Journal articles on the topic 'Neutrality policy'
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1
Wee, Lionel. "Neutrality in language policy." Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 31, no. 4 (July 2010): 421–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2010.489951.
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Newey, Glen. "Metaphysics Postponed: Liberalism, Pluralism, and Neutrality." Political Studies 45, no. 2 (June 1997): 296–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00082.
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Many recent liberal theorists have argued that state neutrality is supported by a metaphysical thesis about value, namely pluralism, which asserts that there are some conceptions of the good life which neither form a hierarchy nor represent versions of a single good. It is however doubtful whether neutrality is supported by pluralism; indeed, it may in some cases be precluded by it. Arguments for pluralism can, in many cases, be reconciled with a monistic metaphysics of value, and pluralism itself fails to support neutrality. This is particularly true of traditional liberal policy positions such as religious toleration and opposition to censorship, where attention to diverse conceptions of the good may favour, or demand, non-neutral policies. The political problems which neutrality addresses arise before we accept the metaphysical ‘truth’ of pluralism, and often remain even if the parties to a political conflict have false conceptions of value. A sharp question for the pluralist neutralist is why conflicting conceptions of the political cannot themselves feature in plural conceptions of the good life. Dispensing with pluralism may not, however, be enough to rescue neutrality, since the disputes which neutrality was designed to deal with may not be resolvable neutrally; and more particularly, some of the traditional liberal policies may be incapable of neutral justification. If so, liberals may find a more traditional form of non-neutral liberalism more attractive.
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Krammer, Philip, Lynnette Dray, and Marcus O. Köhler. "Climate-neutrality versus carbon-neutrality for aviation biofuel policy." Transportation Research Part D: Transport and Environment 23 (August 2013): 64–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.trd.2013.03.013.
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Kitano, Mitsuru. "Ireland's Neutrality Policy and Japan's Alliance Policy." Irish Studies in International Affairs 31, no. 1 (2020): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2020.0014.
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PATTEN, ALAN. "Liberal Neutrality and Language Policy." Philosophy Public Affairs 31, no. 4 (October 2003): 356–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1088-4963.2003.00356.x.
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Nickerson, David. "A theorem on policy neutrality." European Economic Review 28, no. 3 (August 1985): 331–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0014-2921(85)80012-x.
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Raymond, Nathaniel A. "Medical Neutrality." Journal of Ambulatory Care Management 25, no. 4 (October 2002): 71–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00004479-200210000-00011.
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Acocella, Nicola, and Giovanni Di Bartolomeo. "Non-neutrality of monetary policy in policy games." European Journal of Political Economy 20, no. 3 (September 2004): 695–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2003.06.001.
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Radojević, Slobodan, Milena Knežević, and Dragan Bojanić. "The policy of neutrality and investment in the defence system." Vojno delo 75, no. 2 (2023): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2302014r.
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At a time when traditionally neutral countries in international relations, such as Finland and Sweden, decide to abandon this concept, it is necessary to reconsider the policy of neutrality of European countries, as well as costs and investment in the defence system. Analysing the case of the neutrality of Switzerland, Austria and the Republic of Serbia, the authors start from the policy of this concept and monitor the costs and investment in their defence system. Switzerland is the first country whose permanent neutrality is internationally recognized and is considered a model of the international and legal status of neutrality. Austrian neutrality is much younger and is the result of specific international relations. Among other things, Switzerland bases its policy of neutrality on the concept of armed neutrality and great investment in materiel, and Austria follows a similar pattern in the policy of neutrality. Although neutrality of each state is conditioned by various factors and marked by specificities, which should be taken into account when generalising, the authors believe that, despite changes in the structure of international politics and the expansion of the meaning and scope of security, great investment in the defense and security system is a guarantee of indisputability and sustainability of neutral states. Therefore, using comparative analysis of neutrality policies and comparing investment in defence systems, they conclude that the key to the concept of neutrality and armed deterrence is investment in materiel, which is of great importance for developing and strengthening the concept of the military neutrality of the Republic of Serbia.
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Laine, Jani, Jukka Heinonen, and Seppo Junnila. "Pathways to Carbon-Neutral Cities Prior to a National Policy." Sustainability 12, no. 6 (March 20, 2020): 2445. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12062445.
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Some cities have set carbon neutrality targets prior to national or state-wide neutrality targets, which makes the shift to carbon neutrality more difficult, as the surrounding system does not support this. The purpose of this paper was to evaluate different options for a progressive city to reach carbon neutrality in energy prior to the surrounding system. The study followed the C40 Cities definition of a carbon-neutral city and used the City of Vantaa in Finland as a progressive case aiming for carbon neutrality by 2030, five years before the national target for carbon neutrality. The study mapped the carbon neutrality process based on City documents and national statistics, and validated it through process-owner interviews. It was identified that most of the measures in the carbon neutrality process were actually outside the jurisdiction of the City, which outsources the responsibility for the majority of carbon neutrality actions to either private properties or national actors with broader boundaries. The only major measure in the City’s direct control was the removal of carbon emissions from municipal district heat production, which potentially represent 30% of the City’s reported carbon emissions and 58% of its energy-related carbon emissions. Interestingly, the City owns electricity production capacity within and beyond the city borders, but it doesn’t allocate it for itself. Allocation would significantly increase the control over the City’s own actions regarding carbon neutrality. Thus, it is proposed that cities aiming for carbon neutrality should promote and advance allocable carbon-free energy production, regardless of geographical location, as one of the central methods of achieving carbon neutrality.
