainly by closing down coal sites, while preserving the energy-intensive short-term economic growth, ensuring social equity, and opening opportunities for regions diminishing in population and potential. Romania is currently in the position of deciding the optimal way forward in this challenging societal shift while morphing to evidence-based policy-making and anticipatory governance, mainly in its two coal-mining regions. This article provides possible future scenarios for tackling this complex issue in Romania through a three-pronged, staggered, methodology: (1) clustering Romania with other similar countries from the point of view of the Just Transition efforts (i.e., the energy mix and the socio-economic parameters), (2) analyzing Romania’s potential evolution of the energy mix from the point of the thermal efficiency of two major power plants (CEH and CEO) and the systemic energy losses, and (3) providing insights on the socio-economic context (economic development and labor market transformations, including the component on the effects on vulnerable consumers) of the central coal regions in Romania.
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OTU, Petre. "COMPETIÞIA PENTRU ªEFIA MARELUI STAT MAJOR ÎN ANII CRIZEI BALCANICE ªI AI NEUTRALITÃÞII (1912-1916)." Gândirea Militară Românească 2021, no. 12 (2021): 190–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.55535/gmr.2021.2.09.
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The study analyses the competition for the position of Chief of the General Staff during the Balkan crisis (1912-1913) and during Romania’s neutrality (1914-1916). The position was very important and enjoyed an increased prestige, because it created the conditions for standing out on the battlefield and, implicitly, for winning military glory. Therefore, the number of competitors was quite high. However, the major decision-maker regarding the appointment of the Chief of the General Staff, which, during the war, was transformed into the General Headquarters, was the political factor, namely the ruling party and the king, who was “the head of the armed power”. The solution chosen at the beginning of the world conflict, which worked even after Romania entered the war, with General Vasile Zottu as Chief and General Dumitru Iliescu as Deputy Chief, actually leading the Romanian armed forces operations, was inefficient. The right person to lead the General Headquarters, namely General Constantin Prezan, was found only at the beginning of December 1916.
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Ciot, Melania-Gabriela. "On European Green Deal and Sustainable Development Policy (the Case of Romania)." Sustainability 13, no. 21 (November 5, 2021): 12233. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132112233.
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Reaching the EU climate-neutrality objective in 2050 is very ambitious, especially for the Member States from Central-Eastern Europe. All the Member States will face challenges of transformational changes, but a good preparation of their administrative capacity will be a consistent support. The aim of this article is to analyze Romania’s decision-making process for the implementation of the European Green Deal Strategy, reflected in its administrative capacity. For achieving this goal, an interesting model of analysis was elaborated, which takes into consideration three levels and dimensions: strategic (with executive and legislative dimensions), administrative (national and regional dimensions) and outcomes (assessed from a well-being lens and public opinions surveys). The model will be applied at the European and national levels (Romania). It uses qualitative research strategies and methods. The transversal character of the EGD strategy, the coordination needed for its implementation, and the interdependencies and regional approach are important components that pave the way for the elaboration of the National Green Deal Plan, which becomes compulsory for an adequate design of the sustainable, adaptive, and mature Romanian administrative capacity. In addition, the article proposes a few recommendations at the national and local levels for the preparation of a better implementation of the EGD.
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David, P., and D. Nerudová. "Selected problems of value added tax application in the agricultural sector of the European Union internal market." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 54, No. 1 (January 29, 2008): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/2723-agricecon.
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Tax harmonization in the European Union has the greatest development in the field of value added taxation, but differences still can be found. Those differences influence not only the farming business. The paper is aimed on five European Union member states – Czech Republic, Poland, Romania, Slovak Republic and Hungary. Based on the European Union regulations in the field of value added tax and the practical experience during its application, it is possible to identify the critical areas and to contribute to its correction and to provide the value added tax neutrality and efficiency on the European Union territory.
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Cioancă, Lia-Maria. "Having A Look Back To The Former Petrol-Based Electric Railway, Dornişoara - Tihuţa - Prundu Bârgăului." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 21, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2015-0029.
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Abstract The former petrol-based electric railway, built during First World War originally served for the food and ammunition transport meant for the armies, which had settled down the mountain peaks nearby, today in the area of Vatra Dornei or Cârlibaba and which were guarding the passage towards Transylvania. They were often used to evacuate the wounded and for commercial purposes as well, in order to transport cereal and many other kinds of grains at the blooming 1916, all this acquired from the requisitions of Bucovina and even from the smuggling or imports of Romania, which still enjoyed neutrality by the time.
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SIMIONESCU, Mihaela, Adam P. BALCERZAK, Yuriy BILAN, and Anna KOTÁSKOVÁ. "THE IMPACT OF MONEY ON OUTPUT IN CZECH REPUBLIC AND ROMANIA." Journal of Business Economics and Management 19, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/jbem.2018.1480.
