Academic literature on the topic 'Netherlands – Politics and government – 20th century'
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Journal articles on the topic "Netherlands – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Iswahyudi, Iswahyudi. "Islamic Policy of the Dutch East Indies Colonial Government in Madura in the First Quarter of the 20th Century." Humanities and Social Science Research 4, no. 1 (January 6, 2021): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/hssr.v4n1p1.
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At first the Dutch East Indies government policy towards Islam was wrong, because Islam in the Dutch East Indies was considered a strict religion like the hierarchical priesthood and the pope in Christianity where there was a high relationship of loyalty to the Turkish caliph, so that Islam was considered a formidable enemy. Starting with the implementation of a massive policy by the Dutch East Indies government to suppress Muslims, for example, one of them was in terms of limiting and heavier the regulations for the implementation of the pilgrimage, but in reality, regardless of the obstacles, the frequency of going on hajj was still high. Awareness of the mistakes in political policy towards Islam, the figure of Cristian Snouck Hurgronje, one of the supporters of ethical currents in the Netherlands, appeared, submitting a letter to the minister of the colonies on June 2, 1889 to participate in solving problems in the Dutch East Indies. In this case Snouk Hurgronje was the main advisor and was assisted by advisers consisting of one for Arab affairs and two experts in regional languages in the Dutch East Indies. Based on Snouck Hurgronje's advice, the Dutch colonial government distinguished between Islam in the meaning of worship and Islam as a social, social and political force. This policy towards Islam is divided into three categories, namely the socio-religious field, the socio-cultural sector, and the socio-political sector.
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Schuyt, Theo N. M., Barbara M. Gouwenberg, and Barry L. K. Hoolwerf. "Foundations in the Netherlands: Toward a Diversified Social Model?" American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 13 (May 14, 2018): 1833–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218773406.
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This article describes the history, development, and current position of Dutch foundations. In the past, the philanthropy sector and foundations initiated many nonprofit services in the Netherlands. Along with the growth of the welfare state, philanthropy was sidelined. Due to public funding, the pillarized Dutch nonprofit sector extended strongly. However, despite its large scale it shows a special feature. Most nonprofits are still privately governed institutions although publicly funded. In the 1980s, governmental budget cuts forced the nonprofits to embrace the market as income source. A dualistic model got dominancy or state or market. At the end of the 20th century, however, philanthropy revived and a new philanthropy sector emerged. The article addresses the issue of the role of philanthropy in changing (European) welfare states. Are we experiencing further marketization and privatization—toward a so-called Anglo-Saxon shareholder model—or are we seeing a continuation of the so-called Rhineland, multistakeholder model of government, market, and philanthropy?
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Törnqvist, T. E. "A Dutch geoscience perspective on the Katrina disaster." Netherlands Journal of Geosciences 86, no. 3 (September 2007): 307–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0016774600077878.
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AbstractA combination of geological and anthropogenic processes have rendered the U.S. Gulf Coast in general – and the Mississippi Delta in particular – extremely sensitive to coastal hazard. Thus, the Katrina disaster was not a question of ‘if’ but of ‘when’. This contribution outlines the geo-environmental context of the Mississippi Delta that evolved during the 20th century and set the stage for Hurricane Katrina’s devastation. This includes a brief discussion of the processes responsible for coastal erosion and wetland loss, the proposed measures to combat these problems, and the policy decisions (or, rather, the lack thereof) made so far. A connection is made with the 1953 storm surge that devastated the southwestern Netherlands and had a profound impact on Dutch science and engineering by providing the impetus for the widely known and highly praised Delta Plan, as well as for unprecedented studies of Holocene sea-level change. Whether a similar route will be followed for the Gulf Coast is primarily dependent on the amount of political will. Results are presented of recent studies of crustal movements in the Mississippi Delta that show surprising long-term stability of the Pleistocene basement, evidence that could prove critical for decision makers with regard to the rebuilding process. Finally, the neglect of the precarious situation along the Gulf Coast by the federal government is viewed as a possible metaphor for current U.S. policies with respect to science in general, and to global warming in particular.“Land that sits below sea level. Levees and dams that stand against nature’s fury. Countryside that sinks more every year. New Orleans? No. Holland: a nation whose flood protections makes ours look primitive and slapdash”John McQuaid, The Times-Picayune, November 13, 2005
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Van Nederveen Meerkerk, Elise. "Grammar of Difference. General Education in the Netherlands and Java, 1800-1940." Historical Life Course Studies 10 (March 31, 2021): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51964/hlcs9579.
