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1
Booth, Anne. "Government and Welfare in the New Republic: Indonesia in the 1950s." Itinerario 34, no. 1 (March 2010): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000057.
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When Indonesia finally received de jure independence in December 1949, the infant republic faced a range of serious problems, but nowhere were the problems more pressing than in the field of economic policy. In contrast with the Philippines and India, where the USA and Britain had honoured previous commitments and granted independence in 1946 and 1947 respectively, the refusal of the Netherlands to recognise the 1945 declaration of independence had led to four years of bitter and destructive fighting. Infrastructure on Java and elsewhere, already damaged during the Japanese occupation, deteriorated further after 1945, and by the end of the decade most of the important export industries were producing only a small fraction of their pre-1942 output. Smallholder agricultural output in Java was also well below pre-1942 levels. De Vries observed that many seed farms had been destroyed, irrigation systems had not been maintained and “vast areas of hill country” had been damaged by soil erosion. In the final years of the Japanese occupation, the Japanese army commandeered large amounts of rice, while the widespread issue of Japanese banknotes caused mounting inflation. Food was scarce everywhere and those with little or no land were most severely hit; most demographers concur that the population actually declined in Java after 1943, indicating a sharp increase in mortality.
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Suryajiyoso, Suryajiyoso. "Power and Authority in the State Administration System: Comparing the Netherlands and Indonesia." Journal of Law and Legal Reform 2, no. 3 (July 31, 2021): 411–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jllr.v2i2.46615.
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The state is an organization that includes territory, a number of people, and has sovereign power. Every country has a political system, namely a pattern of mechanisms or the exercise of power. While power is the right and authority and responsibility to manage certain tasks. The management of a country is what is called the constitutional system. The constitutional system is studied in political science. In Indonesia, the regulation of the constitutional system is regulated in the 1945 Constitution, Laws or Government Regulations in Lieu of Laws, Government Regulations, Presidential Regulations, and Regional Regulations. The government of the Netherlands adheres to a constitutional monarchy system, where the government is established under a constitutional system that recognizes the king (or emperor) as the head of state. Modern constitutional monarchies usually use the concept of trias politica or triad politics. This means that the king is only the symbolic chairman of the executive branch. If a king has full governmental power, he is called absolute monarchy. Because the Dutch state adheres to a constitutional monarchy government system, this governmental process has an impact, namely that sometimes it comes from the king himself because he is afraid of being coup d'etat or sometimes the constitutional process takes effect because of the people's revolution against the king.
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de Jager, Koos-jan. "Gewetensbezwaarden onder vuur." Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 134, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvg2021.3.003.jage.
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Abstract Conscientious objectors under fire. Vaccine refusal among orthodox-Protestant soldiers in the Dutch Armed Forces, 1945-1950 During the Indonesian War of Independence (1945-1949), the Dutch government deployed 220,000 soldiers in the Indonesian archipelago. Among them was a group of conservative Christian soldiers who refused vaccinations against smallpox for religious reasons. Initially this caused no problems, but the situation changed after the outbreak of a smallpox epidemic in Indonesia in 1948. The non-vaccinated soldiers could not return to the Netherlands due to international restrictions. Although compulsory vaccination was abolished in 1939, some soldiers were forced to accept vaccination. In the Netherlands, representatives of the Reformed Political Party (SGP) and the conservative churches accused the Army of illegal actions. The central question in the debate was the space for religious minorities and divergent views on vaccination in the Dutch Armed Forces. This article studies the process of negotiation between the Dutch Armed Forces and the political and ecclesiastical representatives of this conservative religious group. Finally, this article argues for more research into religious diversity in the Dutch Armed Forces.
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LAGROU, PIETER. "The politics of memory. Resistance as a collective myth in post-war France, Belgium and the Netherlands, 1945–1965." European Review 11, no. 4 (October 2003): 527–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798703000474.
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France, Belgium and the Netherlands faced the same fundamental challenge in 1945. In spite of differences in institutional setting, chronology or demography, their experience of Nazi occupation had been traumatizing and humiliating. Their national reconstruction required a self-confident image of the recent past. Nonetheless, the contours of the policies of memory pursued in the three countries diverged in a striking measure. In the Netherlands, post-war governments deliberately constructed a forced national consensus around the myth of a unanimous resistance, at the expense of veterans’ movements and all forms of associative memory. However, the latter dominated the commemorations in France and Belgium, continuing a post-1918 tradition. The conflicts between different categories of war veterans and victims and between different political families characterized the conflicting memories in these two countries. Rather than a monolithic resistance myth, different memories of Nazi persecution were rivals for public attention. In France, neither de Gaulle nor the Communist party succeeded in monopolizing the heroic legacy of the resistance. In Belgium, the Royal question, the left–right divide and subsequently the regional tensions between French and Dutch speakers, estranged part of opinion from the memory of the resistance and even ended up favouring, in some quarters, the rehabilitation of collaboration with the Nazi occupier.
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Thuy, Pham Van. "Same Fate, Different Choices: Decolonization in Vietnam and Indonesia, 1945–1960s." Lembaran Sejarah 13, no. 1 (February 27, 2018): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33519.
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The purpose of this study is to sketch out the similarities and differences in the process of decolonization in Indonesia and Vietnam during the period from the 1930s to the early 1960s, with special attention to the political and economic aspects. Both countries shared similarities in that they were the first countries to declare independence in Southeast Asia from the Japanese and that they were highly revolutionized during the occupation. Both countries had the most violent and complete colonial break in comparison to other Southeast Asian countries. Yet, there were some major differences within the process of decolonization, especially during the final phase. Indonesia opted for a diplomatic peace process and eventually obtained a transfer of sovereignty from the Netherlands in late 1949, while Vietnam continued military struggle against the French until 1954. This resulted in highly different patterns of the economic decolonization, such as the process of nationalization, the government policies concerning foreign investments and the extent of state control over the economy. French businesses in Vietnam were ruined in the North following the withdrawal of French army in 1954-1955. Their remaining assets in South Vietnam were shortly also taken over by the Diem government. Meanwhile, the Dutch continued to dominate the Indonesian economy after the transfer of sovereignty. It was not until the late 1950s that Dutch firms were seized and finally nationalized by the Indonesian government.
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Mandel, Maud S. "One Nation Indivisible: Contemporary Western European Immigration Policies and the Politics of Multiculturalism." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.89.