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The problem of relationship between output and money has become again a subject of special interests of economists after the most recent global financial crisis and monetary stabilization policies applied by central banks of almost all developed economies. In this context, the main aim of this paper is to assess the relation between GDP and the most important monetary variables in two countries: Romania and Czech Republic over the period of 1995:Q1 – 2015:Q4. The choice of these economies was deliberate. The selected countries are different from the viewpoint of rate and results of transformation from the centrally planned to market economy, which have influenced their current economic environment stability. Czech Republic is currently classified as middle or even developed country, whereas Romania is still considered as a developing economy. Thus, differences between these two countries make them interesting in the case of comparative studies. In the empirical part of our research the vector error correction models (VECM) were applied. The main findings of the article are the following: in Romania, there is a short-run causality from money supply (M3) to GDP and a long-run relationship between GDP, internal credit and M3. According to Granger causality test, the rate of M3 in Romania was a cause for economic. In Czech Republic, there is a short-run causality from M3 to GDP and a long-run causality between GDP, internal credit and M3. Thus, the results contradict the money neutrality hypothesis in post-transformation Central European economies.
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Rădoiu, Alina. "Romania’s Challenges and Perspectives in Achieving Sustainable Development Goals." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 26, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 251–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2020-0040.
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AbstractThe theory of sustainable development shows an international dynamic evolution and more and more countries develop socio-economic development methods and techniques, whose main objective is to ensure a balance between economic, social and environmental aspects. Romania is working to ensure a sustainable future, implementing various strategies that aim to transform our society into a truly sustainable and modern one. The analysis of sustainable development indicators can be a solid basis for periodic monitoring progress in achieving the strategic sustainable development goals. The present paper aims to analyze the steps that Romania takes in this process of transforming the economy into a sustainable one and its challenges according to the trends of sustainable development indicators. From the economic point of view, for Romania the economic growth does not have to be a purpose itself, because the economy must work for people and the planet. Therefore, sustainable development and the well-being of citizens must be at the center of the actions, and to achieve these goals the great challenge of our country is the combination of dimensions such as environmental sustainability, increased productivity, equity and macroeconomic stability. The long-term economic challenges related to climate change, digitization and demographic developments must be addressed through a growth model, which will allow to maintain economic competitiveness and achieve the goal of climate neutrality.
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Izarova, Iryna. "Issue 3 of 2023 and the Journal’s Policy on Neutrality and Non-Discrimination in Editorial Work." Access to Justice in Eastern Europe 6, no. 3 (July 31, 2023): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33327/ajee-18-6.3-ed000301.
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In this issue of the Access to Justice in Eastern Europe journal, we collected articles from authors of various states – Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, Slovakia, Poland, and Saudi Arabia. We are particularly delighted to welcome contributions from authors from Kosovo, as their efforts to spread knowledge about their jurisdiction and share the results of their studies is warmly welcomed. This fact alone is another good reason for policymakers, legal practitioners, and researchers to read this issue. As usual, I would like to provide a brief overview of some of the articles featured in this issue. However, before diving into the contents, as Editor-in-Chief, I would like to share some ideas and reflections with our audience and my colleagues and editors. I will discuss the Journal’s commitment to neutrality and non-discrimination, especially in light of the challenges faced during wartime in Ukraine.
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Ungureanu, George Daniel. "Romania, Bulgaria and the Dobrujan Issue in the First Year of the Great War (1914-1915)." Open Journal for Studies in History 5, no. 2 (December 28, 2022): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsh.0502.02021u.
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The problem of the Dobrujan land frontier between the Bulgarian and Romanian national states, which officially came up after the San Stefano and Berlin (1878) peace treaties and was aggravated by the Peace of Bucharest (1913), dominated the bilateral relations for a few decades. The hereby study focuses on the period August 1914 – September 1915, when both South-Eastern European states were neutral towards the Great War. This context led to various proposals, projects and scenarios concerning the Romanian-Bulgarian relations and implicitly related to the fate of Dobruja. Our effort deals with three levels: the positions of the Great Powers, their relations with Bucharest and Sofia, and the direct relations between the two South-Eastern European states. Chronologically, this period is divided into several stages, marked by the Ottoman Empire’s entry in the war (1 November 1914), the deadlock of the negotiations between Bulgaria and the Entente (March 1915), Italy’s option to renounce neutrality (23 May 1915) and the onset of the final talks concerning Bulgaria’s option to join the Central Powers (July 1915). Among the most relevant sources, we need to mention the Romanian Military Archives from Piteşti and the works of synthesis written by the Bulgarian historians Georgi Markov, Ivan Ilčev and Žeko Popov, dealing with the period 1913-1919.
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Karda, Szilárd, Tamás Nagy-György, and Iosif Boros. "Evolution of the Payback Period for Energy-Efficient Residential Buildings in Romania in the Last Decade." Sustainability 15, no. 11 (June 2, 2023): 8986. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su15118986.