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This contribution compares developments in school enrolment and public investments in primary education in the Netherlands and its most important colony in the 19th century: the Netherlands East Indies, more specifically the island of Java. Despite being part of the same Empire, conditions in both regions were very different, with the metropole having already quite high enrolment rates from the beginning of the period studied (the early 19th century) compared to very low school attendance in the colony. For long, the colonial government left indigenous education in Java to religious and private initiatives, whereas primary schooling in the Netherlands was increasingly financed and regulated. Rising interest for public schooling in the colony, including some government investment in the first decades of the 20th century did lead to some changes, but these were insufficient to prevent Dutch and Javanese children from experiencing a fundamentally different educational upbringing.
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Guslin, Guslin, and Amarulla Octavian. "The impact of the Bolsheviks Revolution on the political development and system of government of the new state of the 20th century." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (August 20, 2021): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i3.31484.
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The Bolshevik Revolution forced the end of Tsar Nicholas II's imperial rule in Russia. Furthermore, under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin, Russia formed a new government in the form of the Republic. The main power of this government is entirely under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Subsequent changes in the form of government in Russia, especially after World War I, inspired newly independent countries in the mid-20th century to follow the same system of government. Through theories about the state, politics, and government system, this study will analyze the influence of the Bolshevik revolution on the new system of government for new countries in the world in the 20th century. To analyze the effect of changes in the form of government, the authors use an exploratory qualitative research method with a historical approach through a literature study. After the Revolution, based on a common view of colonialism, human rights, ideology, and the strong understanding of Marxism-Leninism, several countries in the world that were newly independent in the mid-20th century were inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution by forming countries with a Republican system of government, including Indonesia.
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Pratiwi, Daniek Intan. "Fotografi di Hindia Belanda." Lembaran Sejarah 11, no. 2 (April 7, 2017): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.23806.
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This research analyses photography in the Netherlands Indies since the mid-19th century and its development until the early 20th century. The rise of photography in the Netherlands Indies as part of its modernization, is not merely the development of the arts, but photography was also used to explore the colonial territory of the colonial government. European photographers were sent to document archeological artefacts in various expeditions in several places in the archipelago.Photography also began to be commercialized. European, Chinese and even indigenous photographers arose with their photo studios. They have produced a natural and anthropological landscape of the Netherlands Indies, from Europeans and indigenous people living there. The commercialization of photography expanded with a variety of photo subjects, sold to other parts of the world in the form of albums, souvenirs or postcards. This answered the curiosity of the outside world on the Netherlands Indies as a colonial area.
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Semyonov, Alexander M. "Imperial parliament for a hybrid empire: Representative experiments in the early 20th-century Russian Empire." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2020): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520902868.
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This article argues that the history of Russian constitutional and parliamentary reform in the early 20th century can be cast in a new light in view of the global transformation of political life under the challenge of imperial diversity and mass politics. The article points out that imperial diversity as a challenge to democratic government was not unique to the Russian Empire. The character of the Russian Empire was marked by peculiarities; it was shaped by composite and hybrid imperial space, which placed the challenge of imperial diversity at the center of political practices and imaginaries. The article traces the history of political reform in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century focusing on the reform of the Sejm of the Grand Duchy of Finland and the novel practices and political imaginaries of imperial diversity in the first and second State Duma. The exploration of the history of the constitutional reform in the Russian Empire of early 20th century demonstrates that rather than being absolute antagonists to representative government, Russian imperial politics and traditions of imperial sovereignty nested possibilities of compromise and redefinition of political solidarity in the space of diversity.
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Kuitert, Lisa. "Balai Pustaka and the Politics of Knowledge." Lembaran Sejarah 17, no. 1 (October 25, 2021): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.69965.
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During the colonial period of Indonesia the Dutch government was an important source of knowledge which was disseminated through the production of books, such as textbooks and other printed material. In response to the establishment of many new commercial printers and publishers, the colonial government, in 1917, set up its own publishing company, Balai Pustaka, which also published attractive and popular books. This new publishing house intentionally and unintentionally served several goals at a time that was characterized by the rise of young Indonesian intellectuals who were part of new political movements formed in the first decades of the 20th century.
