Journal articles on the topic 'Netherlands – Politics and government – 20th century'
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1
Iswahyudi, Iswahyudi. "Islamic Policy of the Dutch East Indies Colonial Government in Madura in the First Quarter of the 20th Century." Humanities and Social Science Research 4, no. 1 (January 6, 2021): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/hssr.v4n1p1.
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At first the Dutch East Indies government policy towards Islam was wrong, because Islam in the Dutch East Indies was considered a strict religion like the hierarchical priesthood and the pope in Christianity where there was a high relationship of loyalty to the Turkish caliph, so that Islam was considered a formidable enemy. Starting with the implementation of a massive policy by the Dutch East Indies government to suppress Muslims, for example, one of them was in terms of limiting and heavier the regulations for the implementation of the pilgrimage, but in reality, regardless of the obstacles, the frequency of going on hajj was still high. Awareness of the mistakes in political policy towards Islam, the figure of Cristian Snouck Hurgronje, one of the supporters of ethical currents in the Netherlands, appeared, submitting a letter to the minister of the colonies on June 2, 1889 to participate in solving problems in the Dutch East Indies. In this case Snouk Hurgronje was the main advisor and was assisted by advisers consisting of one for Arab affairs and two experts in regional languages in the Dutch East Indies. Based on Snouck Hurgronje's advice, the Dutch colonial government distinguished between Islam in the meaning of worship and Islam as a social, social and political force. This policy towards Islam is divided into three categories, namely the socio-religious field, the socio-cultural sector, and the socio-political sector.
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Schuyt, Theo N. M., Barbara M. Gouwenberg, and Barry L. K. Hoolwerf. "Foundations in the Netherlands: Toward a Diversified Social Model?" American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 13 (May 14, 2018): 1833–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218773406.
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This article describes the history, development, and current position of Dutch foundations. In the past, the philanthropy sector and foundations initiated many nonprofit services in the Netherlands. Along with the growth of the welfare state, philanthropy was sidelined. Due to public funding, the pillarized Dutch nonprofit sector extended strongly. However, despite its large scale it shows a special feature. Most nonprofits are still privately governed institutions although publicly funded. In the 1980s, governmental budget cuts forced the nonprofits to embrace the market as income source. A dualistic model got dominancy or state or market. At the end of the 20th century, however, philanthropy revived and a new philanthropy sector emerged. The article addresses the issue of the role of philanthropy in changing (European) welfare states. Are we experiencing further marketization and privatization—toward a so-called Anglo-Saxon shareholder model—or are we seeing a continuation of the so-called Rhineland, multistakeholder model of government, market, and philanthropy?
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Törnqvist, T. E. "A Dutch geoscience perspective on the Katrina disaster." Netherlands Journal of Geosciences 86, no. 3 (September 2007): 307–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0016774600077878.
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AbstractA combination of geological and anthropogenic processes have rendered the U.S. Gulf Coast in general – and the Mississippi Delta in particular – extremely sensitive to coastal hazard. Thus, the Katrina disaster was not a question of ‘if’ but of ‘when’. This contribution outlines the geo-environmental context of the Mississippi Delta that evolved during the 20th century and set the stage for Hurricane Katrina’s devastation. This includes a brief discussion of the processes responsible for coastal erosion and wetland loss, the proposed measures to combat these problems, and the policy decisions (or, rather, the lack thereof) made so far. A connection is made with the 1953 storm surge that devastated the southwestern Netherlands and had a profound impact on Dutch science and engineering by providing the impetus for the widely known and highly praised Delta Plan, as well as for unprecedented studies of Holocene sea-level change. Whether a similar route will be followed for the Gulf Coast is primarily dependent on the amount of political will. Results are presented of recent studies of crustal movements in the Mississippi Delta that show surprising long-term stability of the Pleistocene basement, evidence that could prove critical for decision makers with regard to the rebuilding process. Finally, the neglect of the precarious situation along the Gulf Coast by the federal government is viewed as a possible metaphor for current U.S. policies with respect to science in general, and to global warming in particular.“Land that sits below sea level. Levees and dams that stand against nature’s fury. Countryside that sinks more every year. New Orleans? No. Holland: a nation whose flood protections makes ours look primitive and slapdash”John McQuaid, The Times-Picayune, November 13, 2005
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Van Nederveen Meerkerk, Elise. "Grammar of Difference. General Education in the Netherlands and Java, 1800-1940." Historical Life Course Studies 10 (March 31, 2021): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51964/hlcs9579.
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This contribution compares developments in school enrolment and public investments in primary education in the Netherlands and its most important colony in the 19th century: the Netherlands East Indies, more specifically the island of Java. Despite being part of the same Empire, conditions in both regions were very different, with the metropole having already quite high enrolment rates from the beginning of the period studied (the early 19th century) compared to very low school attendance in the colony. For long, the colonial government left indigenous education in Java to religious and private initiatives, whereas primary schooling in the Netherlands was increasingly financed and regulated. Rising interest for public schooling in the colony, including some government investment in the first decades of the 20th century did lead to some changes, but these were insufficient to prevent Dutch and Javanese children from experiencing a fundamentally different educational upbringing.
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Guslin, Guslin, and Amarulla Octavian. "The impact of the Bolsheviks Revolution on the political development and system of government of the new state of the 20th century." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (August 20, 2021): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i3.31484.
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The Bolshevik Revolution forced the end of Tsar Nicholas II's imperial rule in Russia. Furthermore, under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin, Russia formed a new government in the form of the Republic. The main power of this government is entirely under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Subsequent changes in the form of government in Russia, especially after World War I, inspired newly independent countries in the mid-20th century to follow the same system of government. Through theories about the state, politics, and government system, this study will analyze the influence of the Bolshevik revolution on the new system of government for new countries in the world in the 20th century. To analyze the effect of changes in the form of government, the authors use an exploratory qualitative research method with a historical approach through a literature study. After the Revolution, based on a common view of colonialism, human rights, ideology, and the strong understanding of Marxism-Leninism, several countries in the world that were newly independent in the mid-20th century were inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution by forming countries with a Republican system of government, including Indonesia.
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Pratiwi, Daniek Intan. "Fotografi di Hindia Belanda." Lembaran Sejarah 11, no. 2 (April 7, 2017): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23806.
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This research analyses photography in the Netherlands Indies since the mid-19th century and its development until the early 20th century. The rise of photography in the Netherlands Indies as part of its modernization, is not merely the development of the arts, but photography was also used to explore the colonial territory of the colonial government. European photographers were sent to document archeological artefacts in various expeditions in several places in the archipelago.Photography also began to be commercialized. European, Chinese and even indigenous photographers arose with their photo studios. They have produced a natural and anthropological landscape of the Netherlands Indies, from Europeans and indigenous people living there. The commercialization of photography expanded with a variety of photo subjects, sold to other parts of the world in the form of albums, souvenirs or postcards. This answered the curiosity of the outside world on the Netherlands Indies as a colonial area.
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Semyonov, Alexander M. "Imperial parliament for a hybrid empire: Representative experiments in the early 20th-century Russian Empire." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2020): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520902868.