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Shin, Dong-Hee. "A Non-Economic Model of the Social Value of Network Policy." Journal of Global Information Management 24, no. 2 (April 2016): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jgim.2016040101.
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To understand market dynamics relating to net neutrality better, in particular from the end-user perspective, this study examines consumer perception of neutrality and the public value under debate within the neutrality discussions. Focusing on the user perspective, it analyzes the policy effectiveness of current net neutrality by analyzing user perception and opinion. A value model is proposed to empirically test the policy effectiveness by incorporating factors representing net neutrality. The factors are drawn from people's perceived concepts of net neutrality. The findings show that while competition and regulation are the two main factors constituting net neutrality, each of them influences the formation of attitude toward policy effectiveness differently. This study contributes to policymakers by increasing an understanding of market dynamics relating to net neutrality, in particular from the end-user perspective.
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Goswami, Anandajit, Sampurna Goswami, and Ashutosh Senger. "Gender Neutrality." International Journal of Sustainable Entrepreneurship and Corporate Social Responsibility 4, no. 2 (July 2019): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsecsr.2019070103.
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The main focus of this article is to critically analyse the associations between crime against women, gender neutrality and attainment of SDG 5 within the multicultural complex context of India. The article argues that to achieve gender equality and neutrality, changes must be made at the level of policy that empowers not only women but also the other genders. This has to be mainstreamed within policy making, by institutions and someday as a part of CSR through the creation of a shared value approach. The article argues that gender equality is not just about women's empowerment but also about empowering all other genders. For making its case, this article gives a detailed analysis of women's empowerment laws and goes on to make a case for the gender equality and neutrality by challenging the binary of man versus woman. The article makes a narrative about the imperative need of pushing gender neutrality in order to attain SDG-5 and sustainability in the middle of the unequal power relationship within every segment and sector of societies with complex cultural, class, caste divide and other inequities.
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Jastramskis, Deimantas. "The Denationalization and Agencification of Net Neutrality Policy in Lithuania." Medijska istraživanja 25, no. 2 (December 20, 2019): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22572/mi.25.2.2.
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This paper focuses on the making of communications policy in Lithuania, specifically regarding net neutrality. The study employs a multiple stream model to analyze the conditions of the political process and the activity of political actors. The paper claims that the Lithuanian communications policy has become essentially denationalized since the country’s accession to the European Union. The issue of net neutrality policy has been framed in the context of EU policy, while the national agenda of net neutrality policy lost its significance. The denationalization of the net neutrality policy-making was harmonized with the agencification of policy formulation stage.
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Metea, Ileana Gentilia. "An Image of the Evolution of Switzerland’s Neutrality Policy." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 27, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2021-0012.
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Abstract The specific elements of neutrality, namely, the national interests, the right to neutrality, the international situation, as well as aspects related to tradition and history, are determinants of Switzerland’s neutrality policy. Switzerland’s role on the international stage is the role of a “silent witness” who transmits his “testimony” through nonverbal language. The effort of the Swiss confederation to preserve its neutrality is the effort of a champion who puts his title to the test again and again to permanently reconfirm the legitimacy of his position.
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OH, Hyungna, Inkee HONG, and Ilyoung OH. "South Korea’s 2050 Carbon Neutrality Policy." East Asian Policy 13, no. 01 (January 2021): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000039.
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On 28 October 2020, President Moon Jae-in declared Korea’s 2050 carbon neutrality strategy as a comprehensive transformation plan towards a sustainable and green Korean economy. The key elements for the 2050 carbon neutrality are: expanding the use of clean power and hydrogen across all sectors; improving energy efficiency to a significant level; commercial development of carbon removal and other future technologies; scaling up the circular economy to improve industrial sustainability; and enhancing carbon sinks. The success of the 2050 net-zero depends on whether the energy sector can be decarbonised on schedule. More fundamentally, the strength of carbon pricing to secure private climate finance will determine the future of Korea’s vision to go carbon neutral by 2050.
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Fox, Mark. "Swiss Neutrality: From Policy to Doctrine." Orbis 66, no. 4 (2022): 477–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2022.08.003.
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Brautović, Mato. "Net neutrality policy debate in Croatia." Medijska istraživanja 26, no. 1 (June 23, 2020): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22572/mi.26.1.1.
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This study examines the debate on net neutrality in the Croatian public sphere, its origin and connection to similar debates in the United States and the EU. The study also tries to answer who the policy actors that influence the NN debate are, how the policy-making process concerning this topic was carried out in Croatia, and what the role of the mainstream media is. Empirical data was collected from documents and posts regarding net neutrality found on government, media, NGO and industry websites. The findings show that there are two parallel debates on net neutrality and the character of the Croatian policy-making process: the debate that is going on in the mainstream and online media, where international topics and actors (the US, the EU) dominate, and the debate that is happening in the Croatian public sphere, which is carried out as part of panels and conferences (mainly organised by the Croatian Regulatory Authority for Network Industries). Although the mainstream media reported positively about net neutrality, they have failed to bring the process of policy-making and the corresponding debate closer to the general public, as was the case in the US or Western Europe.