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The European Union set ambitious targets to achieve climate neutrality by 2050, and one of the measures taken towards this goal was the implementation of nearly Zero-Energy Buildings. Despite the commitments of the EU member states, many householders and investors had a disposition to incredulity regarding the energy efficiency of the buildings due to the higher cost of the investment and the relatively long payback time. However, at the end of 2021, the energy crisis significantly rewrote the circumstances, and energy prices and the costs of construction materials began to rise. In this situation, it was necessary to reconsider the importance of energy efficiency for buildings due to the maintenance costs. This article aims to assess changes in payback periods over the past 13 years and conduct life cycle cost evaluations by comparing energy-efficient residential buildings with traditional houses. The analysis considers variations in construction materials and labor costs in Romania, as well as energy price changes during the building’s operational phase. Through these methodologies, it has been demonstrated that the implementation of energy-efficient buildings offers a cost-effective solution already in the medium term, providing incentives for investors and future houseowners to reduce their dependence on energy and pursue long-term decarbonization.
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DOBAY, Krisztina Melinda. "TRANSITION TO SUSTAINABLE VALUE CHAINS AND AGRI-FOOD SYSTEMS THROUGH COLLECTIVE ACTIONS – EVIDENCE FROM ORGANIC BEEKEEPING." AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT 2023, no. 1 (December 15, 2023): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/aerd.2023.1.08.
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"The European Union has the collective capacity to transform its economy and society to a more sustainable path through the European Green Deal, which is a package of policy initiatives with the ultimate goal of achieving climate neutrality by 2050 and to contribute to the transformation of the EU in a fair and prosperous society with a modern and competitive economy. Agriculture is one of the important sectors in the transformation of the European economy and society towards a sustainable long-term future, and the complexity and diversity of the agri-food system require understanding and collective actions. To this end, past successful experiences can significantly contribute to this transition to sustainability. In this paper, it is analysed how participatory processes and collective actions can be examples for starting transformative processes aimed at contributing to sustainable agriculture, agri-food systems and rural areas, with the example of the development of ecological beekeeping in several counties in Romania."
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DUMAS, Felicia. "Teaching specialized translation in Romania in a Francophone context at Master’s Degree Classes on Translation and Terminology." Vìsnik KNLU. Serìâ “Psihologìâ ta Pedagogìka” / Visnyk KNLU. Series "Pedagogy and Psychology" 36 (July 29, 2022): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2412-9283.36.2022.262049.
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The present article proposes an analysis of the didactic strategies employed in teaching translationin a francophone context at postgraduate Master’s degree classes on Translation and Terminology at the Universityof Iasi, more specifically on specialized translation of religious Orthodox Christian texts. It focuses mainly onthe didactic strategies deployed by the teacher in this field with a view to developing the students’ readingcompetence in order to achieve translation (while displaying a proper representation of the distinct featuresof the presence of religion/the religious, and especially of Orthodoxy in France), as well as their specializedcomprehension skills in the religious, Orthodox Christian conceptual field, conducive to appropriate rephrasingat the level of the target text and to the construction of a cultural confessional competence. The study also dwellson the biographic and didactic, professional history of the teacher (who is, at first, involved in teaching Frenchas a foreign language in Romania), on his/her formation as a trainer in specialized translation, on the wayhe/she manages the (due) neutrality in relating to the religious nature of the source texts, on the manner he/sheedifies students to manage their own “emotions” during the translation process, when they are triggered bypersonal religious convictions. Last but not least, the present analysis considers the very stances adopted bythe teacher of specialized, francophone translation in his/her role as an evaluator of the students’ translativetechniques (and abilities), as well as the impact of the latter on the efficacity of his/her overall approach topedagogical strategies.
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Niculescu, Elena, and Adrian Tantau. "Identification and Analysis of Main Drivers and Barriers to the Promotion of PPAs for Green Energy." Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 18, no. 1 (June 1, 2024): 1182–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2024-0101.
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Abstract With the current climate change, decarbonization is essential to the global energy transition. In this regard many instruments have been created or developed, Power Purchase Agreements, as a direct legal contract between a power provider and a power buyer, being one of the most popular instruments to increase the use of renewable energy. But sometimes, Power Purchase Agreements get violated due to the elements that constrain and prevent its development and implementation. This situation only brings a certain insecurity to the PPA, and the result is nothing other than to compromise its true role and to distance it from the achievement of the objectives established in its contents. The main goal of this research is to identify and analyze the main drivers and barriers which constrain or prevent the development and implementation of Power Purchase Agreements as a tool for promoting green energy. For this research the comparative analysis, survey based on questionnaires, Spearman’s correlation matrix and IBM SPSS Statistics for Windows are used. The article reduces the gap among the respondents' opinion regarding the Power Purchase Agreements and their involvement in the implementation and development of these contracts, roughly establishing the level where the PPA is located in the transition to green energy. The results suggest that Power Purchase Agreements play a major role in the renewable energy market and they will have a positive impact in what it means the transition to green energy and the achievement of climate neutrality. Therefore, although Romania is a country rich in energy resources that allow the achievement of climate neutrality, it is necessary to take additional measures to attract investors, whose investments will be crucial in the development of energy from renewable energy sources, the three Power Purchase Agreements concluded up to now, regardless they represent a gratifying step, they are not enough to talk about a real Power Purchase Agreement market.