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This article argues that the history of Russian constitutional and parliamentary reform in the early 20th century can be cast in a new light in view of the global transformation of political life under the challenge of imperial diversity and mass politics. The article points out that imperial diversity as a challenge to democratic government was not unique to the Russian Empire. The character of the Russian Empire was marked by peculiarities; it was shaped by composite and hybrid imperial space, which placed the challenge of imperial diversity at the center of political practices and imaginaries. The article traces the history of political reform in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century focusing on the reform of the Sejm of the Grand Duchy of Finland and the novel practices and political imaginaries of imperial diversity in the first and second State Duma. The exploration of the history of the constitutional reform in the Russian Empire of early 20th century demonstrates that rather than being absolute antagonists to representative government, Russian imperial politics and traditions of imperial sovereignty nested possibilities of compromise and redefinition of political solidarity in the space of diversity.
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Kuitert, Lisa. "Balai Pustaka and the Politics of Knowledge." Lembaran Sejarah 17, no. 1 (October 25, 2021): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.69965.
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During the colonial period of Indonesia the Dutch government was an important source of knowledge which was disseminated through the production of books, such as textbooks and other printed material. In response to the establishment of many new commercial printers and publishers, the colonial government, in 1917, set up its own publishing company, Balai Pustaka, which also published attractive and popular books. This new publishing house intentionally and unintentionally served several goals at a time that was characterized by the rise of young Indonesian intellectuals who were part of new political movements formed in the first decades of the 20th century.
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Gayada, F. A. "Russian Liberal of the Beginning of the 20th Century in Politics." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-28-43.
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The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia.
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Booth, Anne. "Accumulation, Development, and Exploitation in Different Colonial and Post-Colonial Contexts: Taiwan, Indonesia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1900-80." Economics and Finance in Indonesia 61, no. 1 (April 11, 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/efi.v61i1.494.
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The Belgian Congo (Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of the Congo), the Netherlands Indies (Indonesia), and Taiwan/Formosa (now the Republic of China) experienced policies during the 19th and early 20th century which could be termed exploitative or extractive, although some policies in these colonies could also be termed developmental. All three colonies had a troubled passage to independence, and the immediate post-independence era was marked by considerable political and economic turmoil. But the growth performance of the three former colonies has been very different. Taiwan has seen very rapid growth sustained over decades; Indonesia’s economic growth since 1970 has been quite robust; the Congo has seen a growth collapse which is extraordinary even by African standards. The paper suggests some explanations for this divergence in terms of policies pursued by the Japanese, Dutch and Belgian colonial regimes, and by postindependence governments in these countries.
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Griffin, Stephen M. "Bringing the State into Constitutional Theory: Public Authority and the Constitution." Law & Social Inquiry 16, no. 04 (1991): 659–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00864.x.
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This article brings the state into constitutional theory by presenting a theory of the development of the American state from the late 19th century to the present. The focus of the theory is the ability of the national state to exercise sovereignty or public authority over civil society. The main thesis is that the Constitution did not establish a government with a level of public authority adequate to the requirements of a modem democratic state. The result was a mismatch between the demands of civil society and the competence of state institutions, causing a reorganization of the political institutions of civil society in the early 20th century and a crisis of public authority in the 1960s. The United States continues to experience the consequences of an imbalance between the state institutions established by an 18th-century constitution and 20th-century democratic politics.
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Mair, Peter. "Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics." European Review 6, no. 2 (May 1998): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003203.
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The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.
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Rosidin, Didin Nurul, Mila Amalia, Ihsan Sa'dudin, and Eka Safitri. "Muslim Social Movements in Cirebon and the Emergence of National Resistance Movements Against the Dutch Colonial Government in the Early 20th Century Indonesia." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 4, no. 1 (August 12, 2022): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v4i1.64.
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The early twentieth century saw the emergence of Muslim social movements as a new model of resistance against the Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia. This model of the resistance movement was a response to various changes in politics, social and religious culture in the early decades of the 20th century due to dynamics within the Muslim community as well as the new policy of the colonial government. This article studies the emergence of Muslim social movements in Cirebon, West Java, and its impacts on the development of the Muslims’ resistance movement against the Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia. There have not been many studies of Cirebon's role in Islamic social movements in the early 20th century. Therefore, this article, using a historical method, attempts to contribute to this literature by examining social movements carried out by Muslims in Cirebon and their impacts on the emergence of resistance against Dutch colonial rule in Indonesia. The findings show that Cirebon, which was one of the main centres of early Islamic civilization in the Indonesian archipelago, played a prominent role in the emergence of Muslim social movements in early 20th century Indonesia. Various Muslim social organizations emerged in the area such as Sarekat Islam, Persarekatan Ulama, Nahdhatul Ulama, and Muhammadiyah. Although these social-religious organisations had differences or were in tension on various issues, their emergence succeeded in convincing the native people of the importance of a new strategy in their resistance against the long and hegemonic rule of the Dutch colonial government which had ruled the Cirebon region since the late 17th century.
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Sidorenko, Irina N. "The Crisis of Democracy and the Problem of Democratic Peace." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 65, no. 3 (September 16, 2022): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2022-65-3-39-57.
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The author analyzes three waves of the crisis of democracy during the 20th and early 21st centuries. The first crisis of democracy in the early 20th century is caused by the emergence and development of public politics, which challenged the possibility to govern the masses having conflict potential, it balanced the power of the people and universal suffrage with the control of the media in order to maintain the stability of political system. The second wave of the crisis of democracy (the last third of the 20th century) is associated with the destruction of the conventional world and the weakening of the nation-state; and its markers were: the imbalance between the branches of government, the domination of economics over politics, the predominance of equality over freedom, the problematic implementation of human rights, and, as a consequence, the inability to put into practice the national form of democracy. The third wave of crisis (early the 21st century) is accompanied by the transformation of democracy into post-democracy, in which the power of the people is replaced by the power of global capital, and the illusion of consent is reinforced by the prohibition of alternative points of view and the narrowing of the space of issues allowed for discussion in the name of public security. The crisis of the policy to achieve peace through the transformation of the balance of powers into a balance of interests called into question the principles of democracy. On the contrary, post-democracies justify the use of force to spread democracy around the world, and they take an active part in contemporary military conflicts, which can rightly be defined as hybrid proxy wars. Drawing on J. Habermas’s concept of communicative rationality, the author concludes that to overcome the crisis of democracy it is necessary to accept the very possibility of an alternative to this form of government and allow to discuss these previously marginalized issues as well as to maintain the return of the majority to genuine communication and politics, contribute to its enlightenment.
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Smirnova, Nataliya Vladimirovna, and Anastasiya Igorevna Karpova. "History of Indonesia in the Master's Degree Course of the Department of Foreign History, Political Science and International Relations, Petrozavodsk State University." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2201-04.
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The article shows the importance of oriental publications Sulalat-us-salatin: Malay Manuscript of Kruzenshtern and its Cultural and Historical Significance and Travel and Latest Observations in China, Manila and the Indo-China Archipelago for studying the colonial policy of the Netherlands in Indonesia as part of the training course "Politics of European Powers in the Countries of the East in the 16th-early 20th century" of Master's program at the Petrozavodsk State University. The organization of the first Dutch expedition to the East Indies in 1595-1597 and the creation of the United East India Company are analyzed. The materials of the article can be useful in preparation for classes in the field of History.