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Malek, M. "Austrian Security Policy: Neutrality or NATO?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2000): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2000-2-27-35.
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Darrat, Ali F. "On the neutrality of fiscal policy." Journal of Economics and Business 38, no. 3 (August 1986): 193–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0148-6195(86)90029-9.
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Indiahono, Dwiyanto. "Dynamics of Bureaucratic Neutrality Policy in Indonesia." Jurnal Borneo Administrator 18, no. 3 (November 30, 2022): 309–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24258/jba.v18i3.1104.
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This research reveals the dynamics of relations between civil servants and political parties in Indonesia from the Old Order, the New Order to the Reform Era. This study is an important effort to observe the dynamics of civil servants and political parties in Indonesia and create social learning contributions for the betterment of the country. A qualitative research method with secondary data/literature study was selected. The literature study examined policy documents related to bureaucratic neutrality in the Old Order, New Order, and Reform Era. The study data were collected through documentation, including data from papers related to bureaucratic neutrality in the periods above. The study shows that the idea of bureaucratic neutrality had been initiated since the Old Order, disappeared during the New Order, and was reborn in the Reform Era. The challenge of bureaucratic neutrality was the pull of political parties in the parliamentary system during the Old Order, the power of bureaucracy to be the political supporters of the rulers during the New Order, and the contestation of presidential and regional head elections in the Reform Era, which often tests bureaucratic neutrality
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Khudaiberdieva, Nurbibi Kh. "Influence of Turkey on the policy of neutrality and foreign policy of Turkmenistan (1995–2016)." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (April 30, 2020): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-2-51-58.
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The paper analyzes the attitude of Turkey to the policy of neutrality of Turkmenistan in the period from 1995 to 2016. Based on the geopolitical situation in the Central Asian region in the post-Soviet period, the author identifies the reasons for Turkmenistan’s adoption of a neutral status. Among the reasons for this decision by the Turkmen leadership are the deterioration of the situation in the region, the desire of the great powers and regional leaders to strengthen their positions in Central Asia, including in the energy sector, Turkey’s active position in the post-Soviet period aimed at developing political, energy, and humanitarian contacts, and the desire of The Niyazov regime to limit external influence on the country’s internal and foreign policy. The author noted the influence of the status of neutrality on the implementation of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy and the attitude of Turkey to this process. In the development of Turkmenistan’s neutrality policy in 1995–2016, two stages can be conditionally distinguished: the first is 1995–2006 when the policy of neutrality bordering on isolationism, which seriously limited Turkey’s contacts with Turkmenistan; the second is 2007–2016 when the expansion of cooperation between Turkmenistan and Turkey, including in the security sphere. In the 2007–2016 Turkey sought to expand its geopolitical influence over Turkmenistan by maintaining its neutrality, which led to the formation of a close political and economic dialogue between Ankara and Ashgabat.
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Popławski, Dariusz. "Neutrality in Austria's Foreign and Security Policy after the Cold War." Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 24, no. 2 (July 19, 2020): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.2.2020.6.
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After the end of the Cold War, neutrality was redefined by adapting its functioning to the unprecedented changes in the international environment. This redefi nition covered two key areas; the change in attitudes towards international confl icts and the rejection of the principles of economic neutrality. By joining the EU, Austria, as a perpetually neutral state, made a commitment to fully conform with its obligations arising from participating in the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The necessary changes to legal regulations have led to a departure from the principles of traditional neutrality and the actual change of international status to an alliance-free/post-neutral state. The main area of main Austrian political forces’ dispute within foreign and security policy was the recognition of the possibility of abandonment of neutrality and NATO membership. It remains unresolved as to whether the rejection of neutrality constitutes solely a legal and constitutional issue. At the same time, Austrian society, with its fi rm pro-European attitude, still shows a strong commitment to neutrality.
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Kim, Yeon Jun, Eun Su Kim, A. Yeon Kim, and Jae Eun Lee. "Empirical Analysis of Carbon Neutrality Perceptions to Overcome the Climate Crisis in Chungbuk, Korea." Crisis and Emergency Management: Theory and Praxis 19, no. 8 (August 31, 2023): 89–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.14251/crisisonomy.2023.19.8.89.
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This study aims to analyze the perceptions of climate crisis risk, roles of actors, green living practices, carbon neutrality policies, and policy outcomes to set policy directions for achieving carbon neutrality to overcome the climate crisis. The main findings of this analysis are as follows. First, there are gender differences in risk perceptions between men and women regarding the likelihood of survival threats from the climate crisis. Second, there are differences in the roles of different actors in carbon neutrality policy behavior. Third, respondents are currently uncomfortable with the idea of going carbon neutral, and policy effectiveness is low. Fourth, respondents are willing to accept the inconvenience of strengthening laws and regulations to realize carbon neutrality. Fifth, the most common way to learn about pro-neutrality policies is through mass media. Sixth, purchasing recycled products and recycling consumption were the most preferred actions. Seventh, the lack of information on the scope and timing of climate change impacts was the most serious problem with the carbon neutrality policy. The most preferred policies were: recognizing the seriousness of the climate crisis and environmental education, supporting social systems, and providing incentives and points.