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Since World War II, policies with regard to immigrant populations have changed dramatically and repeatedly throughout Western Europe. From 1945 to 1955, Western European nations absorbed an enormous number of refugees uprooted during the war. Until the 1970s, governments did not limit migration, nor did they formulate comprehensive social policies toward these new immigrants. Indeed, from the mid-1950s until 1973, most Western European governments, interested in facilitating economic growth, allowed businesses and large corporations to seek cheap immigrant labor abroad. As Georges Tapinos points out, “For the short term, the conditions of the labor market [and] the rhythm of economic growth . . . determined the flux of migrations” (422). France, Britain, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands welcomed the generally young, single male migrants as a cheap labor force, treating them as guest workers. As a result, few governments instituted social policies to ease the workers’ transition to their new environments. Policies began to change in the 1960s when political leaders, intent on gaining control over the haphazard approach to immigration that had dominated the previous 20 years, slowly began to formulate educational measures and social policies aimed at integrating newcomers.
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Abbink, J. "African studies in the Netherlands: A brief survey." African Research & Documentation 87 (2001): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00012346.
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In the Netherlands there is an active community of Africanist scholars, numbering about 200 to 250. They work mainly in universities and other research institutes, but also in increasing numbers for government ministries (notably of Foreign Affairs and Development Co-operation), NGOs, and other aid organisations. Fields in which Africanists are strong are history, anthropology and geography, and to a lesser extent development sociology, medical science, law, comparative politics and religious studies. The following survey is necessarily a selective one.African Studies in the Netherlands can pride itself on a long history only if we include the many travellers, traders and missionaries active in African regions before the twentieth century. The scholarly study of the continent seriously started a few decades later than in other European countries: after the Second World War, when an Africa Institute was founded (in 1946, see below) and the first special professorial chair in African ethnology was instituted at Leiden University.
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Oude Nijhuis, Dennie. "The Puzzle of Dutch Welfare Solidarity and the Politics of Old Age Pension Reform (1945-1975)." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 136, no. 4 (December 22, 2021): 58–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.51769/bmgn-lchr.7010.
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During the first three decades of the post-war period, the Netherlands developed a system of welfare provision that by most standards belonged to the most equitable and solidaristic in the world. It did so under the patronage of Christian democratic governments, which are generally viewed as being predisposed to rejecting solidaristic welfare reform. The purpose of this article is to explain why the Dutch Christian democrats came to adopt such a solidaristic welfare stance during the formative post-war period of welfare state expansion. Rather than attributing this stance to electoral or strategic considerations, this article focuses on the formative role of the Christian democratic labour union movement in persuading these parties to gradually adopt a more solidaristic welfare stance.In de eerste drie decennia van de naoorlogse periode ontwikkelde Nederland een stelsel van sociale voorzieningen dat naar de meeste maatstaven tot het meest rechtvaardige en solidaristische ter wereld behoorde. Dit stelsel kwam tot stand met steun van christendemocratische regeringen, waarvan over het algemeen wordt aangenomen dat zij geneigd zijn solidaristische welzijnshervormingen af te wijzen. Het doel van dit artikel is om te verklaren waarom de Nederlandse christendemocraten een solidaristische welvaartskoers zijn gaan varen in de naoorlogse periode, een tijdvak dat gekenmerkt werd door uitbreiding van de verzorgingsstaat. In plaats van deze houding toe te schrijven aan electorale of strategische overwegingen, richt dit artikel zich op de christendemocratische vakbeweging. Deze speelde een invloedrijke rol in het overreden van christendemocratische partijen om geleidelijk een meer solidaristische welvaartshouding aan te nemen.
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Zakharov, Anton O. "THE NATIONAL POLICE MERITORIOUS SERVICE STAR OF INDONESIA — BINTANG BHAYANGKARA." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 2 (16) (2021): 246–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2021-2-246-255.
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The award system of Indonesia has formed since the War of Independence against the Netherlands. The first Order — Bintang Gerilya, or the Guerilla Star — was instituted in 1949. Several years later, the Indonesian Army managed to suppress separatist and autonomist movements in various parts of Indonesia. The Indonesian military obtained control over nationalized businesses of the Dutch in the later fifties. It gave the Army a leading role in social and political spheres of the Indonesian state. In 1958, the Indonesian Government instituted two military Orders — Bintang Sakti, or the Sacred Star, and Bintang Dharma, or the Military Distinguished Service Star. In 1959, the Indonesian Government instituted the highest Orders of the State — Bintang Republik Indonesia, or the Star of the Republic of Indonesia, and Bintang Mahaputera, or the Star of Great Son of Nation. The National Police of Indonesia was formed in 1945 or, formally, in 1946. It obtained its own professional Order — Bintang Bhayangkara, or the National Police Meritorious Service Star — in 1961. A year later, the National Police turned a branch of the National Armed Forces of Indonesia. The National Police became separated from the National Armed Forces in 1999, during the democratization since the fall of Suharto’s ‘New Order’ in 1998. The paper focuses on the statute of Bintang Bhayangkara and its functioning among current Indonesian elites. The President and Vice-President of Indonesia have this Order ex officio. Bintang Bhayangkara is regularly bestowed to the high-ranking officers of the National Police and National Armed Forces of Indonesia.
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Isra, Saldi, Ferdi Ferdi, and Hilaire Tegnan. "Rule of Law and Human Rights Challenges in South East Asia: A Case Study of Legal Pluralism in Indonesia." Hasanuddin Law Review 3, no. 2 (August 12, 2017): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/halrev.v3i2.1081.
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It has been over 72 years since Indonesia proclaimed her independence on 17 August 1945. However, the 350 years of the Dutch colonization is still impacting the lives of the Indonesian people. The difficulties faced by the Indonesian legal system as the government tries to accommodate adat (custom) and religion principles within the national law and the extent to which this legal mechanism affects the everyday life of the Indonesian people. In a nation where customs and religion are so preeminent, setting up an all-inclusive document meant to be the foundation of the state’s legal system at the dawn of independence was no easy task. This paper discusses the practice of legal pluralism in Indonesia and its struggle to implement rule of law and human rights principles after a half-century of authoritarian regimes. The study involves socio-legal research drawing on empirical data. Survey research was conducted between September 2014 and February 2015 at Utrecht University, the Netherlands, as well as in 5 cities in Indonesia (Aceh, Bali, Batam, Medan, and Padang) to collect data. The research reveals that legal pluralism is not helping to strengthen the Indonesian legal system, and that the foreignness of the Western law along with the neglect of the Indonesian customary and Islamic laws, totalitarianism and military involvement in politics, corruption within the state apparatus and unsynchronized laws weaken the legal system in Indonesia and hinder its effort to implement rule of law and human rights principles.