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Caio Henrique, Dias Duarte. "«Change everything so that nothing changes»: Right Regimes and Diplomacy in Brazil in the 20th Century." Latin-American Historical Almanac 29 (March 26, 2021): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-29-1-109-125.
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In this article we will make a comparison between the political regimes and the diplomacy of Brazil in two periods of the 20th century: the final years of the period of the Liberal Republic, in the Goulart Government (1961-1964) and under the Military Dictatorship, with a special focus on the distension under the Geisel Government (1974-1979). We focus on the political organization of these periods, which can be considered crisis or transition periods, and in the same way, the continuities in their diplomatic contributions. Looking at the internal crises, it will discuss legal aspects of the two periods, such as the defective construction of parliamentarism and the Institutional Acts of the dictatorship. The comparison of internal and external politics will seek to demonstrate the similarities between the external objectives of the two governments despite their differences in regime and ideological orientation, addressing the Independent External Policy of parliamentarism under Goulart and Responsible and Ecumenical Pragmatism under Geisel dictatorial rule.
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Romano, Marina. "Muḏakkirāt fī l-siyāsah al-miṣriyyah: Nationalism and the Politics of Memory in 20th-Century Egypt." Oriente Moderno 99, no. 1-2 (June 17, 2019): 94–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340209.
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Abstract Despite the massive research carried out on Egyptian nationalism and its ideological premises in the first half of the 20th century, little is known on the copious political memoirs composed and published in the same period and on their contribution to the development of a nationalist discourse in its strict sense. Among these “political autobiographies”, the Muḏakkirāt fī l-siyāsah al-miṣriyyah (Memoirs on Egyptian Politics) by Muḥammad Ḥusayn Haykal played a crucial role in the dissemination of a shared sense of identity based on the nation-state. By performing the act of remembering, Haykal continually reshapes the boundaries of his community and questions the inner meaning and the long-term impact of concepts drawn from the liberal-democratic ideology, such as “freedom”, “justice”, “equality”, on the Egyptian system of government and socio-cultural context. This study will therefore attempt to unveil the ‘sense of community’ conveyed by Haykal’s political memoirs by following the theory of Benedict Anderson on the nation defined as an imagined community.
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Avango, Dag, Louwrens Hacquebord, Ypie Aalders, Hidde De Haas, Ulf Gustafsson, and Frigga Kruse. "Between markets and geo-politics: natural resource exploitation on Spitsbergen from 1600 to the present day." Polar Record 47, no. 1 (June 15, 2010): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247410000069.
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ABSTRACTWhat are the driving forces behind large scale natural resource exploitation in the polar regions and how should we understand the relations between these forces? New historical-archaeological research performed during the International Polar Year (IPY) 2007–2009 on whaling, hunting and mining in Spitsbergen (1600–present) show both economic and geopolitical factors driving the development of those industries, both the whaling industries in the 17th century and 1900’s, and the mining industry of the early 20th century. However, the relation between these driving forces has differed, both between time periods and between actors. In most cases economic motives provided the main rationale for utilising resources and for government support for resource exploiters, but in some instances governments would support even unprofitable ventures in order to maintain a foothold on Spitsbergen.
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Ja'far, Ja'far, Mhd Syahnan, Asrul Asrul, Zaini Dahlan, and Sakti Ritonga. "Discovering the Legacy of Mandailing Ulama: Education, Intellectuals, and Politics in North Sumatra in the Early 20th Century." Ulumuna 26, no. 2 (December 28, 2022): 296–336. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v26i2.502.
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This study examines the role of Mandailing ulama in education, intellectuals, and politics in the early 20th century. Ulama plays a critical role in safeguarding the morality of Muslim society (umma). Drawing upon the historical approach, it employed Kuntowijoyo model of writing history stages and Anthony Giddens' structuration theory to analyze the problems that this study intends to answer. This study argues that the social structure surrounding the Mandailing ulama enabled them to address religious and other sociocultural issues. This study also unveiled that the Mandaling ulama in the early 20th century mobilized the organizations, such as Al Washliyah (1930), Al-Ittihadiyah (1935), and Nahdlatul Ulama (1918) to promote the education of the indigenous people, fortify the Sunni school of thought from the heretical and influence of Dutch colonial government. It was manifested by supporting only two Islamic political parties: the Masjumi Party and the Nahdlatul Ulama Party. This suggests that Ulama were not only religious scholars who acquired knowledge of Islamic norms and disseminated them through religious and educational institutions, such as madrasa and pesantren, but also active agents in socio-political transformation within the Muslim community.
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Box, Richard C. "Authoritarian populism in the US: context and continuity in a post-truth era." Review of Nationalities 10, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2020-0003.
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Abstract An enduring theme in US politics is tension between people on the right who favour limited government that serves individual and elite interests and people on the left who prefer active government with emphasis on a broader public interest. Recently, the political landscape has shifted from the dominant ideology of neoliberalism toward a far-right authoritarian populism with parallels to mid-20th century fascism. This shift appears in regressive societal characteristics - such as xenophobia, racism, homophobia, and misogyny - that were thought to have diminished in an increasingly progressive 21 st century. An argument can be made that authoritarian populism is a continuation of longstanding patterns of elite influence, in which regressive elements serve as techniques to distract the public from the governing economic agenda. The essay examines this phenomenon and explores potential future effects on US society.
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Muh Saerozi. "Transformation of Villas to Mosques Social Impact of Islamization On The Government Center of Java In The Late 20th Century." IJORER : International Journal of Recent Educational Research 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46245/ijorer.v2i1.68.
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Islamization of Java becomes an actual topic of religious social research because the phenomena not only relate to religious discourse but also other aspects. This research focuses on the Islamization of the government center of Salatiga Central Java. The aims of this study are: to find the academic answer to why Islamization occurred in the government center of Salatiga in Central Java, to find out the Islamization process underway, to describe the dominant factors affecting Islamization, and to describe the impact of Islamization on religious life around the central government. The benefit of this research is to contribute the theories of Islamization of Government center of Java in the late of 20th century. This study is a descriptive research and causality analysis. The events were limited to those of 1985 to 2018. The data were sourced from the archives, inscription, news, interviews, and literature. The results of the study found that the Islamization of the Salatiga government center was carried out because the infrastructure was still European patterned. The actualization of Muslim religiosity was not well supported by this infrastructure. The symbol of Islamization is the transformation of the villa on the west of the city square into a mosque. The Islamization was successful because of the symbiotic factors between political parties, rulers, scholars, Islamic universities, and religious organizations. There was no significant impact yet on the improvement of spiritual and social lives around the government center. This study enriches theories about the symbiotic relations of religions, politics, and social changes in Java in the late 20th century.
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Tanjung, Ida Liana, Bambang Purwanto, and Nur Aini Setyawati. "COLONIAL POLITICS IN FORMING ETHNIC IDENTITY OF MELAYU MINANGKABAU AND BATAK IN TAPANULI." Jurnal Humaniora 28, no. 1 (June 4, 2016): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.v28i1.11508.