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Huang, Qirong. "Analysis of Global Policy and Impact on Automobile Industry under Carbon Neutrality." E3S Web of Conferences 308 (2021): 01021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202130801021.
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“Carbon Neutrality” means that enterprises, groups, or individuals calculate the total amount of greenhouse gas emissions produced directly or indirectly within a certain period and offset their Carbon dioxide emissions through afforestation, energy conservation, and emission reduction to achieve zero carbon dioxide emissions. Since 2020, the commitment to Carbon Neutrality has been paid attention to by various industries. Particularly, in the car industry, “Carbon Neutrality” has almost become one of the hottest directions. This paper focuses on policymaking and its impact on the automotive industry in the context of carbon neutrality. It is concluded that Carbon Neutrality is a problem that automobile enterprises must face. Automobile enterprises should set targets and time nodes related to Carbon Neutrality as soon as possible and speed up implementing specific measures. In addition, electric and new energy vehicles are more conducive to carbon emissions and carbon neutral transportation. Its development should also be put on the agenda.
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Weinstock, Daniel M. "A Neutral Conception of Reasonableness?" Episteme 3, no. 3 (October 2006): 234–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/epi.2006.3.3.234.
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ABSTRACTMuch liberal theorizing of the past twenty years has been built around a conception of neutrality and an accompanying virtue of reasonableness according to which citizens ought to be able to view public policy debates from a perspective detached from their comprehensive conceptions of the good. The view of “justificatory neutrality” that emerges from this view is discussed and rejected as embodying controversial views about the relationship of individuals to their conceptions of the good. It is shown to be based upon a “protestant” assumption according to which conceptions of the good can be cashed out in terms of propositionalbeliefs. An alternative conception of reasonableness, grounded in the stable disposition of individuals to prefer social peace over conflict is described. It is argued that it better satisfies the neutralist requirement than do theories of justificatory neutrality.
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Beyer, Jessica L., and Stephanie C. Hofmann. "Varieties of neutrality." Cooperation and Conflict 46, no. 3 (September 2011): 285–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836711416956.
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With the end of the Cold War, the neutral countries of Austria, Finland, Ireland and Sweden have grappled with the question of what their neutrality means in relation to membership in the European Union’s (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) Partnership for Peace (PfP). The concept of neutrality has continued to inform the foreign and security policies of these four neutral EU members to varying degrees, but what explains these ‘varieties of neutrality’ and what does neutrality mean in relation to membership in the EU’s CSDP and NATO’s PfP? In this article, the primary focus is on neutrality as a norm. Understanding neutrality as a norm helps clarify how neutrality becomes embedded in national identity, what it shows about the interactions between domestic belief systems and international security conditions over time, and how the definition of a norm can be revised to allow for desired policy choices. To this end, the article asserts that there are four interrelated factors key to explaining how and why each state modified its interpretation of neutrality vis-à-vis international military institutions such as NATO, and the CSDP: the reason for and timing of institutionalizing neutrality (coerced or voluntary), the form of institutionalization ( de jure or de facto), political elite opinion and public opinion/belief.
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Havstad, Joyce C., and Matthew J. Brown. "NEUTRALITY, RELEVANCE, PRESCRIPTION, AND THE IPCC." Public Affairs Quarterly 31, no. 4 (October 1, 2017): 303–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/44732800.
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Abstract The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) states that its assessment reports are "policy-relevant and yet policy-neutral, never policy-prescriptive." Here, we investigate the meaning of that statement and conclude that at least one of the components within the statement—the claim to policy-neutrality—is extremely misleading. Misunderstandings of this neutrality claim have resulted in harm to the IPCC’s efforts and image. In an effort to help the IPCC restore its credibility, we explore possible interpretations of "neutrality," expose likely sources of misunderstanding, and suggest a plausible way of interpreting the term that is both defensible as a goal and fits with the IPCC’s actual activities. Future science advising efforts should carefully choose how they present their aims, to avoid the confusions created by unfortunate connotations of "neutrality."
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Dai, Minhan, Guirui Yu, Xiliang Zhang, Zhijun Jin, Xiaoye Zhang, and Xudong Zhu. "Fundamental Research and Policy on Carbon Neutrality." Fundamental Research 2, no. 3 (May 2022): 355–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.fmre.2022.04.001.
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Devroe, Wouter. "PRIVATIZATIONS AND COMMUNITY LAW: NEUTRALITY VERSUS POLICY." Common Market Law Review 34, Issue 2 (April 1, 1997): 267–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/134504.
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Komarov, Alexey. "Finland’s Neutrality in Soviet Foreign Policy Perceptions." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016474-0.