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Constantinescu, Marius, Felicia Bucura, Antoaneta Roman, Oana Romina Botoran, Roxana-Elena Ionete, Stefan Ionut Spiridon, Eusebiu Ilarian Ionete, et al. "A Study on the Ability of Nanomaterials to Adsorb NO and SO2 from Combustion Gases and the Effectiveness of Their Separation." Nanomaterials 14, no. 10 (May 7, 2024): 816. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/nano14100816.
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Climate neutrality for the year 2050 is the goal assumed at the level of the EU27+UK. As Romania is no exception, it has assumed the gradual mitigation of pollution generated by the energy sector, and by 2030, according to ‘Fit for 55’, the share of energy from renewable sources must reach 42.5% from total energy consumption. For the rest of the energy produced from traditional sources, natural gas and/or coal, modern technologies will be used to retain the gaseous noxes. Even if they are not greenhouse gases, NO and SO2, generated from fossil fuel combustion, cause negative effects on the environment and biodiversity. The adsorption capacity of different materials, three nanomaterials developed in-house and three commercial adsorbents, both for NO and SO2, was tackled through gas chromatography, elemental analysis, and Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy. Fe-BTC has proven to be an excellent material for separation efficiency and adsorption capacity under studied conditions, and is shown to be versatile both in the case of NO (80.00 cm3/g) and SO2 (63.07 cm3/g). All the developed nanomaterials generated superior results in comparison to the commercial adsorbents. The increase in pressure enhanced the performance of the absorption process, while temperature showed an opposite influence, by blocking the active centers on the surface.
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Rybacki, Jakub. "Are the European Commission's forecasts of public finances better than those of national governments?" Central European Economic Journal 7, no. 54 (October 31, 2020): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ceej-2020-0013.
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AbstractThe academic literature in the past has frequently highlighted that the European Commission (EC) tends to provide more accurate public finance forecasts compared with national governments, thanks to its neutrality. The recent conflicts regarding the excessive deficit procedure with Romania and Italy and rule of law with Hungary and Poland raises the question of whether such conclusions are still binding. Therefore, we analysed a panel of forecasts submitted by the national governments with an annual update of Convergence programmes and corresponding EC predictions. Our dataset contains predictions of the general government deficit, revenues and expenditures for EU27 economies and the United Kingdom in the years 2014–2019. First, the analysis shows no meaningful discrepancies between both estimates when the horizon is set at the current year. Forecasts for the next year have equal accuracy in the case of government revenues and expenditures. However, the EC performs worse in the case of the final deficit. Second, cross-country effects are present, but the accuracy is different mainly in the very small economies, that is, the Baltic countries, Cyprus, Malta and Luxembourg. Amongst the more populated states, the EC outperforms the Slovakian and Denmark governments but has worse performance than the Irish, Portuguese and Spanish governments. We also do not see evidence of any political bias in the forecasts.
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Dobrowolski, Zbysław, and Grzegorz Drozdowski. "Does the Net Present Value as a Financial Metric Fit Investment in Green Energy Security?" Energies 15, no. 1 (January 4, 2022): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en15010353.
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Surprisingly, little is known whether the net present value (NPV) used as a financial metric in budgeting and investment planning to analyse a projects’ profitability is universal. Meanwhile, the epochal green energy revolution ensuring carbon neutrality through green innovations requires enormous investments, and projects realised must ensure energy security. Therefore, there is a need to reanalyse financial metrics used in financial planning, including NPV. We eliminate this research gap and, based on data from Poland, Romania, Hungary, Croatia, the USA, the United Kingdom, Japan, Israel, and Euro Zone, explain why one may not perceive the currently used NPV formula as a universal financial metric. We show that the variable discount rate influences the time value of money. Therefore, there is a need to redefine the NPV formula. This study makes two main contributions. First, it creates new ground by revisiting the NPV formula in the emerging market context compared to stable economies and contributes to developing business and management theory. Second, we propose and empirically verify the modified NPV formula as a financial metric that considers the situation of energy firms in emerging markets. Thus, this research helps the capital budgeting process, and the modified NPV formula can help provide optimal outcomes in firms, helping to reduce financial risks. Our study contributes to a further contextual diagnosis of business projects and can, in turn, be relevant for other energy sector analyses.
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Dordanas, Stratos. "German propaganda in the Balkans during the First World War." Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849069d.