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Marchand, Wouter. "Students from all Layers of Society. Study Grants, Parents and the Education of their Children, 1815-2015." Historical Life Course Studies 3 (May 12, 2016): 66–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.51964/hlcs9354.
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This paper investigates how the system of government grants affected individual life chances for students in the Netherlands from 1815 to today, focusing on the accessibility of academic education and opportunities for social mobility. Study grants for adolescents from lower class or low-income families can promote upward intergenerational social mobility, since they remove the financial barriers of continuing education and can lead to occupations of a higher standing. By investigating the social background and careers of a sample of grant students compared to the overall student populations, this paper uncovers to what extent study grants had an effect on an individual and societal scale. During the two centuries under study the aims and size of the grant system changed, causing concerns about the effectiveness of the grants. In the entire nineteenth century grants for university students were restricted to those already enrolled, minimizing the appeal for newcomers from low-income families. The limited number of grants available prevented the system from influencing the composition of the student population fundamentally. However, this changed when the grant system was extended in 1919, and again after 1945 when grant allocation was connected to parental income level. The rapid increase of educational participation and connected democratisation from the 1960s made the grant system influential, however costly. The grant system has been a subject of ongoing political debate during the last few decades, since the grants’ effect on upward social mobility has been called into question.
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Lindblad, J. Thomas. "The Economic Decolonisation of Indonesia: a Bird�s-eye View." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 4 (March 25, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v4i0.71.
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An oft-quoted statement by the Indonesian nationalist leader Haji Agus Salim runs as follows: The economic side of the Indonesian Revolution has yet to begin. (Higgins, 1957: 102, cited in Lindblad, 2008: 2). The statement was made shortly before or shortly after the transition of sovereignty from Dutch colonial rule on 27 December 1949. At long last, the Netherlands had acknowledged that Indonesia was independent, which brought the Indonesian Revolution to its logical conclusion. But, by the conditions laid down at the Round Table Conference in The Hague in late 1949, the interests of Dutch private capital were still omnipresent in the Indonesian economy. In addition, the Indonesian government was obliged to consult the Netherlands government in matters affecting the economy until the debt of the former colony to the metropolitan mother country had been repaid in full. As Haji Agus Salim rightly stressed, economic and political decolonisation did not coincide but followed different historical trajectories.This contribution offers an abridged account of the process of economic decolonisation as it unfolded between 1945 and 1959, from the proclamation of independence until the nationalisation of the vast majority of Dutch-owned companies that had retained operations in Indonesia after independence.1 Four themes serve as devices tofurther our understanding of the process of economic decolonisation. These four themes, in order of appearance, are below: the new spirit in Indonesian economic life following the transfer of sovereignty; the changing climate of economic policy-making during the 1950s; the response and accommodation by remaining Dutch companies; and, finally, the concluding phase of expropriation and nationalisation.A couple of points of departure need to be spelled out. The ideological basis of the thrust towards economic decolonisation in Indonesia was provided by a small booklet, Ekonomi Indonesia, which made a very timely appearance in 1949. Its subtitle, Dari ekonomi kolonial ke ekonomi nasional, carried an immediate appeal to contemporary public discourse, offering the briefest possible summary of what economic decolonisation in Indonesia was all about. For the remainder, the book offered very little concrete guidance (Hadinoto, 1949). A second point of departure may be traced in the international historiography on Indonesian decolonisation, notably John Sutters voluminous PhD dissertation on domestic developments up to the general election in 1955 (Sutter, 1959). Although providing a wealth of information from government sources and press material, Sutters survey offers little on the fate of private business enterprises; in addition, he did not consult Dutch-language sources. Yet another point of departure in our quest to better understand economic decolonisation in Indonesia is, of course, the wider international context of the Cold War. Decolonisation in Indonesia, whether political or economic, did not take place in a vacuum but was intrinsically linked to Indonesias efforts to position itself in the tension between the Western powers and the Soviet bloc. Just as Sukarnos young republic secured American support against the returning Dutch by heavy-handedly crushing the Communist uprising in Madiun in 1948; did increasing flirtation with the Soviet bloc during the Guided Democracy period alienate Indonesia from the internationalcommunity and bring flows of incoming foreign investment to a virtual standstill?
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Shackleton, Michael. "The new Europe: politics, government and economy since 1945." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (October 1993): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620657.
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Handayani, Sri Ana. "Geliat Ekonomi Masyarakat Priangan Era Pemerintahan Hindia Belanda 1900—1942." Lembaran Sejarah 13, no. 2 (February 27, 2018): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33544.
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The aim of this research is to show the economic activity of the Priangan people during the rule of the Netherlands Indies Government between 1900-1940. The research focusses on the economic policies and discussions from the Netherlands Indies Government in reforming “native” economic life and its response by Priangan society. This study uses the historical method with four research stages, namely heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The result of this research shows that state intervention in the local economic life was a failure, evidenced by the number of Priangan people in poverty. In the early twentieth century, sikep (landlord) became major reformers due to a new perspective that valued capital more than land . They succeeded to use their capital to develop micro industries, influencing the economic life of Priangan society. The society was able to creatively adapt to the new policy of economic liberalism. Based on their local wisdoms, the Priangan people created a new form of liberalism supported within their socio-cultural, economic, and political structures. This local liberalism formed the pattern of dynamic economic behaviour and nurtured the entrepreneurial spirit amongst the Priangan society.
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Horohiung, Veronika. "Pendidikan Formal Era Hindia Belanda di Kepulauan Sangihe Pada tahun 1848 – 1945." Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah 5, no. 2 (August 18, 2017): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jps.052.05.
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This research is a historical with the problem’s focus in how the development of formal education at Sangihe Island in the end of era XIX century and early XX century. The purpose of this research to use in historic method. Spesifically for Sangihe Island the purpose of build and education institute by Netherland especially not for the impotance of Indonesian people in common but special for Sangihe people actually for the Indonesia people that is it fill low position in government and to fill the manpower of company so that in the future the programs of education in Indonesia will more important orientation of society. Not just political importence
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Van Der Eng, Pierre. "Marshall Aid as a Catalyst in the Decolonization of Indonesia, 1947–49." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 19, no. 2 (September 1988): 335–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340000059x.