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The article examines the evolution of the Soviet leadership’s attitudes regarding Finland’s desire to position itself as a neutral country. Finland’s efforts to promote the idea of its neutrality became especially active after World War II. In this way the representatives of the Finnish political class tried to enhance their profile on the international arena and distance themselves from the military clauses of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual assistance signed by the USSR and Finland in 1948. Both in Moscow and Helsinki it was understood that neutrality can play the role of an important foreign policy instrument. The Finns tried to use this instrument to weaken Soviet influence on the country, to facilitate rapprochement with other Nordic countries and, ultimately, with the West as a whole. The Soviet leadership regarded these activities negatively. However, within the framework of general deconstruction of the foreign policy priorities’ system created by Mikhail S. Gorbachev’s predecessors, the Soviet side in 1989 finally and unconditionally recognized Finland’s neutrality. After the collapse of the USSR the Soviet-Finnish Treaty of 1948 was substituted by another document, namely the Treaty on the Foundations of Relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Finland signed on January 20, 1992. During the elaboration of the new agreement the Russian side would have had no objection against recognizing Finland as a neutral state, but Helsinki, considering the transition from the bipolar system of international relations to the unipolar one, showed no interest to this.
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Coglianese, Cary. "Implications of Liberal Neutrality for Environmental Policy." Environmental Ethics 20, no. 1 (1998): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/enviroethics199820144.
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Tornudd, Klaus. "Finnish Neutrality Policy during the Cold War." SAIS Review of International Affairs 25, no. 2 (2005): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.2005.0044.
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Zavada, Ya, and Ya Palok. "SWEDISH NEUTRALITY POLICY IN THE XXI CENTURY." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 3(55) (December 21, 2022): 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.3(55).269546.
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The article examines the neutrality policy of Sweden in the 21st century. The Kingdom of Sweden is one of the few countries on the international scene in the 21st century that implements its foreign policy through a policy of neutrality. It should be noted that Sweden has not directly participated in any military conflicts since the Napoleonic Wars. Also, the article analyzes Sweden's response to modern security challenges in the world and examines the transformation of the country's defense system between the end of the Cold War and the present day. It was established that the traditional policy of neutrality in the light of modern security problems has become ineffective, which forced the country to review its own security structure, as well as to deepen foreign policy relations with its partners, in particular in the field of security and defense. It is worth noting that the country maintained strong ties with NATO, but despite close cooperation, Sweden was a non-aligned state. However, the difficult situation on the international arena, namely the Russian armed invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, forced some countries, primarily Sweden and Finland, to review their security policy and join the countries of the North Atlantic Alliance.
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Douard, John. "Is Risk Neutrality Rational?" Medical Decision Making 16, no. 1 (February 1996): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0272989x9601600105.
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Hallett, Andrew Hughes, Nicola Acocella, and Giovanni Di Bartolomeo. "Policy games, policy neutrality and Tinbergen controllability under rational expectations." Journal of Macroeconomics 32, no. 1 (March 2010): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jmacro.2009.07.002.
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Su, Chi-Wei, Yuru Song, Hsu-Ling Chang, Weike Zhang, and Meng Qin. "Could Cryptocurrency Policy Uncertainty Facilitate U.S. Carbon Neutrality?" Sustainability 15, no. 9 (May 2, 2023): 7479. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su15097479.
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Investigating the essential impact of the cryptocurrency market on carbon emissions is significant for the U.S. to realize carbon neutrality. This exploration employs low-frequency vector auto-regression (LF-VAR) and mixed-frequency VAR (MF-VAR) models to capture the complicated interrelationship between cryptocurrency policy uncertainty (CPU) and carbon emission (CE) and to answer the question of whether cryptocurrency policy uncertainty could facilitate U.S. carbon neutrality. By comparison, the MF-VAR model possesses a higher explanatory power than the LF-VAR model; the former’s impulse response indicates a negative CPU effect on CE, suggesting that cryptocurrency policy uncertainty is a promoter for the U.S. to realize the goal of carbon neutrality. In turn, CE positively impacts CPU, revealing that mass carbon emissions would raise public and national concerns about the environmental damages caused by cryptocurrency transactions and mining. Furthermore, CPU also has a mediation effect on CE; that is, CPU could affect CE through the oil price (OP). In the context of a more uncertain cryptocurrency market, valuable insights for the U.S. could be offered to realize carbon neutrality by reducing the traditional energy consumption and carbon emissions of cryptocurrency trading and mining.
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Devine, Karen. "Neutrality and the development of the European Union’s common security and defence policy." Cooperation and Conflict 46, no. 3 (September 2011): 334–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836711416958.
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This article examines the content of concepts of neutrality articulated in elite and public discourses in the context of the development of the European Union’s (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). In parallel with security and defence policy developments in successive EU treaties, many argue that the meaning of neutrality has been re-conceptualized by elites in EU ‘neutral’ member states (specifically, Austria, Finland, Ireland and Sweden) to the point of irrelevance and inevitable demise. Others argue that the concept of ‘military’ neutrality, as it is termed by elites in Ireland, or ‘military non-alignment’, as it is termed by elites in Austria, Sweden and Finland, meaning non-membership of military alliances, is compatible with the CSDP in the Lisbon Treaty. An investigation of these paradoxical discursive claims as to the status of neutrality yields findings of a divergence in public ‘active’ and elite ‘military’ concepts of neutrality that embodies competing foreign policy agendas. These competing, value-laden, concepts reflect tensions between, on the one hand, the cultural influences of a domestic constituency holding strong national identities and role-conceptions informed by a postcolonial or anti-imperialist legacy and, on the other hand, elite socialization influences of ‘global actor’ and common defence-supported identity ambitions encountered at the EU level that can induce discursively subtle yet materially significant shifts in neutral state foreign policy. The article concludes with an analysis of the compatibility of both ‘military’ neutrality and the ‘active’ concept of neutrality with the CSDP in the Lisbon Treaty and draws conclusions on the future role of neutrality both inside and outside the EU framework.