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Gayada, F. A. "Russian Liberal of the Beginning of the 20th Century in Politics." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-28-43.
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The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia.
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Booth, Anne. "Accumulation, Development, and Exploitation in Different Colonial and Post-Colonial Contexts: Taiwan, Indonesia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1900-80." Economics and Finance in Indonesia 61, no. 1 (April 11, 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/efi.v61i1.494.
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The Belgian Congo (Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of the Congo), the Netherlands Indies (Indonesia), and Taiwan/Formosa (now the Republic of China) experienced policies during the 19th and early 20th century which could be termed exploitative or extractive, although some policies in these colonies could also be termed developmental. All three colonies had a troubled passage to independence, and the immediate post-independence era was marked by considerable political and economic turmoil. But the growth performance of the three former colonies has been very different. Taiwan has seen very rapid growth sustained over decades; Indonesia’s economic growth since 1970 has been quite robust; the Congo has seen a growth collapse which is extraordinary even by African standards. The paper suggests some explanations for this divergence in terms of policies pursued by the Japanese, Dutch and Belgian colonial regimes, and by postindependence governments in these countries.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Netherlands – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. "Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.
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On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.
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Reibman, Max Yacker. "Cairo and the international politics of Egypt and Syria, 1914-1920." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708103.
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Osman, Newal. "Partition and Punjab politics, 1937-55." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608215.
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SABA, RAUL PHILLIP. "POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOCRACY IN PERU: CONTINUITY WITHIN CHANGE AND CRISIS (BELAUNDE, VELASCO, MORALES-BERMUDEZ, COMPARATIVE POLITICS)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/188128.
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This study examines the development of Peruvian politics and government from 1962 to 1985. It describes the programs and policies of the interim military junta (1962-63), the Velasco (1968-75) and Morales Bermudez (1975-80) phases of the Armed Forces Revolution, and the two Belaunde administrations (1963-68, 80-85) and posits a basic commonality of goals and continuity of reforms despite differences in policy orientation and emphasis. The study begins with a contextual discussion of the ideological underpinnings of contemporary Peruvian political reform, establishing linkages to the revolutionary thought of Gonzalez Prada, Mariategui, and Haya de la Torre, as well as to the more moderate reformist positions of Víctor Andres Belaunde, Bustamante y Rivero, and Basadre. Continuing with an in-depth historical analysis of the period under study, the contextual discussion demonstrates the underlying continuities of political reform in the programs and goals of the several regimes. The focus of the study then shifts to an analysis of the reformist and democratic evolution of the Peruvian polity. It analyzes the central government's budgets according to administrative, social, and economic categories. The analysis demonstrates all the governments since 1962 pursued generally common reformist policies and none reversed the progressive trend set. An analysis of Peruvian foreign policy reorientations vis-a-vis the United States, the Socialist bloc, and the Third World shows that the progressive changes and reforms begun under one administration continued to evolve and crystalize under the policies of succeeding governments. The point is highlighted by an analysis of Peru's voting pattern in the United Nations General Assembly, where divergence with U.S. policy became greater with each change in government after 1963. Finally, in looking to overall political development as political modernization and institutionalization, the analysis shows that Peru has undergone progressive and incremental changes heightening political awareness and participation and thus strengthening its potential for political democracy and social development. Each government since 1962 made substantial, if varying, contributions to the increase of political legitimacy and stability within the polity. In sum, a continuum of political development prevailed.
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Kharroubi, Safwat. "The foiled state : a critical assessment of western donor aid provision and state-building in Palestine in the post-Oslo period." Thesis, Swansea University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678553.
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Heath, Karen Patricia. "Conservatives and the politics of art, 1950-88." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d62a078b-4009-40a8-8765-1a4f5e0fbcbc.