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The United States did not give Marshall aid to Western Europe for purely humanitarian reasons. Aid was also, perhaps even mainly, provided to serve the economic and political purposes of the United States. In studies dealing with the Marshall aid programme, the suspension of aid to the Dutch colony of Indonesia, and the seeming threat to halt the stream of dollars to the Netherlands, has been used as an example to prove that the programme was an American instrument of political power. In studies dealing with the decolonization of Indonesia, it is also alleged that the menace of adjournment of Marshall aid forced the Dutch to retreat from their colony in December 1949. However, primary sources show that neither the offer of Marshall aid in June 1947, nor the seeming threat to halt aid to the Netherlands in December 1948, prevented the Dutch government from pursuing its own way in the process leading to the independence of Indonesia. The Dutch cabinet was not sufficiently impressed by both the offer and the threat to keep it from engaging in military “police actions” in July 1947 and December 1948 against the nationalist Republic of Indonesia.
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Boomgaard, P. "III. The Welfare Services in Indonesia, 1900–1942." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008986.
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It was a reluctant Dutch government, representing an equally reluctant Dutch population, that had to recognize the independent Republic of Indonesia in 1949. The so-called decolonization process had been a traumatic experience for all parties concerned. The academic community in the Netherlands was no exception to this rule, and Dutch ‘Indonesian studies’ went into a long hibernation. This applies particularly to the study of the welfare services, an aspect of Dutch colonial rule that had been the pride and glory of civil servants and scholars alike (many of them former civil servants).
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Schrover, Marlou, and Tycho Walaardt. "Displaced persons, returnees and ‘unsuitables’: the Dutch selection of DPs (1945–1951)." Continuity and Change 33, no. 3 (November 29, 2018): 413–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416018000255.
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AbstractAfter the Second World War, Dutch authorities allowed 8,000 displaced persons (DPs) to come to the Netherlands, but only 3,904 came, and 25 per cent of them returned to camp life in Germany. This article seeks to explain why debates on the DP issue changed so rapidly within a short period of time. In earlier publications, it has been claimed that ‘selling’ DPs as workers helped to solve the DP issue. This strategy did not work for the Netherlands. This article analyses how the DP issue was framed by organisations, the Dutch government, civil servants, the Dutch Homeland Security Department, newspapers and employers.
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Susilo, I. Basis. "Sikap Inggris terhadap Indonesia menjelang pertempuran Surabaya 1945." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 30, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v30i12017.68-75.
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This article discusses the difference of British Government decision maker's behavior towards Indonesia since Indonesian independence until the battle of Surabaya, 10 November 1945. There are two assumptions underlying this paper: (1) that behavioural differences are frequently happened and create crises and problems, and (2) that the differences rise were based on interests and each party’s capacity that measured by the law of A=f-I&C (Attitude is the function of Interest & Capability). Based on that assumptions, this article proposes two hypotheses: (1) that the Battle of Surabaya was initialized with differences of attitudes taken by the British decision makers. and (2) that the differences were shaped by the realities they were dealing with. This paper focuses on attitudes toward: (1) the task of the British force in the Netherlands East Indies, and (2) the need to confer with the Indonesian leaders. The findings are; not only decision maker’s behaviour were different, they also dynamic depending on how they defined circumstances and development of events in Indonesia, in Netherlands, and international affairs.
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Surowo, Bambang. "KPM VERSUS PELNI: PERSAINGAN MEREBUT HEGEMONI JARINGAN PELAYARAN DI NUSANTARA, 1945–1960." Jurnal Sejarah Citra Lekha 1, no. 1 (December 10, 2018): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v1i1.11849.
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This study examines the competition between KPM versus PT Pelni in seizing the network hegemony cruise in the archipelago in 1945 to 1960 using the historical method. KPM is a major shipping company that was also founded by two major companies Rotterdamsche Lloyd (RL) and Stoomvaart Maatschappij Nederland (SMN) headquartered in Amsterdam the Netherlands. KPM serve scheduled regular shipping route for passengers and cargo between islands in the Dutch East Indies then more popular with the term as a post cruise between islands. KPM also play an important role to support and assist the colonial government in the process of penetration and pacification (conquest), especially in areas outside Java. On the other hand, PT PELNI established by the Indonesian government in the framework of the national development of a country that is still young, especially in the field of shipping. PELNI as well as KPM, also serves as centraal vervoersapparaat. Therefore, the government considers KPM c.q PELNI that dominate the cruise between islands in Indonesia are competitors and inhibitors of national development in the field of shipping. Post-transfer of sovereignity and the cancellation of the agreement KMB unilaterally by President Sukarno on May 3, 1956 resulted in the position of Dutch companies including KPM are at stake. This was exacerbated by the outbreak of the conflict between Indonesia and the Netherlands on Dutch New Guinea or West Papua, Indonesia implement the program so that the overall nationalization of the Dutch companies, including KPM.
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Surowo, Bambang. "KPM VERSUS PELNI: PERSAINGAN MEREBUT HEGEMONI JARINGAN PELAYARAN DI NUSANTARA, 1945–1960." Jurnal Sejarah Citra Lekha 1, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v1i1.11857.
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This study examines the competition between KPM versus PT Pelni in seizing the network hegemony cruise in the archipelago in 1945 to 1960 using the historical method. KPM is a major shipping company that was also founded by two major companies Rotterdamsche Lloyd (RL) and Stoomvaart Maatschappij Nederland (SMN) headquartered in Amsterdam the Netherlands. KPM serve scheduled regular shipping route for passengers and cargo between islands in the Dutch East Indies then more popular with the term as a post cruise between islands. KPM also play an important role to support and assist the colonial government in the process of penetration and pacification (conquest), especially in areas outside Java. On the other hand, PT PELNI established by the Indonesian government in the framework of the national development of a country that is still young, especially in the field of shipping. PELNI as well as KPM, also serves as centraal vervoersapparaat. Therefore, the government considers KPM c.q PELNI that dominate the cruise between islands in Indonesia are competitors and inhibitors of national development in the field of shipping. Post-transfer of sovereignity and the cancellation of the agreement KMB unilaterally by President Sukarno on May 3, 1956 resulted in the position of Dutch companies including KPM are at stake. This was exacerbated by the outbreak of the conflict between Indonesia and the Netherlands on Dutch New Guinea or West Papua, Indonesia implement the program so that the overall nationalization of the Dutch companies, including KPM.