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Kantemirova, M., A. S. Salamova, and S. Gishlakaev. "Commitment to Carbon Neutrality." SHS Web of Conferences 172 (2023): 02021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202317202021.
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The economic and political processes taking place at the global level, aimed at reducing the negative impact of the anthropogenic factor on the environment, have a significant impact on the foreign and domestic policy of the Russian Federation and can serve both as a basis for strengthening the country’s international political influence and global competitiveness, and as a source of serious conflicts. in the international arena and within the Russian political elite. As a turning point that marked the beginning of a new stage in global climate policy, one can consider the so-called Paris Agreement under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, prepared to replace the Kyoto Protocol during the Climate Conference in Paris, adopted by consensus on December 12, 2015 and signed on April 22 2016. The agreement calls for all countries to commit themselves to reducing their emissions and work together to adapt to the impacts of climate change, and encourages countries to strengthen their commitments over time.
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Dorosh, Lesia. "Neutrality of Switzerland in the Light of the Contemporary Security Challenges: Realistic, Neoliberal, and Constructive Approaches." Humanitarian vision 8, no. 2 (November 16, 2022): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2022.02.023.
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In the article, the author analyzes how the understanding of the concept of neutrality of European states and its implementation in their foreign policy strategies changes at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st centuries, along with the change in the international system of relations. The interesting case of a truly neutral country is Switzerland, whose foreign policy behavior is a challenge to the negative expectations of observers regarding the pessimistic prospects of neutrality as an option for the implementation of the foreign policy course. In this article, the author considers the neutrality of Switzerland from the point of view of three conceptual approaches to the understanding of neutrality: realist, neoliberal and constructivist. From the point of view of realism, Switzerland has long been aware of its status as a “small” state and, respectively, uses it as an important mean of self-preservation in a territory surrounded by “big” states. From a neoliberal point of view, the key trend today is Switzerland's increasing attention to bilateral and multilateral defense cooperation. And from the standpoint of constructivism, neutrality is an important “symbol” of the common identity of the diverse population of Switzerland. Therefore, the author concludes that Switzerland was able to maintain a controversial foreign policy of neutrality, emphasizing its national identity and independence, while at the same time benefiting from international economic interdependence. Switzerland's neutrality allows it to develop and deepen international economic relations very well.
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Vezhlivtseva, N. Yu. "Finland’s Neutrality as Part of Its National Identity." MGIMO Review of International Relations 65, no. 2 (May 25, 2019): 86–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-2-65-86-100.
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The article examines Finland's case within the framework of current discussions on the relevance of neutrality policy. It is widely believed that Finland's neutrality arose during the cold war as a result of a pragmatic assessment of the general world order at that time. The military non-alignment is regarded from this perspective as a rational and necessary policy for a small state in the bipolar world. After the cold war some politicians and researches argued that under the new conditions the policy of military neutrality is not relevant anymore and that belonging to the Western community is the only choice. However, Finland's military non-alignment policy and reliance on self-defense have remained unchanged for almost three decades. Finnish authorities have consistently pursued this line with a strong support of the majority of population. The reasons for that cannot be explained only as a rational political choice of a small state in certain geopolitical realities, the issue is more complex. Some Finnish researchers consider neutrality as part of the Finnish national identity. Using this approach, the author examines the genesis and development of neutrality policy as part of its national identity, which evolved at the junction of East and West. The article examines the influence of Sweden and Russia on the development of Finland’s statehood and its foreign policy. Sweden determined the political structures and inculcated Finns with the Scandinavian identity. The role of Russia in the beginning of Finnish statehood was crucial. It formed the subsequent Eastern vector of Finland’s foreign policy. The symbiosis of Western (Swedish) and Eastern (Russian) vectors gives Finland additional advantages, allowing a small state to claim the role of a «bridge-builder» between East and West. The author concludes that this complex combination has created the prerequisites for neutrality expressed in the policy of military non-alignment. Neutrality as a part of Finnish national identity has deep historical roots. It was born together with the Finnish statehood and has been staying with it despite all the changes in international environment.
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Bonin, Pierre-Yves. "Neutralité libérale et croissance économique." Dialogue 36, no. 4 (1997): 683–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300017601.
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AbstractIs a policy of economic growth compatible with the neutrality of the State? Some liberals (Rawls, Dworkin, Ackerman, Larmore, Kymlicka) think so. I do not. I begin by explaining and discussing the different meanings of the neutrality thesis, then I show that, whatever meaning we give to the idea of neutrality, it is very difficult to argue convincingly that a policy of economic growth does not favour some conceptions of the good.
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Zlatovchena, М. E. "Neutrality in determining the fate of the Moldovan statehood." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 11 (November 15, 2023): 468–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2306-01.