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The article discusses the forming of ethnic identity among Batak and Malay people in Tapanuli during colonial period. The colonial government that desired to expand its hegemony among these ethnic groups had led them to create policies and boundaries for the groups in Tapanuli. This study uses historical method (heuristic) that begins from sources collection, sources critique,interpretation and explanation. Constructive approach is used to analyze the sources that considers ethnic identity is a result of construction process of a particular group. This article shows that in pre-colonial period it was difficult to determine ethnical boundaries in Tapanuli, particularly the Malay, Minangkabau, and Batak. However, after the Dutch government expanded its expansion to this region, the ethnical boundaries began to form and the differences among them became apparent. Ethnic segregation policy implemented by the Dutch and its support to the Batak ethnic group and the Christian obviously had formed and changed the awareness of ethnic identity among Batak and Malay people. In the early 20th century, the colonial government featured and strengthened the ethnic identity awareness in Batak community.
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Wahyudhi, Nostalgiawan. "The Pattern of Islamic Moderate Movement in Java under Political Fluctuations in Early 20th Century." International Journal of Nusantara Islam 3, no. 2 (June 28, 2015): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijni.v3i2.1412.
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The previous studies of Islamization in Java follow a clear distinction of Priyayi-Abangan-Santri thesis, which was gradually developed and incompatible to capture the changing of political preferences of Javanese Muslims. This paper examines what kind of patterns formed on the dynamics of the Islamization process in Java under the influence of socio-political changes. The output of this paper is to show the pattern of Islamization process in Java under the political dynamic changes of Indonesian politics in the early twentieth century. The pattern of Islamization in Java was influenced by ethical policy, the transmission of Middle East Islam, and caused by the politization of Islam by the Colonial government. The ethical policy encouraged the creation of a public space for political contestations that determined the new identity of Indonesian elite. The transmission of Middle Eastern Islam triggered the polarization of Javanese Muslims into two patterns: the modernist Muslim strengthened the pattern of Priyayi-Santri in urban communities with Islamization through modern institutions. In this, the traditionalist Muslim also developed an intellectual genealogy through Pesantren networks scattered in the rural areas created the pattern of Santri-Abangan. Meanwhile the politization of Islam by Colonial government created a benefit to the unification of Islamic institutions.
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Abbink, J. "African studies in the Netherlands: A brief survey." African Research & Documentation 87 (2001): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00012346.
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In the Netherlands there is an active community of Africanist scholars, numbering about 200 to 250. They work mainly in universities and other research institutes, but also in increasing numbers for government ministries (notably of Foreign Affairs and Development Co-operation), NGOs, and other aid organisations. Fields in which Africanists are strong are history, anthropology and geography, and to a lesser extent development sociology, medical science, law, comparative politics and religious studies. The following survey is necessarily a selective one.African Studies in the Netherlands can pride itself on a long history only if we include the many travellers, traders and missionaries active in African regions before the twentieth century. The scholarly study of the continent seriously started a few decades later than in other European countries: after the Second World War, when an Africa Institute was founded (in 1946, see below) and the first special professorial chair in African ethnology was instituted at Leiden University.
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Cahyani, Risqi, Lisa Dwi Wulandari, and Antariksa Antariksa. "SIMETRISITAS SEBAGAI KOSMOLOGI RUANG JAWA PADA RUMAH KOLONIAL DI KAMPUNG BUBUTAN SURABAYA (The Symmetricity of Colonial House as Javanese Space Cosmology at Kampung Bubutan Surabaya)." Tesa Arsitektur 12, no. 2 (October 20, 2015): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.24167/tes.v12i2.393.
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Symmetricity is part of the Javanese Cosmology that describes the perfection of Javanese. Symmetricity has been the main principle in Javanese house, not only in the faade of the house but olso the hierarchy of spatial inside. Kampung Bubutan is the ancient settlement experienced two phases of Government which strongly influenced the architectural character, which at the time became the Kingdom of Mataram (15th century) and the colonialism of the Netherlands (17th century up to the 19th century). The remains of the era of colonialism in Surabaya can still be felt by many colonial buildings surounding in the settlement. This study will explore how the principles of Javanese symmetricity in Kampung Bubutan colonial house, by using descriptive qualitative methods. Can the Javanese symmetricity still become principal in colonial house and survive? The results shows that the symmetricity of fasade became decreased at the last peroide of 19th century, when the NA-Romantiek was popular. Spatial symmetricity at the colonial houses have inconsistancy since the beginning of 19th century until the early 20th century. The main hierarchy of the spatial Javanese House, which are pendopo (verandah), pringgitan (foyer), dalem (living room) and senthong (bedroom), have become inconsistence since the end of 19th century periode
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McCracken, Damian John. "The CCF and Canada's Socialist Streak." Federalism-E 20, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.13154.
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In the early 20th Century Canada saw the rise of a prominent socialist movement led by the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF). The CCF's influence on Canadian politics was essential to the creation of Canada's modern political ideology, which can be described as reform liberal. This ideology took hold due to the pressure that the CCF exerted on the two major federal parties, which could both be characterized as classical liberal. Due to the settlement pattern of the prairies and the actions of the federal government in response to the Great Depression, the CCF was able to secure a strong support base that propelled it to federal politics and allowed it to form a provincial government in Saskatchewan. Though it never formed a federal government, the CCF pushed for old age pension, reforms of corporate taxation, and Medicare. As a provincial actor and a "third force" upon the two ruling federal parties, the CCF and its successor the New Democratic Party’s contributions to Canadian identity and policy are beyond dispute.
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Meinolf, Arens. "An ethnic group amidst the tensions of totalitarian demographic politics. Csangos/Hungarians in the context of Romanian-Hungarian-German relations (1944)." Erdélyi Társadalom 5, no. 2 (2007): 71–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.88.
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According to the Munich based scholar the history of Moldovan Csangos was much more influenced by major European events, then it was earlier thought. One has to mention here their (i.e. Csangos) strictly defined frames by the two known totalitarian regimes of the 20th century. One key event of matter to Csangos from the Hungarian side was the resettlment project on the summer of 1944 that eventually failed. This clearly shows the ideological positions of both the Hungarian and Rumanian government of that time, as well as the role of Nazi Germany on the Csango issue
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Arciszewska, Barbara, and Makary Górzyński. "Urban Narratives in the Age of Revolutions: Early 20th century Ideas to Modernize Warsaw." Artium Quaestiones, no. 26 (September 19, 2018): 101–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2015.26.6.
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In January 1906, in the turbulent period of 1905–1907, the poet, artist, and socialactivist Antoni Lange published in the Warsaw weekly Świat an essay called“Marzenia warszawskie” (“The Warsaw Dreams”). A several page text, illustratedwith woodcuts by the painter Andrzej Zarzycki, included a spectacular vision of metropolitanWarsaw of the future: a capital city with many public buildings and moderninfrastructure, a genuine center of Polish national and cultural life. The present essayanalyzes unexamined ideas of Lange in terms of the history of architecture, andin a double political and social context. “The Warsaw Dreams” was deeply rooted inthe political reality of the former Kingdom of Poland, addressing the issue of liberalizationof the Russian rule during the 1905 revolution. Using the vocabulary of urbanplanning and making a list of changes in the city’s architecture, Lange articulateda vision of the future space of Warsaw as a Polish metropolis of modernity, administeredindependently of Russia. In his essays he proposed to extend the city limits andremove its fortifications as well as introduce local government with significant prerogativesas an instrument of Warsaw’s great transformation – its aestheticization and construction of public buildings, such as national government edifices, schools,and cultural centers. The authors argue that by describing public architecture of thefuture Warsaw as a “dream” full of copies of well-known European architectural monumentsfrom Venice, Prague, and Cracow, Lange created a comprehensive politicalproject of autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland in the Russian empire. “The WarsawDreams” originally combined together architecture and politics, urban space and theproblems of Polish modernization, and the discourses of nationalism and socialism.Lange’s visionary proposal from 1906 is of the most imaginative responses to thechallenges of the development of Warsaw at the turn of the 20th century in the contextof Polish political and social problems of those times.