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Brown, Colin. "The Politics of Trade Union Formation in the Java Sugar Industry, 1945–1949." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 1 (February 1994): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011707.
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Comparatively little of a scholarly nature has been written about Indonesian trade unions, particularly on the two decades from 1945 to 1965 when, like the political parties to which so many of them were affiliated, the unions had their heyday. This paper focuses on the development of trade unions in one specific industry: refined sugar production. The period to be examined—1945 to 1949—runs from the proclamation of Indonesian independence by Sukarno and Hatta, through the revolution fought against the returning Dutch, to December 1949 when the Netherlands finally acknowledged Indonesian independence. It was during this period that the major post-war sugar industry unions were established. The circumstances surrounding the establishment of these unions will be examined, along with their leaders and members, ideological leanings and political and industrial objectives.
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Abrillioga, Abrillioga, Aldian Nugraha, Azzam H. F, and Himy Oktafiansyah. "Strategic Issues of the Position of the President 3 Period In the Perspective of State Constitutional Law in the Restriction of Power." Jurnal Sosial Sains 2, no. 6 (June 15, 2022): 648–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/sosains.v2i6.402.
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The subject of extending the presidential term to three terms is one that all of us are concerned about. In this example, in the contestation of the dynamics of government and politics in Indonesia, the discourse of the desire to change the 1945 Constitution aims to homogenize the discourse views of the interests of power, making this an intriguing subject to research. As a concept of preventing the authoritarian pendulum in a country, it is required to limit the power held by a head of state and head of government, particularly the president. The term of office for presidential candidates in Indonesia is controlled by the country's presidential system of government. Like the current dynamics in the Indonesian government, that dilemmas and conflicts of interest stemming from pragmatic reasons for legal politics in Indonesia appear to want to smoothen the constitution, namely Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution, which has limitedly affirmed the limits of positions held by a president, namely two terms. by using the provisions of the original intense article 37 of the 1945 Constitution to delegate to three terms. In essence, the presidential term restriction is intended to prevent abuse of power.
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Roces, Mina. "Kinship Politics in Post-War Philippines: The Lopez Family, 1945–1989." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (January 2000): 181–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003668.
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On being awarded the Legion of Honor by President Corazon Aquino, Joaquin ‘Chino.’ Roces, publisher of The Manila Times, pleaded with the president:Please allow me to remind you, first. That our people brought a new government to power because our people felt an urgent need for change. That change was nothing more and nothing less than that of moving quickly into a new moral order. The people believed, and many of them still do, that when we said we would be the exact opposite of Marcos, we would be just that. Because of that promise which the people believed, our triumph over Marcos was anchored on a principle of morality . . . . To our people, I dare propose that new moral order is best appreciated in terms of our response to graft and corruption in public service. We cannot afford a government of thieves unless we can tolerate a nation of highwaymen.
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Wesseling, H. L. "Gabriel Hanotaux: A Historian in Politics." Itinerario 25, no. 1 (March 2001): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530000557x.
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The 1944–1945 Yearbook of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences in Amsterdam includes a commemorative article written byjohan Huizinga in honour of the French historian Gabriel Hanotaux, who was a foreign member of the Academy from 1913 to 1944. Hanotaux was born on November 19, 1853, and died on April 11, 1944, a few months after his ninetieth birthday. In his commemoration of Hanotaux, Huizinga briefly sketched the life, work and achievements of Hanotaux who was, at that time, a wellknown French historian and politician. Huizinga was very impressed, as becomes apparent from his words: ‘Truly, it is almost unbelievable what this representative of all that is noble and pure in the French has created.’ He concluded his commemoration with a brief consideration of what he called his ‘temporary personal relationship with Hanotaux’.
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Yuniyanto, Tri, Dadan Adi Kurniawan, and Sutiyah. "REVOLUTION POLITICAL CHANGES IN YOGYAKARTA 1945-1951." International Journal of Education and Social Science Research 05, no. 06 (2022): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37500/ijessr.2022.5607.
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Indonesian independence has caused change basically in political order and governance, also in Yogyakarta. This study aimed to Understand the concept of power changes in Yogyakarta from feudalism to democracy in local government. This study used the historical method, collecting data through a review of relevant archives, documents and previous research as well as related book references; analyzing to find the authenticity and credibility of sources; carry out interpretations with a political and sociological approach, to find historical, and produce a historiography of fundamental changes in politics and government in Yogyakarta. The results showed that there was a fundamental changed in the government structure. Yogyakarta, in time of the Duch colonial governance was a self-governing state or swapraja, Sultan as King. People’s involvement in determining policy of the government is realized through representative system. That is KNID (National Committee of Yogyakarta and DPRD (Regional Representative Council), and then holding General Election for selecting members of DPRD 1951, that is first general election in Indonesia. Transition from feudalism to democracy, caused Yogyakarta as special Regions, Sultan as governor.
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Stokes, Raymond G. "The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945." Business History Review 59, no. 2 (1985): 254–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3114932.
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The oil industry in Nazi Germany provides an excellent focus for studying the interplay between economics, politics, and government policy in the Third Reich. In this article, Mr. Stokes brings to this subject a comparative approach, making comparisons both within the oil industry and with the industry's major industrial counterparts. He concludes that a variety of factors—including the degree of shared interest between individual firms and the government, the size and concentration of a firm's production facilities, and the political position of key firm personnel—explain the success as well as the eventual collapse of a given industrial sector.
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Kulali, YELIZ. "The Role of Iceland in the International System as a Small State and the Issue of European Union Membership." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v8i1.p104-113.