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This article examines the challenges and threats faced by Moldovan diplomacy in the modern world in the context of new global changes. The author assesses and analyses the main trends in the foreign and domestic policy of the Republic of Moldova. Considerable attention is paid to the historical premise of following a neutral foreign policy course of the state. The article carried out the analysis of the fundamental doctrinal documents, resulted in a number of conclusions, which allow to make a forecast regarding the future of neutrality of Moldova and the possibility of its transformation. Today, the permanent neutrality significantly affects the foreign and security policy, becoming a factor of social and national disintegration of Moldova, as the debate about its necessity does not stop and the political elites haven’t reached a general consensus on this issue. Despite this, the policy of neutrality remains as a basic principle in foreign and security policy. Geographically, Moldova is located at the intersection of two political structures: post-soviet and european. Based on these realities, the permanent neutrality of the Republic of Moldova is considered as the best way for Moldova to maintain stability and territorial integrity. Also. the relevance of the article results from the confl ict in neighboring, demonstrating the fragility and vulnerability of neutral states in the face of modern geopolitical problems. The neutrality of the Republic of Moldova prohibits: participation in armed confl icts, deployment of any foreign armed forces on its territory and participation in any political or economic union with the aim of starting wars. The specifi city of the status of permanent neutrality of the Republic of Moldova lies in the principle of pursuing a policy of neutrality in times of peace in order to remain neutral during a possible geopolitical conflict. Accordingly, strategic adaptation to the international security environment will remain the concern of political elites of Moldova. There is an opinion among scientists and politicians that neutrality in the classical sense is no longer relevant and requires conceptual adaptation. Thus, it becomes actual and necessary to conduct a scientific study aimed at studying the manifestation of the status of permanent neutrality of Moldova under the influence of the international security system.
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Nahnybida, Olha. "Formation of the Irish neutrality concept in the 1930s." European Historical Studies, no. 11 (2018): 210–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.210-226.
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The article describes the specific aspects of the appearance, formation and evolution of the Irish neutrality as a foreign policy principle in the 1930s. The historical and geopolitical background of the formation of neutrality policy in the context of the struggle for independence and sovereignty of Ireland has been investigated. The role of Prime Minister Éamon de Valera as an ‘architect’ of neutrality policy of the Irish Free State and its foreign policy concept has been explored. It is emphasized that, unlike other neutral states, where the neutral status is legally secured, the neutrality of Ireland is of a traditional nature, since there are no clear legislative instructions according to which Ireland shall be obliged to adhere to the principle of neutrality in its foreign policy. The overcoming of the last obstacles to the proclamation of the neutral status of Ireland has been outlined, i.a. the elimination of the British naval presence in the Irish ports in 1938 and adoption of the Irish Constitution in 1937, which officially defined the annexation of Ulster. Finally, the influence of forthcoming WW2 has been explored. In the years of war, Ireland hoped to keep abstained not by adherence to some theoretical or abstract idea of neutrality, but by addressing to the practical question that the Irish government didn’t want to get involved in this conflict. They merely wanted to keep their people safe away from such consequences as they might appear when Ireland was directly involved in the war.
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Wang, Duomin, Yubin Huangfu, Zuoji Dong, and Yiqi Dong. "Research Hotspots and Evolution Trends of Carbon Neutrality—Visual Analysis of Bibliometrics Based on CiteSpace." Sustainability 14, no. 3 (January 18, 2022): 1078. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14031078.
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Climate change is one of the most urgent challenges facing the world. All countries should take joint actions to achieve the goal of carbon neutrality, which include controlling global warming to within a 1.5 °C temperature rise, to mitigate the extreme harm caused by climate change. However, ways in which to achieve economically and environmentally sustainable carbon neutrality are yet to be established. Carbon neutrality appears frequently in international policy and the scientific literature, but there is little detailed literature. It is necessary to conduct an in-depth analysis of the development context of its research. This paper analyzed the literature on carbon neutrality using bibliometric methods. A total of 1383 research papers were collected from the “Web of Science core database” from 1995 to 2021. Descriptive statistical analysis and keyword co-occurrence and literature co-citation network analyses were utilized to sort the research hotspots, and the detected bursts, the top 30 keywords in terms of word frequency, and 12 clusters were selected. It was found that the existing carbon neutrality research literature mainly focuses on carbon neutrality energy transformation, carbon neutrality technology development, carbon neutrality effect evaluation, and carbon neutrality industry examples. The analysis process involved comprehensively reading the key articles and considering the co-citation, burstiness, centrality, and other indicators under clustering; the carbon neutrality research was then divided into three stages, and evolving themes were observed. Based on the burst detection, this paper holds that with the energy structure transformation, energy consumption assessment and carbon neutrality schemes of various industries, carbon dioxide capture technology, and biogas resource utilization, urban carbon neutrality policy will become a research hotspot in the future. This paper helps to provide a reference for scholars’ theoretical research and has important reference value for policymakers to formulate relevant policy measures. It is helpful for enterprises to make strategic decisions and determine the direction of technology, for R&D and investment, and it is of considerable significance to promote the research of carbon neutrality technology.