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Coté, Joost. "Colonising Central Sulawesi. The ‘Ethical Policy’ and Imperialist Expansion 1890–1910." Itinerario 20, no. 3 (November 1996): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300003983.
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The aim of this paper is to investigate the nature of Dutch colonial policy at the turn of the twentieth century in what was then the Netherlands East Indies.’ Referred to in the historiography of this period as ‘the ethical policy’, it is usually characterized as a welfare or developmentalist government. More recent comparisons have drawn attention to similarities between twentieth-century colony policy and the New Order Indonesian policy with a focus on economic growth and the lack of individual ‘development’. ‘Ethical policy’ is not usually a term applied to the politics of other imperialist powers, which begs the question that somehow Dutch colonialism was different. Recent comparative research by M. Kuitenbrouwer, A. Stoler and J. Breman has questioned this assumption.
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Zygadło, Grażyna. "“We’re missing the Latino attorney or astronaut as the hero”: Latinx Presence in Hollywood in the 20th and 21st Centuries." Polish Journal for American Studies, no. 16 (2022) (December 22, 2022): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/pjas.16/2022.04.
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The article examines the Latinx presence throughout the history of American cinema and analyses the reasons for the mis- and underrepresentation of Latinos/as in Hollywood productions focusing on major stereotypes and politics of American government towards this ethnic group influencing their cinematic description. The final part discusses the recent works produced by Latinos/as and telling their stories in the twenty-first century to demonstrate that Latinos/as are the integral part of American society who want to be justly represented and have the possibility to speak in their own name.
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Mina, Hao. "Feminism Is Still Relevant in Australia." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 3 (July 15, 2021): p26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n3p26.
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Feminist movements had been pervasive in the 20th century. It helped women to earn civil rights globally, welcomed by most civilized citizens. Then in the 21st century, it seems to have no reason to exist since there are no apparently observable and unpleasant unequal treatments towards women. Feminism, hence, is regarded as a word of the past by some people. Nevertheless, it is not the fact. By studying the situation in Australia, women in this nation have become the study object. Working opportunities in politics and business have been counted, combined with the study of relevant government policies towards different gender. The male’s changing attitude towards female in gender role has also exposed the socialization process in Australia. Through close scrutiny, it is found that feminism is still very much relevant in Australia.
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Sipa, Sarlota Naema, A. M. Djuliati Suroyo, and Endang Susilowati. "Zuid Midden Timor under the Dutch Control 1905-1942." Indonesian Historical Studies 1, no. 1 (June 5, 2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v1i1.1240.
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This study is aimed at retracing the Dutch colonial government in South Middle Timor or Zuid Midden Timor in the beginning of 20th century. Intending to expand its controlled territories, to exploit the sandalwood trade and introduce Christianity, the colonial government then domiclied in Kupang entered the inland parts of Timor island, to be prescisely in Molo in 1905. The Ducth colonial government defeated the local meos (soldiers), the Molo meo, Amabuan meo and the Amanatun meo. These three regions were later formed as a governmental administration zone by the East Indies, equivalent to a landschaap and were later combined in an onderafdelling-level administration unit called Zuid Midden Timor, with Molo as its capital city. As the capital city, Molo housed all public administration affairs, markets and shops, which were all centered in Molo. Until the end of the Dutch control in 1942, the Dutch colonial government had left its influences in culture, education, social aspects and governmental politics.
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Stepovaya, Valeriya I. "Nikolai Gogol’s Comedy The Government Inspector in American Translations of the First Third of the 20th Century." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 16 (2021): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/6.
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The article focuses on N.V. Gogol’s comedy The Government Inspector in American translations of the first third of the 20th century to identify different renditions and semantic transformations of the play in the context of American culture. The author employs comparative, contextual, and content analysis to analyse three American translations: 1) by Max Solomon Mandell in 1908; 2) by Thomas Seltzer in 1916; 3) by George Rapall Noyes and John Lawrence Seymour in 1933.The analysis has shown that M. Mandell’s translation contains the greatest number of transformations, being adapted to the needs of the American theatre. The changes reduce the significant typical characteristics of Russian characters and emphasize their depravity. Having become more “American” in this translation, the comedy reflects American cultural and social processes: the religion-based struggle between the “genteel tradition” and realism in the literature of the early 20th century and the emerging critical attitude to the bourgeois reality. Thus, M. Mandell’s translation can be considered as preserving Gogol’s ambivalent understanding of the play, related to both the satirical origin and spiritual meaning. The changes in T. Seltzer’s translation are less significant. T. Seltzer partly explains them, revealing his socialist sympathies in the preface. T. Seltzer confirms that his translation is to demonstrate the disadvantages of the bourgeois social system, which sheds light on other transformations. However, despite his own views, T. Seltzer is aware that Gogol’s attitudes were different. These signals can be found in the translated text as well as in the preface, which makes the message of the translation less radical. The third translation is the most accurate. Having no interest in politics, D. Noyes, together with his student and colleague D. Seymour, creates a philological translation that is close to the original and allows for various renditions. This version reflects the gradual transition to the translation as an object of academic research. However, all the translations under analysis employ domesticating strategies, which reduces the significance of the source languages cultural backgrounds. The choice of strategy was determined by the ideology of American imperialism in the USA. Thus, each translation reflects, on the one hand, the socio-political and cultural situation of the USA in the first third of the 20th century, and, on the other, translators’ personalities.
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Montiel, G. L. "The new Mexican political system: reconfiguration of capacities and power." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 1 (August 23, 2020): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-10-27.
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There exist different elements that contribute to the idea of the political system as such in the context of the Mexican experience, but also that serve as referents that characterize the recent past. For that reason, we present a scheme of analysis – with political trends that are being built and that differentiate the new Mexican political system compared to that of the 20th century. Based on a model of the political system as the methodology of the analysis, we will track the trends of the changing Mexican politics during the 21st century. The destruction of the institutions of the old political system is associated with a long process of political struggle, which has provided for the creation of new institutions, but in very specific political spaces. The article traces the changes in the political system of Mexico in the 21st century in its various spheres and manifestations: public authority, party system, electoral complex, civil society, the process of democratization. We consider the evolution of the three branches of government and analyze their current balance.
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Esteves, A. L. "Relations between Brazil and Spain under the Bolsonaro’s government." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 2 (December 17, 2021): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-48-64.