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This study discusses the role of Iceland -which declared its independence from Denmark in 1944- in the international system and the causes that led the country to withdraw its European Union candidacy in 2015. This country, considered as one of the Scandinavian countries, has in fact its own unique structure. This unique structure has its roots in Iceland’s history, its determination about protecting the elements of national identity, geographical-climatic characteristics and economic factors such as the fishing industry. Iceland, which is the only NATO member without an army, has been through Cod Fish crisis’ with England, and the Ice-Save crisis with England and the Netherlands. The country, which had an important economic crisis in 2008, has shown a more positive attitude about EU as the government has also changed, however with the end of the crisis and another change of government, it has once again opted for a self-sufficient strategy. The country, which became member of the European Economic Area (EEA) in 1994 and of European Free Trade Area (EFTA) in 1970, aims to conduct political and economic relations through territorialisation or bilateral relations instead of participating to a big integration model or developing multilateral relations. Iceland’s primary foreign policy objectives throughout the new century seem to secure full control over its territory (land and waters), improve market access for its fisheries products and guarantee its defense. Although the governments varied from time to time, all political parties subscribed to the same goals though they differ on how to achieve them. Arctic issue seems to gain importance also for this country in 2010s
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Kurzer, Paulette. "The Politics of Central Banks: Austerity and Unemployment in Europe." Journal of Public Policy 8, no. 1 (January 1988): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00006838.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the divergences in labor market-performances in four small, open economies: Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Sweden. It argues that great unemployment in Belgium and the Netherlands is partly due to the implementation of deflationary policies during the 1980s. The decline of Keynesian intervention in Belgium and the Netherlands is traced to the institutional independence of their central banks to set monetary and exchange rate policies separate from government. Because the Swedish and Austrian central banks are more integrated in the policy process and their countries are not members of the Common Market or the European Monetary System, social democratic governments have been able to go against the European trend of monetary restrictiveness and fiscal austerity. Accordingly, business in Austria and Sweden is more optimistic about future profit returns and is more willing to invest in productive capital, resulting in lower unemployment.
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Federspiel, Howard M. "An Overview of a 1945 US Government Political Handbook on the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia)." Indonesia 112, no. 1 (October 2021): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ind.2021.0007.
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Mustakif, Muhammad Kaffin, and Mumung Mulyati. "Sarekat Dagang Islam SDI (1905-1912): Between The Savagery of Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) and The Independence of Indonesia." International Journal of Nusantara Islam 7, no. 1 (June 2, 2019): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijni.v7i1.4807.
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Sarekat Dagang Islam SDI (Islamic Trade Union) was originally an association of native Muslim traders. The organization formed by Haji Samanhudi in Surakarta on October 16, 1905, was initiated with the initial aim of gathering native Muslim traders (especially batik traders) to compete with big Chinese traders. At that time, Chinese merchants were more advanced in business and had higher rights and status than other Indies residents. Policies that were deliberately created by the Dutch East Indies government then led to social change due to the emergence of awareness among the natives. This article discusses how the initial formation of this organization by taking a lengthy historical background; that is, since the entry of the Dutch into the archipelago. This lengthy background was chosen so that the birth of SDI could be understood as the culmination of indigenous disappointment and suffering because of the discriminatory policies of the Dutch colonial government, in addition to other awareness arising from aspects of increasing the level of indigenous education and changing the political atmosphere in the Netherlands. Using a literature survey, this article found that the awareness of native Muslim traders who later gave birth to SDI became the forerunner of the overall indigenous knowledge to obtain independence from the Netherlands. It also led to SDI becoming Sarekat Islam (SI) in 1906 and gaining official recognition from the Dutch government on September 14, 1912. This article captures the historical message that progress of a nation can only occur if the components of the country have a shared awareness to forward through the agreement or national consensus that the formulation is also carried out jointly.
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Kyle, Keith. "The politics of continuity: British foreign policy and the Labour Government, 1945–46." International Affairs 70, no. 3 (July 1994): 561–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623762.
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Cline, Catherine Ann, and John Saville. "The Politics of Continuity: British Foreign Policy and the Labour Government, 1945-46." American Historical Review 100, no. 4 (October 1995): 1255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168253.
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Hyman, Richard, and John Saville. "The Politics of Continuity: British Foreign Policy and the Labour Government: 1945-46." Labour / Le Travail 34 (1994): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143884.
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Strøm, Kaare, and Jørn Y. Leipart. "Policy, Institutions, and Coalition Avoidance: Norwegian Governments, 1945–1990." American Political Science Review 87, no. 4 (December 1993): 870–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938820.
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Norwegian party politics is characterized by coalition avoidance that defies conventional coalition theory. This failure of coalescence can be caused either by policy pursuit (preference-induced) or by institutional constraint (structure-induced). We test the explanatory power of policy-based and institutional explanations, relying on content analysis of authoritative party and government documents for our policy measures. The results show that the left–right policy dimension has powerfully constrained Norwegian interparty bargaining and that policy-based coalition theory can account for many apparent anomalies in Norwegian coalition politics. A permissive institutional environment has also fostered coalition avoidance. Although core-based coalition theory can thus be successfully adapted to the Norwegian case, it rests on a number of critical assumptions that limit its general applicability.
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Kitsak, Volodymyr. "The Politics of Great Britain Concerning the Establishment of the Eastern Frontier of Poland in 1944-1945." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.105-115.
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The policy of the government of Great Britain concerning the establishment of the eastern frontier of Poland during the final period of World War II has been investigated in an article. The policy priorities of Great Britain concerning the regulation of postwar political status of Poland have been determined. It has been researched that British politics were giving a try to restore diplomatic relations between the exile government of Poland and the government of the USSR that had been cut in April 1943 by Soviets. Unsuccessful attempts of W. Churchill to compel the USSR return the legal government of Poland into the arias that were occupied by the Soviet army are analyzed. After the pro-Soviet Lublin government proclamation British politics negotiated about a coalition cabinet forming. It has been proved that by the end of the World War II the major priority of Great Britain was to restore the prewar government in Poland and to avoid its transformation into the Soviet satellite like Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. It has been established that British politics exchanged the problem of the eastern boundary with the following deportations of population on the return of Polish cabinet from London. Lviv and Vilnius had to belong to Soviets. Churchill considered that the mass migration of Ukrainians and Poles was inevitable and could help to avoid conflicts in future. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus loss was indemnified to Poland with territories on its western frontier and in Prussia. Negotiations of British cabinet with exile Polish government have been analyzed. Churchill and Iden gave a try to force the Prime minister of Poland Mykolaychyk to proclaim renunciation from the established eastern boundary of Poland. During those years Great Britain did not achive the aim. The government of the USSR and Stalin did not keep an agreement made on Tehran and Yalta conferences and in personal correspondence.