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This thesis offers a new policy history of the National Endowment for the Arts, the federal agency responsible for providing grants to artists and arts organisations in the United States. It focuses in particular on the development of conservative perspectives on federal arts funding from the 1950s to the 1980s, and hence, illuminates the broader evolution of conservative political power, especially its limits. The most familiar narrative holds that the Endowment found itself caught up in the Culture Wars of the late 1980s when Christian right groups objected to certain federal grants, particularly to Andres Serrano's Piss Christ and Robert Mapplethorpe's Self-Portrait with Whip. This thesis, however, uncovers the older origins of conservative opposition to state support for the arts, analyses conservative conceptions of art, and illuminates the limited federal role the right sought to secure in the arts in the post-war period. Numerous studies have analysed the meanings and origins of the Culture Wars, but until now, scholars had not examined conservative approaches to federal arts politics in a historical sense. Historians have generally been too interested in explaining change to the detriment of examining continuity, but this approach under-emphasises the long-term tensions that underlie seemingly sudden political eruptions. This work also offers a deep account of the conservative movement and the arts world, an area that has so far been almost completely ignored by scholars, even though a focus on marginalised players is essential to understanding the limits of conservatism. In a general sense then, this thesis evaluates the range and diversity of the conservative movement and illuminates the overall odyssey of the right in modern America. In so doing, it provides a new insight into the ways we periodise political history and also invites a broader view of how we understand politics itself.
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Feng, Dongning. "Text, politics and society : literature as political philosophy in post-Mao China." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2216.
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The purpose of this study is to arrive at a critical overview of politics and literature in the Chinese context. The relationship has increasingly become a "field" of studies and theoretical inquiry that most scholars in either disciplines are wary to tread. This thesis tries to venture into this problematic field by a theoretical examination as well as an empirical critique of Chinese literature and politics, where the relationship seems even more paradoxical, but adds more insight into the argument. The Introduction and Chapter One set up a framework by asking some general but fundamental questions: what literature is, and how it is to be related to politics. Chapter Two examines the historical function of literature and Chinese writers in society to establish the basis of argument in the Chinese context. Chapter Three focuses the discussion on the relationship between politics and literature during the Mao era and after. Chapters Four analyses the literary works published during the post-Mao period to establish the argument that literature, as part of our perception of the world, is most concerned with human society and social amelioration and participates in the socio-political development by contributing to it through a discourse that is otherwise inaccessible. Chapter Five explores the argument further by extending it into the field of cinema, which basically comes from the same narrative tradition of prose literature, but offers a wider and different dimension to the argument pursued. Chapter Six and the Conclusion try to draw together the argument by examining literature as both form and content to argue how and why literature is related to politics and how it has functioned in a political manner in Chinese society. To summarise, Chinese literature in this period will b& shown to be involved In a process of political reform and development by way of bringing the reader to participate in a critical and philosophical dialogue with power, history and future. In the long run, it offers emancipating visions and possibilities revealed to the reader in ways that are historical, developmental, philosophical and comparative. This study focuses on the prose fiction published in this period, for it is the leading force in China's cultural development and constitutes the major trunk of the modern Chinese canon. In addition, the research also extends to drama and films, and the way they, together with prose fiction, make up the most popular perception and intellectual discovery of contemporary Chinese society and politics and best inform the argument of the study of politics and literature.
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Pandit, Aishwarya. "From United Provinces to Uttar Pradesh : heartland politics 1947-70." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709289.
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McLaughlin, Robert. "Irish Canadians and the Struggle for Irish Independence, 1912-1925: A Study of Ethnic Identity and Cultural Heritage." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/McLaughlinR2004.pdf.
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Varma, Dipak Singh. "An analysis of the causes of the Fiji military coups." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1992. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26634.
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The Fiji military coups of 1987 are about a Fijian chiefly elite and their supporters who were too reluctant to relinquish their power and privileges. Seventeen years had been a long time in office for the Alliance government. Those who patronised and were patronised by the Alliance government feared change as the Bavadra government had promised a whole array of changes. The chiefly elite teamed up with the Royal Fiji Military Forces to stage the coups. Issues such as the fear of Indian dominance, the alienation of Fijian land and the loss of Fijian way of life, etc., were raised to justify the coups. Land rights and other Fijian cultural institutions were already well guarded by the 1970 Constitution. Fiji coups were more about internal factors. The evidence produced so far shows that the external involvements such as that of the Central Intelligence Agency was neither significant nor has a crucial role. The Fijian elite and others who had much to lose were determined that the new government should be unseated. An examination of the Constitution of the Sovereign Democratic Republic of Fiji bears testimony to how far the Fijian elite have gone to preserve the feudal system of chiefly power and authority which had been eroding through the forces of change and development. The task that the new regime has set for itself is going to be difficult indeed. It will be an irony if the military coups in the end only enhance the decay of the very institutions they were meant to save in the first place.