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In this article the author examines in detail the bilateral relations between Spain and Brazil during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro. In addition, the subject of this article is the opposition of EU governments to the environmental policies of the South American country and the disastrous policies of the Brazilian authorities in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. President Bolsonaro’s negligence of climate change and Amazon deforestation has prompted European governments to openly oppose the ratification of the Mercosur – EU Free Trade Agreement, which was signed in 2019 after 20 years of negotiations. In May 2016, the parties agreed on reciprocal terms, resulting in signing of the agreement. It also included the exchange of goods and services, essential investments and public procurements. All this was done in the context of a global policy of protectionism amid a weakening role of the WTO as a supporter of the trade liberalization process. Despite its success, countries such as France, Austria and the Netherlands stand against the Mercosur – EU trade deal, which can halt its ratification. The Spanish government, on the contrary, is lobbying for ratification of the agreement. Madrid, interested in benefiting from the Bolsonaro government’s liberal economic policies, maintains strong ties with its South American partner. The author analyzes the transformation of Spain from a relatively irrelevant partner of Brazil in the 20th century to one of the main investors directing significant resources to the Brazilian economy. We also assess the results and challenges of the Brazil – Spain strategic partnership in a broader context of the Brazil – EU relations.
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Gregorczyk, Dariusz. "NATO and the Warsaw Pact in defence politics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the second half of the 20th century." Res Politicae 13 (2021): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/rp.2021.13.02.
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After the year 1945 and during the Cold War, the defence politics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ) in regards to NATO was determined by the country's international politics and its geostrategic placement. The geopolitical situation of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was extremely complicated due to its borders shared with NATO and the Warsaw Pact countries. The communist government of Yugoslavia, and the leaders of the Yugoslav People's Army, expected the SFRJ territory to become a warzone should the conflict between the two political blocks escalate to military action. One of the key elements of the doctrine of the SFRJ politicians and military elite was a plan of defense solutions in case of a NATO aggression. The defence strategies of the YPA, especially after 1968, also took into account a possibility of the Warsaw Pact forces entering the country. The defence plans prepared for a NATO aggression were based mostly on the experiences of World War II, expecting the SFRJ territory to be one of the important elements of a future war between the two blocks.
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Van Schaik, F. "Vrijheid van meningsuiting en godsdienst versus het nondiscriminatiebeginsel." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 3, no. 2 (July 10, 2017): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2000/v3i2a2888.
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A certain tension between freedom of expression and the proscription of discrimination is present in post World War II international law. This tension is dealt with differently in different jurisdictions. This contribution addresses the manner in which the lawgiver and courts of the Netherlands have approached the matter.With reference to the relevant legal sources, the manner in which the law dealt with insult (especially of Jews and Roman Catholics) in the first half of the twentieth century is described, followed by a description of the reaction of some countries to the Convention on the Eradication of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD). The Netherlands government chose to build its implementation of CERD on the existing law of insult, making insult on grounds of race, religion, life view, gender or sexual orientation punishable. This has created a specific tension regarding the freedom of expression in insult cases.The relevant jurisprudence is discussed under three headings: * suspected antisemitism * extreme rightist politics * history writing on World War II and nazismThe wish of the Netherlands government has been to deal with the combating of racial discrimination in a manner which would not lead to undue limitations on the freedom of expression. Partly due to the nature of CERD, which was ratified by the Netherlands without reservation, the implementing legislation has however made strong inroads into freedom of expression. In the jurisprudence race was given a wide meaning while the courts held on to the doctrine on insult not requiring animus iniuriandi and accepting dolus eventualis as sufficient. Thus racial insult is easily established, limiting freedom of expression to a larger extent than in countries such as the USA and UK.
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Shaw, Julia. "Ayodhya's sacred landscape: ritual memory, politics and archaeological ‘fact’." Antiquity 74, no. 285 (September 2000): 693–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00060087.
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Great astonishment has been expressed at the recent vitality of the Hindu religion at Ajudhia [sic], and it was to test the extent of this chiefly that … this statement has been prepared. As the information it contains may be permanently useful, I have considered it well to give it a place here. This information is as correct as it can now be made and that is all that I can say CARNEGY(1870: appendix A)After the destruction of Ayodhya's Babri mosque in 1992 by supporters of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), the statement above seems laden with premonition of the events to come (Rao 1994). More importantly, Carnegy’s comments highlight that the mosque’s destruction was not simply the result of 20th-century politics. The events surrounding and following the outbreak of violence in 1992 have resulted in more ‘spilt ink’ than Carnegy could ever have imagined. This literature can be divided into two main categories; firstly, the initial documentation submitted to the government by a group of VHP aligned historians, which presented the ‘archaeological proof’ that the Babri mosque had occupied the site of a Hindu temple dating to the 10th and 11th century AD (VHP1990; New Delhi Historical Forum 1992). This was believed to have marked the birthplace of the Hindu god Rama (hence the name Rama Janmabhumi — literally ‘birthplace of Rama’), and been demolished at the orders of the Mughal emperor Babur during the 16th century. As a response, a second group of ‘progressive’ Indian historians began a counter-argument, based on the same ‘archaeological proof’ that no such temple had ever existed (Gopal et al. 1992; Mandal 1993). The second category is a growing body of literature which has filled many pages of international publications (Rao 1994; Navlakha 1994). Especially following the World Archaeology Congress (WAC) in Delhi (1994), and subsequently in Brač, Croatia (1998), this has been preoccupied with finding an acceptable route through the battlefield which arises as a result of the problematic, but recurrent, marriage between archaeology, folklore and politics (Kitchen 1998; Hassan 1995).
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ROHRSCHNEIDER, ROBERT. "Environmental Belief Systems in Western Europe." Comparative Political Studies 26, no. 1 (April 1993): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093026001001.
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For most parts of the 20th century, class and religious predispositions guided individuals' perceptions of the political space in Western Europe. Recently, however, analysts have noted the weakening of class and religious cleavages. Moreover, new social movements emerged in Western Europe, despite the inapplicability of traditional class and partisan cues to ecological issues. In light of the presumed lack of sophistication of mass publics, these developments raise the following question. What mental structures, if any, do individuals employ in evaluating competing Old and New Politics issues? In an attempt to answer the question, we analyze citizens' environmental belief systems in four West European countries. We find that environmental belief systems are substantially constrained by general political predispositions in Germany and the Netherlands. In contrast, environmental attitudes are significantly less constrained in France and Great Britain. These crossnational variations in belief systems constraint are attributed to varying activity levels of environmental elites. The implications of these findings for the sources of belief systems constraint and for the sophistication of mass beliefs are assessed.
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Basundoro, Purnawan. "POLITIK RAKYAT KAMPUNG DI KOTA SURABAYA AWAL ABAD KE-20." SASDAYA: Gadjah Mada Journal of Humanities 1, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/sasdayajournal.17025.
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This article aims to explain the politics activities by the villagers in Surabaya at the early of 20th century. The villagers was always considered as the passive people who refused to be involved in a conflict, therefore didn’t do the politic. The historic methodology is taken in this research by referring to the documents from the same century, the newspaper in Surabaya, and also referring to other tertiary resources. The approach chosen is the politic history, a history to describe the struggle of the people to achieve their will. The villagers had various strategy and tactic. As for the villagers who already had the experience of education, even though it was only a basic education, they wrote so many protests in the newspaper related to the decisions of the colonial government which were not in their favour. There was a newspaper in Surabaya managed by the indigenous people at that time, middle scale, and eager to gather all the complaint from the low class society. They also protested directly to the government by using the politic organisation. The formal gathering held by the member of the gemeenteraad, known as “begandring”, was used by the villagers to speak up their aspiration.