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Zecha, Wolfgang. "Austrian Security Policy Documents – a Walk on a Tightrope between Neutrality and International Solidarity." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 14, no. 4 (December 31, 2015): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2015.4.6.
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After achieving the Vienna State Treaty, Austria had to develop its security policy missing fundamental documents. The first main document was the constitutional law on neutrality, which was passed by the Austrian parliament on 26th October, 1955. Even before that, the Austrian defence law was approved on 5th September, 1955. Although Austria promised in the Moscow Memorandum to pursue a neutrality policy like Switzerland, the Austrian policy left this line by becoming a member of the UN in 1955. So the Austrian security policy started to walk a tightrope between neutrality and international solidarity because of her UN membership and membership in other organisations like EU or NATO Partnership for Peace (PfP) later on. This essay emphasizes the steps of amendments, which were made in the Austrian constitution and her policy during almost 60 years with respect to international security policy and Austrian participation in international operations. The aim of this essay is to point out the new understanding of international solidarity of “neutral” Austrian policy.But it is necessary to stress the main points of neutrality and what that meant in international security policy from a legal point of view.
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DONG, Liang, Gaoyi MIAO, and Weigang WEN. "China’s Carbon Neutrality Policy: Objectives, Impacts and Paths." East Asian Policy 13, no. 01 (January 2021): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000015.
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In order to realise the goal of the Paris Agreement, China has announced to enhance its nationally determined contributions (NDCs), demonstrating its determination to adopt more rigorous policies and measures to achieve a peak in carbon emissions by 2030 and carbon neutrality by 2060. China’s pledge to carbon neutrality not only has a profound impact on its economic reforms, but also spurs the country to be more proactive in global climate governnance.
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Lindholm, Rolf H. "Swedish Neutrality and Policy of Neutrality The Second World War and the Ensuing Peacetime." Nordic Journal of International Law 57, no. 2 (1988): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181088x00074.
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Gao, Jie, Wu Zhang, Chunbaixue Yang, Qun Wang, Rui Yuan, Rui Wang, Limiao Zhang, Zhijian Li, and Xiaoli Luo. "A Comparative Study of China’s Carbon Neutrality Policy and International Research Keywords under the Background of Decarbonization Plans in China." Sustainability 15, no. 17 (August 30, 2023): 13069. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su151713069.
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The impacts of climate change have become a series of important issues in global public health and environmental governance. As a major developing country with carbon emissions, China has actively participated in global climate and public health governance. The international academic research by Chinese scholars on carbon neutrality has gradually shifted from focusing on technological development to focusing on sustainability, green development, a decarbonization plan, public health and environmental governance. This study uses bibliometrics, scientometrics, and policy documents quantification to carry out a comparative study, comparing the keywords of China’s national “carbon neutrality” policies from 2006 to 2021 with the keywords of international research by Chinese scholars, and analyzes the evolution of the academic and political concerns and development measures of China’s carbon neutrality. It is found that in the stages of preliminary development and steady growth, China’s carbon neutrality research and policy portfolio grew in an orderly manner, and the influence of policy and the promotion of academic research gradually strengthened. After 2020, with the outbreak of the COVID-19, national policies and carbon neutrality research began to focus on green development and public health issues, and the intersections of policy keywords and academic keywords increased. Overall, the focus of Chinese scholars on carbon neutrality research and policy is gradually approaching and integrating, and the degree of interaction and integration between academia and politics is increasing. Under the complex situation of China’s decarbonization plans, climate changes, COVID-19, and international political and economic changes, China’s policy design and development model are conducive to public health, green development, and innovation transformation, and building a community with a shared future for mankind.
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Acocella, N., G. Di Bartolomeo, and Andrew Hughes Hallett. "Controllability in Policy Games: Policy Neutrality and the Theory of Economic Policy Revisited." Computational Economics 28, no. 2 (June 29, 2006): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10614-006-9035-5.
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Bell, Derek. "How can Political Liberals be Environmentalists?" Political Studies 50, no. 4 (September 2002): 703–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00003.
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It is often assumed that neutralist liberalism and environmentalism are incompatible because promoting environmentally friendly policies involves endorsing a particular conception of the good life. This paper questions that assumption by showing that one important version of neutralist liberalism, John Rawls's ‘justice as fairness’, can allow two kinds of justification for environmental policies. First, public reason arguments can be used to justify conceptions of sustainability and environmental justice. Second, comprehensive ideals (including non-anthropocentric ideals) can be used to justify more ambitious environmental policies when two conditions are met, namely, the issue under discussion does not concern constitutional essentials or matters of basic justice; and the policy is endorsed by a majority of citizens. Rawls's willingness to allow this second kind of justification for environmental (and other) policies is defended against two objections, which claim that Rawls's ‘democratic liberalism’ is incoherent. The first objection – the ‘justice’ objection – is that to spend public money promoting comprehensive (environmental) ideals is inconsistent with the ‘difference principle’. The ‘justice’ objection depends on a common misunderstanding of the difference principle. The second objection – the ‘neutrality’ objection – claims that ‘democratic liberalism’ is inconsistent with Rawls's commitment to neutrality. The ‘neutrality’ objection is unconvincing because ‘democratic liberalism’ is ‘fundamentally neutral’ whereas the leading alternative is not.