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Haveri,, Arto, Henna Paananen, and Jenni Airaksinen. "Narratives on Complexity: Interpretations on Local Government Leadership Change." Administrative Culture 19, no. 1 (October 29, 2018): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.32994/ac.v19i1.207.
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This article, based on narratives of experienced (born between 1945 and 1950) municipal chief executive officers, investigates changes that challenge leadership inlocal government. Four factors emerge: the dissolution of municipal boundaries; cooled relations between the State and municipalities; municipal inhabitants’ changing role from participatory residents to exacting customers; and fragmentation oflocal politics. These four changes reveal the diversity of local leaders’ everyday environment, illustrating and exploring how day-to-day management takes place in the intersection of more and more complex governance relations.
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Cortada, James W. "When Knowledge Transfer Goes Global: How People and Organizations Learned About Information Technology, 1945–1970." Enterprise & Society 15, no. 1 (March 2014): 68–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht095.
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This article argues that an information ecosystem emerged rapidly after World War II that made possible the movement of knowledge about computing and its uses around the world. Participants included engineers, scientists, government officials, business management, and users of the technology. Vendors, government agencies, the military, and professors participated regardless of such barriers as languages, cold war politics, or varying levels of national economic levels of prosperity.
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Ruijer, Erna, Francoise Détienne, Michael Baker, Jonathan Groff, and Albert J. Meijer. "The Politics of Open Government Data: Understanding Organizational Responses to Pressure for More Transparency." American Review of Public Administration 50, no. 3 (December 4, 2019): 260–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074019888065.
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This article contributes to the growing body of literature within public management on open government data by taking a political perspective. We argue that open government data are a strategic resource of organizations and therefore organizations are not likely to share it. We develop an analytical framework for studying the politics of open government data, based on theories of strategic responses to institutional processes, government transparency, and open government data. The framework shows that there can be different organizational strategic responses to open data—varying from conformity to active resistance—and that different institutional antecedents influence these responses. The value of the framework is explored in two cases: a province in the Netherlands and a municipality in France. The cases provide insights into why governments might release datasets in certain policy domains but not in others thereby producing “strategically opaque transparency.” The article concludes that the politics of open government data framework helps us understand open data practices in relation to broader institutional pressures that influence government transparency.
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Sukarddin, Sukarddin, Mulyati Mulyati, and Faujiah Faujiah. "Konstelasi Politik Pasca Perang Ngali di Bima." Yupa: Historical Studies Journal 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 82–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/yupa.v4i2.340.
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Sultanate of Bima faces various challenges, especially in the economic and political fields of government. Trade freedom had been the main pillar of the economy, threatened by the Dutch trade monopoly. Sovereignty and territorial integrity are threatened by the " Lange Contract " ( long contract ) which was imposed by the Dutch colonial government . The agreement " Lange Contract " ( long contract ) with the Netherlands has made people's anger overflowed. Anger was manifested by the resistance of the people of N g Ali against occupation of the Netherlands in the years 1908-1909. The purpose of writing this is to examine more deeply about the background behind the constellation of politics in the Sultanate of Bima so that the P groaned Ngali , and the impact of P groaned Ngali.
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Imaniyati, Neni Sri, Efik Yusdiansyah, Muhardi Muhardi, Husni Syam, Mohammad Tahir Cheumar, and Panji Adam. "The Political Direction of Indonesian Economic Law as the Conception of Welfare State in the 1945 Constitution." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (August 23, 2021): 1310–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.151.
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Political law, political economy and political economy law are three concepts that arise from a deep understanding of the 1945 Constitution as statutory norms. A series that tries to align the interests and desires of the 1945 Constitution with the interests of the state and the people's wishes, which often have different views and practices between the two. This article aims to analyze the direction of Indonesian economic law politics policy in the Welfare State conception based on the 1945 Constitution. The method used is a normative juridical approach with descriptive-analytical techniques using qualitative juridical data analysis methods. This article concludes that the direction of Indonesian economic policy shows some adoption of neoliberalism values that have become references in the formulation of monetary policy in Indonesia. As a government law politics, the direction of economic policy must be oriented towards the institutionalization of the status of the Indonesian nation to advance the general welfare. And the "vehicle" for institutionalizing this staatsidee, as formulated in Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, is the concept of a welfare state.
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Mortensen, Peter Bjerre, Christoffer Green-Pedersen, Gerard Breeman, Laura Chaqués-Bonafont, Will Jennings, Peter John, Anna M. Palau, and Arco Timmermans. "Comparing Government Agendas." Comparative Political Studies 44, no. 8 (April 28, 2011): 973–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011405162.
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At the beginning of each parliamentary session, almost all European governments give a speech in which they present the government’s policy priorities and legislative agenda for the year ahead. Despite the body of literature on governments in European parliamentary democracies, systematic research on these executive policy agendas is surprisingly limited. In this article the authors study the executive policy agendas—measured through the policy content of annual government speeches—over the past 50 years in three Western European countries: the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Denmark. Contrary to the expectations derived from the well-established “politics matters” approach, the analyses show that elections and change in partisan color have little effect on the executive issue agendas, except to a limited extent for the United Kingdom. In contrast, the authors demonstrate empirically how the policy agenda of governments responds to changes in public problems, and this affects how political parties define these problems as political issues. In other words, policy responsibility that follows from having government power seems much more important for governments’ issue agendas than the partisan and institutional characteristics of governments.
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Sondrol, Paul C. "The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166031.
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The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay's government and society. Johnson indicates that Paraguay ranked either 18th or 19th—out of 20 Latin American nations ... in 9 successive surveys of democratic development, carried out at 5-year intervals from 1945 to 1985 (Jonnson> 1988). A longitudinal study of press freedom found that Paraguay was invariably placed in the category of “poor,” or even “none,” between 1945-1975 (Hill and Hurley, 1980). When Palmer applied his 5 indicators of authoritarianism (nonelective rule, coups, primacy of the military, military rule, executive predominance) to the countries of Latin America, Paraguay consistently ranked first in its degree of authoritarianism (Palmer, 1977).
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Smith, Harold L. "The politics of Conservative reform: the equal pay for equal work issue, 1945–1955." Historical Journal 35, no. 2 (June 1992): 401–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00025863.