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Immediately after the outbreak of the First World War Germany mobilized hu?man resources from all fields and put up all the necessary funds to counter British and French propaganda. In a very short period of time, it was in a position to organize its own propaganda networks abroad, to a large extent, by using the respective commercial networks and the pre-war enterprises operating in various countries. It was the neutral countries around the world that were among the primary targets of German propaganda. In the Balkans particular effort was made to create a favourable climate for the Central Powers and prevail over the adverse British and French influence. With the assistance of commercial circles and the appropriation of large sums of money, newspapers, journalists and publishing groups were bought off, information offices set up, agents recruited, politi?cal parties and politicians bribed, and pro-German parties founded. The aim was to influ?ence public opinion, promote the German version of war developments, and manipulate political leaders to give up their stance of neutrality and make the decision for their coun?try to take part in the war on the side of Germany. However, even though Berlin focused its attention on the Balkans where the major propaganda networks were organized, the propaganda campaigns proved to be essentially ineffective. Following Bulgaria?s entry into the war on the side of the Central Powers and the destruction of Serbia, first Romania and then Greece joined the Entente, finding themselves on the winning side at the war?s end.
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Joița, Diana, Mirela Panait, Carmen-Elena Dobrotă, Alin Diniță, Adrian Neacșa, and Laura Elly Naghi. "The European Dilemma—Energy Security or Green Transition." Energies 16, no. 9 (April 30, 2023): 3849. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en16093849.
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The energy transition is a subject of significant interest in the countries of the European Union, and the involvement of public authorities is remarkable. Unlike previous energy transitions, this process is politically driven, the efforts of public authorities being secondary to the actions of companies whose guidelines are based on stability at the European level through strategies and directives. This paper aims to provide an overview of the current evolution of energy security status in the European Union and in Romania, with reference to global efforts to achieve climate neutrality through the energy transition. The historical method was used in the elaboration of the material, in order to outline the current energy security policies in terms of sustainability, both environmental and social. The logical method was used in order to emphasize the cause–effect relationship between economic processes in the energy sector. The use of bibliometric analysis demonstrated the importance of the topic of energy transition in scientific literature, but it also demonstrated the increasing interest of researchers in subjects related to energy security and energy poverty in the context of this new transition. By using the graphical method, statistic data and their evolution were highlighted in detail for the present study. The results of the articles are embodied in an approach that aims to focus on economic and social factors that determine the capacity of states to support the EU’s independence from a single supplier in the current context of conflict. The authors conclude by anticipating massive challenges in achieving the environmental objectives of the European Green Deal, as well as by highlighting the issue of energy poverty as a social factor influencing global strategic decisions.
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IONESCU, Mihaela. "EFFECTS OF HYDROGEN PRODUCTION ON ECONOMIC GROWTH IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." ANNALS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ORADEA. ECONOMIC SCIENCES 30, no. 2 (December 2021): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47535/1991auoes30(2)003.
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In this article the author presents some aspects of the hydrogen market, this fuel is essential to support the European Union’s commitment to achieving climate neutrality by 2050. In 2020, the crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic has given a boost by speeding up the global long-term challenge of climate change, with more and more countries committing to achieving “zero net” emissions. The energy system in the single internal market is responsible for 75% of greenhouse gas emissions. According to the Green Deal Pact. In the context of the crisis caused by the Pandemic Corona, the European Commission issued the Hydrogen Strategy in which it provided for an investment plan in green energy with the aim of economic recovery in Europe. In this sense, green hydrogen can be the fuel that contributes to reducing energy costs at European level. Decarbonisation leads to a significant increase in the role of electricity, which can cover the demand of over 50% of final energy by 2050, compared to about 20% today. Hydrogen contributes to the security of energy supply by reducing dependence on the import of fossil energy and natural gas. Thus, the diversification of energy supply takes place by facilitating the implementation of renewable energy sources. This is assessed by the estimation of imported fossil fuels that will be replaced by hydrogen based on domestic renewable sources. Green hydrogen can be obtained from clean energy where investments in renewable energy, whose prices are falling, and innovation are a viable solution for the green economy. Hydrogen does not emit greenhouse gases and does not pollute the air when used. In Romania, the potential for renewable energy production is estimated to be almost ten times higher in 2030 than at present, which creates a significant opportunity to use some of this potential in the production of hydrogen that can replace fossil fuels.
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Černa Bolfíková, Barbora, Kristýna Eliášová, Miroslava Loudová, Boris Kryštufek, Petros Lymberakis, Attila D. Sándor, and Pavel Hulva. "Glacial allopatry vs. postglacial parapatry and peripatry: the case of hedgehogs." PeerJ 5 (April 25, 2017): e3163. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.3163.