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Wardęga, Joanna. "Chinese Heritage with European Characteristics: International and Domestic Dimensions of the China’s Cultural Heritage Politics." Politeja 18, no. 4(73) (November 29, 2021): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.73.01.
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The discussion on Chinese cultural heritage started to emerge as a result of inspiration coming from foreign travels of Chinese scholars-officials and as protective measures against looting of artifacts in the 19th and 20th centuries. The most spectacular robberies were carried out by Anglo-French forces in the Old Summer Palace (Yuanming Yuan) during the Second Opium War in 1860. That event became one of the cornerstones of the “century of humiliation” (bainian guochi) in the Chinese historical narrative. Even though the Communist Revolution classified historical sites as remnants of feudalism, today the Communist Party of China has assumed the role of a defender of the Chinese heritage. In contemporary China, its cultural heritage is a phenomenon of both domestic and international significance. The Chinese emphasize the antiquity of the Chinese nation, pointing to the origins of Chinese civilization as early as five thousand years ago. In contemporary China, recovering cultural treasures is important for the political legitimacy of a government and for erasing the national humiliation.
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Pratt, Douglas. "Secular New Zealand and Religious Diversity: From Cultural Evolution to Societal Affirmation." Social Inclusion 4, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.463.
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About a century ago New Zealand was a predominantly white Anglo-Saxon Christian nation, flavoured only by diversities of Christianity. A declining indigenous population (Maori) for the most part had been successfully converted as a result of 19th century missionary endeavour. In 2007, in response to increased presence of diverse religions, a national Statement on Religious Diversity was launched. During the last quarter of the 20th century the rise of immigrant communities, with their various cultures and religions, had contributed significantly to the changing demographic profile of religious affiliation. By early in the 21st century this diversity, together with issues of inter-communal and interreligious relations, all in the context of New Zealand being a secular society, needed to be addressed in some authoritative way. Being a secular country, the government keeps well clear of religion and expects religions to keep well clear of politics. This paper will outline relevant historical and demographic factors that set the scene for the Statement, which represents a key attempt at enhancing social inclusion with respect to contemporary religious diversity. The statement will be outlined and discussed, and other indicators of the way in which religious diversity is being received and attended to will be noted.
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Hadzantonis, Michael. "Malay, in the shadows." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 32, no. 1 (August 4, 2022): 52–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.00084.had.
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Abstract Wayang Kulit performance, the art of shadow puppetry, has long embodied and conveyed political and secular voice throughout South and Southeast Asia, significant for the maintenance of cultural heritage. Throughout Malaysia’s modern history, Wayang as a dominant medium of education has mediated shifts in language ideologies and socialization, to the extent where changes to the Wayang correlate highly with changes to the Malay language. In the 1980s, the Malaysian government sought to attack and hence curtail Wayang performance, and to obscure its lineage, claiming that the Wayang defiles Islam and Malaysia as an Islamic state. The government sought to discontinue the Wayang, or at least to alter it significantly, and to persecute its adherents. With its attempts to mobilize the economy through neoliberal politics and the adoption of new non-poetic language registers, the Malaysian government altered Malaysian vernacular, cultural practices, and ideologies. Yet, little scholarly work, particularly through an Anthropological lens, has discussed the correlations and influences to these shifts. This paper addresses the significance of Wayang Kulit to the Malay language, that is, its contiguity with standardized language and vernacular, its semiotic complexities during performance and in larger society, and its junctures with Malaysian politics. The study unearths changes in the Wayang, its stylizations, symbolisms and performativities, in the latter 20th century, where these changes have aligned with cultural and language shifts, yet which the government has legitimated as pro Islamic and neoliberal. The data set includes a multi year ethnography of the Wayang, and a corpus of discussions, documentations, and scripts of Wayang performances and narratives.
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Rademaker, Laura. "Mission, Politics and Linguistic Research." Historiographia Linguistica 42, no. 2-3 (December 31, 2015): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.42.2-3.06rad.
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Summary This article investigates the ways local mission and national politics shaped linguistic research work in mid-20th century Australia through examining the case of the Church Missionary Society’s Angurugu Mission on Groote Eylandt in the Northern Territory and research into the Anindilyakwa language. The paper places missionary linguistics in the context of broader policies of assimilation and national visions for Aboriginal people. It reveals how this social and political climate made linguistic research, largely neglected in the 1950s (apart from some notable exceptions), not only possible, but necessary by the 1970s. Finally, it comments on the state of research into Aboriginal languages and the political climate of today. Until the 1950s, the demands of funding and commitment to a government policy of assimilation into white Australia meant that the CMS could not support linguistic research and opportunities for academic linguists to conduct research into Anindilyakwa were limited. By the 1960s, however, national consensus about the future of Aboriginal people and their place in the Australian nation shifted and governments reconsidered the nature of their support for Christian missions. As the ‘industrial mission’ model of the 1950s was no longer politically or economically viable, the CMS looked to reinvent itself, to find new ways of maintaining its evangelical influence on Groote Eylandt. Linguistics and research into Aboriginal cultures – including in partnership with secular academic agents – were a core component of this reinvention of mission, not only for the CMS but more broadly across missions to Aboriginal people. The resulting collaboration across organisations proved remarkably productive from a research perspective and enabled the continuance of a missionary presence and relevance. The political and financial limitations faced by missions shaped, therefore, not only their own practice with regards to linguistic research, but also the opportunities for linguists beyond the missionary fold. The article concludes that, in Australia, the two bodies of linguists – academic and missionary – have a shared history, dependent on similar political, social and financial forces.
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Elrick, John W. "Simulating renewal: Postwar technopolitics and technological urbanism." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 38, no. 6 (June 2, 2020): 1120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775820928391.
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This article traces the terms and practices underwriting emergent forms of urban government to technical efforts to simulate markets after the Second World War. With an eye toward contemporary techno-utopian schemes and city-building initiatives, I argue that the basis of technological approaches to urban rule today—a conception of cities as complex socio-economic systems amenable to market-driven optimization—was forged by postwar administrators and technicians in response to the vicissitudes of uneven development. To advance this claim, I examine the history of San Francisco’s Community Renewal Program, an early modeling initiative sponsored in the US by the federal government. After situating it in the context of racialized housing markets and policies, I probe the Community Renewal Program’s attempt to build a computer model capable of forecasting the effects of redevelopment on housing markets. Though the Community Renewal Program model ultimately proved unviable as a planning tool, expert appraisals of it at the time simultaneously confirmed the characterization of cities as systems of market signals and affirmed in principle the ability to model and thus manage them given an appropriate technological infrastructure. In this light, current municipal design and development projects premised on interactive and remote-sensing technologies express something of the technocratic politics and optimism of the mid-20th century.
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Angraini, Febri. "GAYA HIDUP MODERN PEREMPUAN MINANGKABAU AWAL ABAD KE-20." PERADA 4, no. 1 (June 9, 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35961/perada.v4i1.386.