Books on the topic "Netherlands – Politics and government – 20th century"
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The ideology of the extreme right. New York: Manchester University Press, 2000.
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Gouda, Frances. American visions of the Netherlands East Indies/Indonesia: US foreign policy and Indonesian nationalism, 1920-1949. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2002.
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Gouda, Frances, and Frances Gouda. American visions of the Netherlands East Indies/Indonesia: U.S. foreign policy and Indonesian nationalism, 1920-1949. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1998.
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Stig, Hadenius. Swedish politics during the 20th century. 3rd ed. [Stockholm]: Swedish Institute, 1990.
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Swedish politics during the 20th century. [Stockholm]: Swedish Institute, 1985.
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Stig, Hadenius. Swedish politics during the 20th century. 2nd ed. [Stockholm]: Swedish Institute, 1988.
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Chumbley, Stephen. Timeline of the 20th century. London: Haus, 2006.
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1951-, Magnago Lampugnani Vittorio, Bergdoll Barry, Hatje Gerd, and Pehnt Wolfgang, eds. Encyclopedia of 20th-century architecture. New York: N.N. Abrams, 1986.
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Price, J. L. Holland and the Dutch Republic in the seventeenth century: The politics of particularism. Oxford [England]: Clarendon Press, 1994.
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1947-, Ramsden John, ed. The Oxford companion to 20th-century British politics. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Netherlands – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Neal, Andrew W. "In Defence of Politics against Security?" In Security as Politics, 1–41. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450928.003.0001.
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This chapter begins with the history of security as a form of ‘anti-politics’, from Hobbes to 20th century struggles to tame the ‘rogue elephant’ of the US intelligence services. It discusses the growth of security practices since 9/11 and reviews a range of key literature in security studies that perpetuates the ‘anti-politics’ idea. The chapter then explores the key concepts of the book including the meaning of ‘politics’, the stakes involved in defining what is and is not ‘political’, and the normative and analytical significance of the concept of ‘normal politics’ in relation to the ‘exceptional politics’ of security. It also discusses the ‘political game’ and ‘professional politics’ as the empirical focus of the book, framing this through works of Machiavelli, Weber, Foucault, and Bourdieu. The chapter closes by describing the overarching historical narrative and extended UK case study of the book: a four-decade shift from institutionalised forms of ‘exceptional’ security politics in 1980s to the current situation in which security is a ‘whole of government’ project that increasingly occupies the ‘normal’ activities of politics.
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Molendijk, Arie L. "Introduction." In Protestant Theology and Modernity in the Nineteenth-Century Netherlands, 1–10. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898029.003.0001.
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In the second half of the nineteenth century the Netherlands became a modern nation-state with representative government, industrialism emerged, and the intellectual climate—influenced by a new historical approach to religion and the successes of the natural sciences and positivist and materialist philosophies—became critical of supernatural worldviews. In universities, both the critical examination of the Bible and the comparative study of religions were on the rise. Questions about how to justify Christian propositions were hotly debated. The aim of this book is to analyse how theology was fundamentally transformed and reinvented in the nineteenth century in a variety of ways—in response to the process of modernization. The focus is on intellectual history, but broader social and political transformations will be addressed too. Protestant theologians dealt with various aspects of modernization in different ways. Enlightenment values were fiercely attacked by orthodox Pietists, but embraced by ‘modern’ theologians, who strove for a synthesis of religion on the one hand and the new findings of biblical scholarship and the natural sciences (evolutionary theory, anti-supernaturalism) on the other. The most influential Dutch theologian of the time, Abraham Kuyper, modernized Reformed theology and Dutch politics in hitherto unprecedented ways. The new segmented social structures—based on differences in religion and worldview—of pillarized Dutch society were to a large extent determined by Kuyper. His polarizing style offended the old liberal elites, who still clung to the ideals of a consensual and homogeneous state and an inclusive, Protestant ‘People’s Church’.
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Brown, Katherine A. "Afghanistan’s Press." In Your Country, Our War, 51–71. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879402.003.0004.