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Although hedgehogs are well-known examples of postglacial recolonisation, the specific processes that shape their population structures have not been examined by detailed sampling and fast-evolving genetic markers in combination with model based clustering methods. This study aims to analyse the impacts of isolation within glacial refugia and of postglacial expansion on the population structure of the Northern White-breasted hedgehog (Erinaceus roumanicus). It also discusses the role of the processes at edges of species distribution in its evolutionary history. The maternally inherited mitochondrial control region and the bi-parentally inherited nuclear microsatellites were used to examine samples within the Central Europe, Balkan Peninsula and adjacent islands. Bayesian coalescent inference and neutrality tests proposed a recent increase in the population size. The most pronounced pattern of population structure involved differentiation of the insular populations in the Mediterranean Sea and the population within the contact zone with E. europaeus in Central Europe. An interspecies hybrid was detected for the first time in Central Europe. A low genetic diversity was observed in Crete, while the highest genetic distances among individuals were found in Romania. The recent population in the post-refugial area related to the Balkan Peninsula shows a complex pattern with pronounced subpopulations located mainly in the Pannonian Basin and at the Adriatic and Pontic coasts. Detailed analyses indicate that parapatry and peripatry may not be the only factors that limit range expansion, but also strong microevolutionary forces that may change the genetic structure of the species. Here we present evidence showing that population differentiation may occur not only during the glacial restriction of the range into the refugia, but also during the interglacial range expansion. Population differentiation at the Balkan Peninsula and adjacent regions could be ascribed to diversification in steppe/forest biomes and complicated geomorphology, including pronounced geographic barriers as Carpathians.
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Dubitska, Tetyana. "Approaches to the review of the Khotyn Uprising in 1919 in soviet and contemporary Ukrainian historiography." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 2, no. 50 (December 16, 2019): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2019.50.55-63.
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The Khotyn Uprising was an event that became one of the most striking pages in the history of the region in the XX century. Considerable attention was paid to the study of the history of this issue during the Soviet period, but interpretation of the rebellion has changed several times because of the increasing influence of ideology on the research of Soviet scientists. With the proclamation of Ukraine's Independence, it became possible to objectively cover these events, which led to a process of rethinking the scientific works of Soviet researchers. The presence of different approaches in covering this issue necessitates a detailed analysis of the transformations that took place in the interpretation of the Khotyn uprising.
The article explores the specific features of the main approaches to the coverage of the Khotyn uprising in Soviet and contemporary Ukrainian scientific historical literature.
It is established that in the 20th – 40th of the XX century the Khotyn uprising was reported as a spontaneous peasant rebellion against the Romanian invaders. According to the Representatives of this approach, one of the main causes of the defeat of uprising was the absence of a Bolshevik insurgency organisation.
It is revealed that 50th of the XX century became a transitional period between the previous interpretation of the Khotyn uprising and the new coverage of events, as scientists still emphasized that the uprising was peasantry, but began to provide a significance to revolutionary elements among them.
Since the 60th of the XX century the situation is changed: ideology has become a decisive element in research of the uprising and, therefore, all events related to the uprising have been covered in according to the ideology. Thus, the Khotyn uprising is reported as prepared by the communist-led committee, had a well-planned commencement and aimed at restoring Soviet power in the Khotyn region.
It is established that with the proclamation of Ukraine's Independence in the coverage of the uprising, there are dramatic changes related to the nature and purpose of the uprising, the political orientations of its leaders, etc. In contemporary Ukrainian science, for example, the Bolshevik character of the uprising and the struggle for power of the Soviets is refuted; instead, the emphasis was made on national liberation; it was confirmed the thesis about the orientation of some of the organizers of the uprising to the Ukrainian People's Republic in Kiev. The neutrality of the UPR’s Directory is explained because of the threat of war with Romania.
Keywords: Khotyn uprising, Soviet historiography, contemporary Ukrainian historiography.
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Țârău, Virgiliu. "Controlling and preventing the actions of the foreign agents. A relevant order for the county structures of the Securitate UM 0110 from 2nd of December 1989." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 65, no. 2 (May 26, 2021): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2020.2.10.
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"Thirty years after the fall of communism the debates about the soviet role in the East European Revolutions of 1989 are not ended. In this short article we discuss a relevant document in relation with this topic. It was an order issued by the Chief of the UM 0110 at the beginning of December 1989 in relation with the dangers related to the presence of tourists form East and West in Romania. In essence, in the same day when supposedly Bush and Gorbachev discussed in Malta the fate of Romania, the UM 0110 enter in an alarm situation. According to the directive, in order to control and prevent, but also for neutralize and thwart any hostile actions of the possible dangers, the UM 0110 need to intensify the surveillance of different categories of subjects which were in the attention (foreign tourists, other foreign travelers or representatives that were in Romania from other communist countries). What this document tells us is the fact that the Romanian Securitate was aware that such dangers need to be addressed urgently and that beyond routine urgent actions need to be prepared. These perils become pressing in terms of control, prevention and neutralization of the eventual actions of those tourists. Keywords: Romania, December 1989, foreign tourists, Securitate surveillance, UM 0110 "
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Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 144–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7.