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This paper contains a general description of modernity in the lives of Minangkabau women in the early 20th century. The years 1900 to 1942 were a general description of modernity in the life of the intended woman. The Dutch East Indies government has brought the Western style of thinking through education. Ethical Politics facilitates the way of modernization to open up and change the lifestyle of Minangkabau women. The process of criticism as an effort to leave the conventional lifestyle was brought by Minangkabau women who contributed in the world of education. They seek changes in conventional custom systems. Modern lifestyle behavior then occurs in the daily life of Minangkabau women. Modernity in Minangkabau is a combination of traditional, Islamic, and western values affecting various aspects in Minangkabau society. The impact on modernity in Minangkabau, from a positive aspect, is to bring a breakthrough in education for women, while the negative impact is the dispute of the elderly and young people and the emergence of habits following the trends.
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Shevtsov, N. V., and M. D. Krynzhina. "Contribution of Alexey Suvorin and His Newspaper Novoye Vremya into Russian Culture of the Second Half of 19th – Early 20th Century’." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 3 (September 28, 2021): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-3-19-137-147.
Full textAbstract:
Novoye Vremya (The New Time) newspaper was considered as the leading daily periodical of the pre-revolutionary Russia. In 1876, Aleksey Suvorin, an outstanding Russian publisher and literary figure, became its owner and chief editor. He turned the newspaper into a source of information, which seriously influenced the public opinion in Russia. Novoye Vremya provoked constant interest among readers of all social levels. It was popular both among high-ranking government officials and people without any ranks, conservatives and liberals, people with higher education and those who did not even graduate a gymnasium. Newspaper stories were apprehensible not only for educated people but for any common person. Young and old, men and women liked Novoye Vremya. It had never forced its opinion and suggested the readers to make personal judgement through its reports. Suvorin managed to form the audience that valued the newspaper and believed in it. Not only Novoye Vremya stood out for its excellent materials on politics, economy, and non-fiction. In its reviews the newspaper gave a fair evaluation of the Russian authors’ works. Moreover, it became famous with the literary works of the top writers, the classics of Russian literature. Therefore, it is not by accident that the author of this article pays special attention to the cooperation between Novoye Vremya and the most known Russian writers of the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century. Thanks to Suvorin, the talent of Anton Chekhov, who started publishing his works in the newspaper under a different name, opened up. Novoye Vremya published the stories which were later included into his collection In the Twilight. Here he also published his famous novella The Duel. Despite the fact that Novoye Vremya was considered to be a newspaper rather than a literary magazine, it worked together with such writers as Leo Tolstoy, Nikolay Nekrasov, Nikolay Leskov, Mikhail Saltykov-Shchedrin, for whom the newspaper was not only a serious periodical but also a source of education and knowledge. In Soviet times the directive was to forget about Suvorin. And when they did remember, they certainly wrote about him as a reactionary, chauvinist, notorious monarchist. And if another major pre-revolutionary publisher I.D. Sytin was recognized by the Soviet government, although he lost his printing house and real estate, then Suvorin was in disgrace.
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Folkers, Andreas. "Freezing time, preparing for the future: The stockpile as a temporal matter of security." Security Dialogue 50, no. 6 (September 18, 2019): 493–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619868385.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses stockpiling as a security device that hoards time, stores power and buffers disruptions. The stockpile is a temporal matter of security by virtue of its ability to freeze time and to prepare for future emergencies. Stockpiling is informed by anticipations of threats but also materially underpins expectations. After unpacking the temporal ontology of stockpiling, the article traces its history as a security device and technology of power. Stockpiling enabled the emergence of the earliest states by establishing the means to store surpluses and centralize power. In modernity, stores became more dispersed as money, commodity exchange and new infrastructures made it possible to procure resources through circulation. In the 20th century, stockpiling became a reflexive security device reactive to risks associated with the disruption of these circulations. Finally, the article illuminates the role of reserves in contemporary German catastrophe preparedness to show that stockpiling remains an important security technique. Yet fiscal austerity and budgetary constraints limit security stockpiling. To compensate for the absence of public security stores, the government is prompting citizens to establish emergency stockpiles. The article offers a theoretical, historical and empirical engagement with stockpiling and thereby further elucidates the material politics of anticipation.
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Hochstenbach, Cody, and Richard Ronald. "The unlikely revival of private renting in Amsterdam: Re-regulating a regulated housing market." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 52, no. 8 (March 13, 2020): 1622–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x20913015.
Full textAbstract:
Over the last decade, private rental sectors have been in rapid ascendance across developed societies, especially in economically liberal, English-speaking contexts. The Netherlands, and Amsterdam in particular, has also more recently experienced the reversal of a century-long decline in private renting. More unusually, the expansion of private renting in Amsterdam has been explicitly promoted by the municipal and national government, and in cooperation with social housing providers, in response to decreasing accessibility to, and affordability of, social rental and owner-occupied housing. This paper explores how and why this state-initiated revival has come about, highlighting how new growth in rent-liberalized private renting is a partial outcome of the restructuring of the urban housing market around owner occupation since the 1990s. More critically, our analysis asserts that restructuring of Amsterdam’s housing stock can be conceptualized as regulated marketization. Market forces are not being simply unleashed, but given more leeway in some regards and matched by new regulations. We also demonstrate various tensions present in this process of regulated marketization; between national and local politics, between existing housing and new construction, and between policies implemented in different time periods.
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Carey, Peter, and Christopher Reinhart. "British Naval Power and its Influence on Indonesia, 1795–1942: An Historical Analysis." Journal of Maritime Studies and National Integration 5, no. 1 (August 21, 2021): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v5i1.9343.
Full textAbstract:
In Indonesian history, Britain has never been considered a prominent player in the politics of the archipelago. From an Indonesian perspective, the British presence only lasted a brief five years (1811–1816) during short-lived interregnum regime led by Thomas Stamford Raffles (1781-1826). This began with the British seizure of Java from the Franco-Dutch administration of Marshal Daendels (1808-11) and his successor, General Janssens (May-September 1811), and ended with the formal return of the colony to the Netherlands on 19 August 1816. However, as this article demonstrates, Britain has had a long-lasting and decisive influence on modern Indonesian history, dating from the time when the archipelago entered the vortex of global conflict between Britain and Republican France in the 1790s. The presence of the British navy in Indonesian waters throughout the century and a half which followed Britain’s involvement in the War of the First Coalition (1792-97) dictated inter alia the foundation of new cities like Bandung which grew up along Daendels’ celebrated postweg (military postroad), the development of modern Javanese cartography, and even the fate of the exiled Java War leader, Prince Diponegoro. in distant Sulawesi (1830-55). This British naval presence had pluses and minuses for the Dutch. On the one hand, it was a guarantor of Dutch security from foreign seaborne invasion. On the other, it opened the possibility for British interference in the domestic politics of Holland’s vast Asian colony. As witnessed in the 20th-century, the existence of the Dutch as colonial masters in the Indonesian Archipelago was critically dependent on the naval defence screen provided by the British. When the British lost their major battleships (Prince of Wales and Repulse) to Japanese attack off the east coast of Malaya on 10 December 1941 and Singapore fell on 15 February 1942, the fate of the Dutch East Indies was sealed. Today, the vital role played by the Royal Navy in guaranteeing the archipelago’s security up to February 1942 has been replaced by that of the Honolulu-based US Seventh Fleet but the paradoxes of such protection have continued.