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This chapter discusses the history of the Afghan news media, which was under either authoritarian or hyperpartisan control throughout the 20th century. This chapter explores the political and sociocultural factors that have contributed to the state of modern Afghan journalism, and how Afghan government officials have treated their press since 2001. It also examines the habits and norms local journalists have created, in addition to the impact of Western aid money and the presence of Western journalists in the country. Independent news media organizations have helped to drive dramatic change in Afghan politics and society, often at a seemingly breakneck speed. The patchwork media landscape of present-day Afghanistan reflects the various power struggles between the country’s politicians, extremists, strongmen, progressives, and foreign actors.
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Belfrage, Claes, and Mikko Kuisma. "The Swedish Social Democrats and the ‘new Swedish model’: playing a losing game." In Why the Left Loses. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447332664.003.0009.
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This chapter focuses on the Swedish Social Democrats. After the 2006 Swedish elections, the Social Democratic Party (SAP), the ‘natural party of government’ during the construction and heyday of the famous ‘Swedish model’ in the second half of the 20th century, entered opposition for eight long years. Initially at least, some might have taken this to represent just a regular short-term slump in electoral politics. However, it could also be seen as the beginning of a long decline. The party is playing a losing game and the only way in which it can reverse its fortunes is by calling the very foundations of the ‘new Swedish model’, now ironically perhaps associated with the Conservative administration of Fredrik Reinfeldt, into question.
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Berman, Sheri. "Foreword." In Why the Left Loses. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447332664.003.0001.
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The decline of the centre-left over the past years is one of the most alarming trends in Western politics. During the latter part of the 20th century such parties either ran the government or led the loyal Opposition in virtually every Western democracy. Germany’s Social Democratic Party (SPD), once the most powerful party of the left in continental Europe, currently polls in high 20s or 30s. The French Socialist Party was eviscerated in the 2017 elections, as was the Dutch Labour Party. Even the vaunted Scandinavian social democratic parties are struggling, reduced to vote shares in the 30 per cent range. The British Labour Party and the US Democrats have been protected from challengers by their country’s first-past-the-post electoral systems, but the former has recently taken a sharp turn to the hard-left under Jeremy Corbyn, while the latter, although still competitive at the national level, is a minority party at the state and local levels, where a hard-right Republican Party dominates the scene....
Conference papers on the topic "Netherlands – Politics and government – 20th century"
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Fuentes, Gabriel. "The Politics of Memory: Constructing Heritage and Globalization in Havana, Cuba." In 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.60.
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Since granted world heritage status by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1982, Old Havana has been the site of contested heritage practices. Critics consider UNESCO’s definition of the 143 hectare walled city center a discriminatory delineation strategy that primes the colonial core for tourist consumption at the expense of other parts of the city. To neatly bound Havana’s collective memory/history within its “old” core, they say, is to museumize the city as ”frozen in time,” sharply distinguishing the “historic” from the “vernacular.”While many consider heritage practices to resist globalization, in Havana they embody a complex entanglement of global and local forces. The Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 triggered a crippling recession during what Fidel Castro called a“Special Period in a Time of Peace.” In response, Castro redeveloped international tourism—long demonized by the Revolution as associated with capitalist “evils”—in order to capture the foreign currency needed to maintain the state’s centralized economy. Paradoxically, the re-emergence of international tourism in socialist Cuba triggered similar inequalities found in pre-Revolutionary Havana: a dual-currency economy, government-owned retail (capturing U.S. dollars at the expense of Cuban Pesos), and zoning mechanisms to “protect” Cubanos from the “evils” of the tourism, hospitality, and leisure industries. Using the tropes of “heritage”and “identity,” preservation practices fueled tourism while allocating the proceeds toward urban development, using capitalism to sustain socialism. This paper briefly traces the geopolitics of 20th century development in Havana, particularly in relation to tourism. It then analyzes tourism in relation to preservation / restoration practices in Old Havana using the Plaza Vieja (Old Square)—Old Havana’ssecond oldest and most restored urban space—as a case study. In doing so, it exposes preservation/ restoration as a dynamic and politically complex practice that operates across scales and ideologies, institutionalizing history and memory as an urban design and identity construction strategy. The paper ends with a discussion on the implications of such practices for a rapidly changing Cuba.
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
Full textAbstract:
Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.