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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-9.
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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
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Tudor, Cristiana, and Robert Sova. "EU Net-Zero Policy Achievement Assessment in Selected Members through Automated Forecasting Algorithms." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 11, no. 4 (March 31, 2022): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi11040232.
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The European Union (EU) has positioned itself as a frontrunner in the worldwide battle against climate change and has set increasingly ambitious pollution mitigation targets for its members. The burden is heavier for the more vulnerable economies in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), who must juggle meeting strict greenhouse gas emission (GHG) reduction goals, significant fossil-fuel reliance, and pressure to respond to current pandemic concerns that require an increasing share of limited public resources, while facing severe repercussions for non-compliance. Thus, the main goals of this research are: (i) to generate reliable aggregate GHG projections for CEE countries; (ii) to assess whether these economies are on track to meet their binding pollution reduction targets; (iii) to pin-point countries where more in-depth analysis using spatial inventories of GHGs at a finer resolution is further needed to uncover specific areas that should be targeted by additional measures; and (iv) to perform geo-spatial analysis for the most at-risk country, Poland. Seven statistical and machine-learning models are fitted through automated forecasting algorithms to predict the aggregate GHGs in nine CEE countries for the 2019–2050 horizon. Estimations show that CEE countries (except Romania and Bulgaria) will not meet the set pollution reduction targets for 2030 and will unanimously miss the 2050 carbon neutrality target without resorting to carbon credits or offsets. Austria and Slovenia are the least likely to meet the 2030 emissions reduction targets, whereas Poland (in absolute terms) and Slovenia (in relative terms) are the farthest from meeting the EU’s 2050 net-zero policy targets. The findings thus stress the need for additional measures that go beyond the status quo, particularly in Poland, Austria, and Slovenia. Geospatial analysis for Poland uncovers that Krakow is the city where pollution is the most concentrated with several air pollutants surpassing EU standards. Short-term projections of PM2.5 levels indicate that the air quality in Krakow will remain below EU and WHO standards, highlighting the urgency of policy interventions. Further geospatial data analysis can provide valuable insights into other geo-locations that require the most additional efforts, thereby, assisting in the achievement of EU climate goals with targeted measures and minimum socio-economic costs. The study concludes that statistical and geo-spatial data, and consequently research based on these data, complement and enhance each other. An integrated framework would consequently support sustainable development through bettering policy and decision-making processes.
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Ineoan, A. D. "Austro-Hungarian-Romanian diplomatic challenges during the neutrality period. The case of a "Romanian agitator"." Revue roumaine d"histoire, T. 55, N 1/4 (за 2016) (2017): 21–31.
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Crotty, Joel. "Beyond the Sneer: Revisiting Musical Socialist Realism." Transcultural Studies 9, no. 1 (2013): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-00901008.
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The author engages with how communism and socialist realism have been re-presented in post-communist Europe. Communist cultural artefacts are displayed in museums and theme parks on a continuum from dangerous relics to benign kitsch. He argues for neutrality when dealing with musical socialist realism and demonstrates some of the pitfalls in taking that position through examples of Romanian art music from the mid-20th century.
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Miu, Luciana. "Public perceptions of CCUS in Central and Eastern Europe – implications for community engagement." Baltic Carbon Forum 2 (October 13, 2023): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21595/bcf.2023.23580.
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Carbon capture, utilization, and storage (CCUS) is emerging as a subject of major interest for EU climate policy due to their potential role in avoiding hard-to-abate CO2 emissions, as well as to lead to “negative emissions” through direct air capture or bioenergy with carbon capture and storage. Despite CCUS technologies being deployed since the 1970s, their widespread implementation is still challenged by a range of factors, including policy inertia, high costs, and relative novelty in the public discourse. In particular, as CCUS emerges slowly into the realm of public and political debate, opinions on these technologies and associated projects are easily changeable and affected by a range of factors, which make concerted public and community engagement extremely important for deploying them where they matter most.The Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) region is characterized by a higher-than-average economic dependence on heavy industry, old assets and infrastructure, and a high occurrence of regions where the transition to climate neutrality will have a significant impact on local economies, employment, and social welfare [1]. CCUS could play an important role in decarbonizing the heavy industry sectors of the region, particularly given the potentially significant storage capabilities of countries such as Romania and Poland, as well as emerging storage potential in the Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean Sea. However, climate policy in these jurisdictions is sluggish, and there is a general failure to approach CCUS in a systematic way, with targeted application to sectors where it can have the highest impact, such as cement and oil refining. As a result, the public debate around CCUS is practically non-existent, and where public opinions do emerge, they may be significantly influenced by the context of a particular project and generate significant resistance based on the relationship with project developers, the amplification of perceived risks, and the lack of appropriate explanations of costs, benefits and risks. This in turn can lead to a reticence of political stakeholders to commit to deploying CCUS, causing the public debate to further stagnate and creating a vicious circle whereby opportunities to familiarize the public with these technologies (well in advance of their deployment) are missed.In order to deploy CCUS at pace and scale, as part of the catching-up climate policies of CEE countries, public perception of CCUS must be thoroughly researched and developed into appropriate guidelines for community engagement by project developers. There is experience in the region – the feasibility study for Romania’s planned Getica CCS demonstrator (subsequently abandoned) included comprehensive research into the perceptions of local communities, and a toolkit for communications around CCUS by project developers. Similarly, learnings from Poland’s failed Belchatow CCS project can serve to re-assess the state of public opinion on CCS, and how the local and national-level contexts for CCUS perceptions interact. The CEE region has significant potential for deploying CCUS, and public perception must be an integral part of planning as the region moves into the key decade of 2030-2040 for implementing large-scale projects.
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Zăloagă, Marian. "DINCOLO PRACTICI ȘI CONVENIENȚE DISCURSIVE PRECEDENTE. REPREZENTĂRI ALE ROMILOR ÎN PRESA CENTRALĂ DE LIMBĂ GERMANĂ DIN ROMÂNIA COMUNISTĂ ȘI MIZELE LOR POLITICE." ANUARUL INSTITUTULUI DE CERCETĂRI SOCIO-UMANE „GHEORGHE ŞINCAI” 26 (April 1, 2023): 85–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/icsugh.sincai.26.07.
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The present paper addresses a topic entirely ignored in the studies dedicated to the Roma people during communism times. I am interested to highlight how Roma were accounted for in the German speaking central press published in communist Romania. I am setting my research in the field of representation of otherness but I am setting the resulting rhetoric dedicated to the Roma in the context in which the journalists and the readership were also embodying an ethnic other that had to be surveilled and policed - it is true in a particular fashion and with other means –, by the Communist Romanian state authorities. Remarks concerning the Roma, made in a more or less fugitive fashion in various and scattered press articles, can be regarded as of secondary interests. They appear to be more likely to be a pretext to debate about the challenges encountered by the communist social engineering program. Publication of texts involving interactions between ethnics of different origins, including Germans and Roma, was also a communist journalistic strategy to propagandistically present the advancements made with regard to a provocative social issue which had been wrongly addressed by previous political regimes. In the following pages, I am examining the narratives of the articles published in the “Neuer Weg” and its yearly almanac for a period of fifty years. The objective is to illustrate how Roma were instrumentalized in a propagandistic campaign to reshape modes of thinking of the Germans from communist Romania. Different references to Roma were exploited to nurture a collective feeling of common belongingness to an imagined working - class society that had to transcend preexisting ethnic prejudiced thinking. Hints to sensitive topics like the slavery or the radical wright wing exterminations policies against the Roma were referred to in a cunning attempt to convey to the German readership a sense of guilt, and, thus, to neutralize its eventual reactions in the context of collectivization, systematization, educational, policies.
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PENG, YANG, and HONGYU QI. "Analysis of China's Carbon Peak and Carbon Neutral Policy Agenda from the Perspective of the Multiple-Streams Approach." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 5, no. 1 (January 5, 2023): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2023.5.1.5.
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Global climate change and ecological environment destruction have become global problems that cannot be ignored. As the largest developing country, China faces the reality of emission reduction from the international community and the pressure of domestic environmental protection. Based on the policy process of carbon peak and carbon neutrality in China, the allocation and use of carbon peak policy tools in China are analyzed by using the Multiple-Streams Approach, and some insights are proposed, hoping to provide some thinking for related research. The initiation of China’s carbon peak and carbon neutrality policy agenda is inseparable from concerns about Problem Streams, discussions on policy streams, and the promotion of Political Streams, as well as the help of policy entrepreneurs. In the future, in the process of continuously promoting carbon peaking and carbon neutrality policies, China should be problem-oriented, continuously optimize policy guidelines, continue to deepen the political environment and promote comprehensive green transformation and sustainable economic and social development with "Double carbon" policies. TRANSLATE with x English Arabic Hebrew Polish Bulgarian Hindi Portuguese Catalan Hmong Daw Romanian Chinese Simplified Hungarian Russian Chinese Traditional Indonesian Slovak Czech Italian Slovenian Danish Japanese Spanish Dutch Klingon Swedish English Korean Thai Estonian Latvian Turkish Finnish Lithuanian Ukrainian French Malay Urdu German Maltese Vietnamese Greek Norwegian Welsh Haitian Creole Persian TRANSLATE with COPY THE URL BELOW Back EMBED THE SNIPPET BELOW IN YOUR SITE Enable collaborative features and customize widget: Bing Webmaster Portal Back