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AbstractAlthough Conservative M.P.s were instrumental in defeating equal pay proposals in parliament in 1936 and 1944, it was a Conservative government which in 1954 decided to proceed with equal pay for female civil servants. Previous explanations for this reversal of traditional Conservative policy have focused on the need to increase the supply of female applicants for civil service positions, and the equal pay campaigns by white–collar unions and by the feminist Equal Pay Campaign Committee. Drawing upon previously unused sources, including P.R.O.files, this article offers a more overtly political explanation.Within four weeks after the Labour party announced in January 1954 that it would ‘immediately’ implement equal pay when the next Labour government was formed, R. A. Butler, the chancellor of the exchequer, informed his treasury advisers that he wished to proceed with equal pay. With a general election looming in the near future, and believing themselves engaged in a close race with the Labour party, the cabinet reluctantly endorsed reform, fearing that a failure to act might tip sufficient female voters toward Labour to determine the outcome of a close election.
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Simangunsong, Fernandes, and Guno Tri Tjahjoko. "PEOPLE'S LIVELIHOOD: THE THIRD WAY OF THE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT." GOVERNABILITAS (Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Semesta) 2, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.47431/governabilitas.v2i2.116.
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the emergence of the third way of thinking was motivated by the formation of government science in Indonesia which was influenced by 2 (two) schools, namely Continental Europe, which brought the term "authority" to Indonesia, and "Anglo Saxon" who introduced the concept of "power" (power). Both streams color the teaching of government science in Indonesia, this has an impact on government science being perceived as "public policy", "bureaucracy" or "politics". The implication of the application of these two schools is that they marginalize the focus of government science from people's sovereignty in accordance with the mandate of the 1945 Constitution.
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Suhartini, Rr. "Message, Sociocultural Background, and The Politics of Religion of Islamic Sermons in The Netherlands." TEOSOFI: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 152–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/teosofi.2019.9.1.152-174.
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Da‘wa does not merely concern theology and religion, but it also addresses socio-political aspects. This is highly dependent on the background of the da‘i (preacher) and public space of politics of religion in which the da‘wa message is conveyed. Using the qualitative method, this research focuses on three questions; what are the priority da‘wa message in the contemporary Netherlands? How is the suitable qualification of the da‘i for the context of Netherlands? How does the politics of religion support the life of Muslim migrants? On that question, some mosques and Muslim communities are chosen for data collection. The research shows that the most delivered topic of da‘wa message is about aqīdah (creed) and sharī‘ah (Islamic law), then akhlāq (ethics). The background of the da‘i heavily influences the selection of da‘wa material. There are two major streams on the matter; Salafi and Sunni. The da‘wa activity by Sunni da‘is tends to be more open, compared to Salafi activities. Concerning the politics of religion, the Dutch government launched a program of Pillarization of Islam so that the government maintains the controls over the activities of Muslim migrants, as well as for the benefits of the multi-origin and multi-ethnic Muslim migrants. However, this measure proves to be ineffective and the da‘wa goes on without following this pillarization program. Being a Muslim is because of personal will, not just because of sermon.
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Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Polityka w cieniu koronawirusa." Politeja 18, no. 6(75) (December 16, 2021): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.75.06.
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Politics in the Shadow of COVID-19: Parliamentary Election in the Kingdom of the Netherlands On March 15-17, 2021, the first parliamentary elections in the European Union during the pandemic took place in the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The political authorities of the Kingdom of the Netherlands decided to hold the elections despite severe sanitary restrictions and curfew. On January 15, 2021, the outgoing Prime Minister Mark Rutte, chairman of the People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), handed over the resignation of the entire government to the King. The immediate cause was the report of the parliamentary investigative commission announced in December 2020 on the extremely restrictive operation of local tax offices in connection with government child benefits. Mark Rutte has been running the country efficiently since 2010 and was also a favorite in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The elections were conducted without any disturbances. 37 parties were admitted to elections, the largest number in the post-war history of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The election winners were ruling party VVD party and progressive liberals from D’66. The discussion on the formation of the new government has already started and is accompanied by great emotions. It is going to be a long period of negotiations and their results are difficult to be predicted. The article presents the main actors of this parliamentary game.
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Oostindie, Gert, Ireen Hoogenboom, and Jonathan Verwey. "The decolonization war in Indonesia, 1945–1949: War crimes in Dutch veterans’ egodocuments." War in History 25, no. 2 (April 2018): 254–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344517696525.
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Between August 1945 and December 1949, the Netherlands deployed some 220,000 military in the Indonesian decolonization war. Both during and long after this war, the Dutch government has denied that its armed forces engaged in war crimes, apart from a limited number of identified transgressions characterized as ‘exceptional’. This position has increasingly been criticized by scholars and in public debates, but it remains a daunting task to present conclusive evidence. This paper, based on an exhaustive analysis of all published egodocuments of Dutch soldiers and veterans, is a first attempt at quantification and confirms earlier suggestions that war crimes formed a structural ingredient of Dutch warfare. This extensive and unique corpus also discloses valuable information about the context in which such crimes were perpetrated.
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Ray, Saumyajit. "How the Speaker of the US House of Representatives from the ‘Other Party’ Shaped American Politics Since 1945." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534034.
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In the presidential system of government in the United States, the President’s party has on more than one occasion been reduced to a minority in the federal legislature. The US President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives—the leader of the majority party—had often found themselves clashing on matters of policy, legislation, and executive action. This essay makes a careful selection of five House Speakers in the post-1945 period, all belonging to the ‘other party’, and explores their relations with the Presidents of their times. Out of these, only Newt Gingrich succeeded in dividing the government as never before, demonstrating that the House Speaker had the capacity to stall government altogether, something even a ‘Leader of the Opposition’ in a parliamentary system can never do.
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Müller, Philipp. "Sovereignty Trade-Offs between Politics and the Economy: The Deconcentration of IG Farben after 1945." Central European History 55, no. 1 (March 2022): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893892100176x.
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AbstractThe postwar deconcentration of IG Farben AG shows that the Allied military governments and their German counterparts were anything but united on the extent and form of sovereignty the Federal Republic of Germany should receive. The American plan to divide the corporate enterprise into a large number of individual companies aimed to establish a democratic state independent from the influence of domestic business. By contrast, West German government officials and the business community were convinced that the future sovereignty of the Federal Republic depended on the global competitiveness of large industrial conglomerates. To thwart the American deconcentration plans, they traded off one dimension of sovereignty against the other. Leading members of the West German government accepted delegating the negotiations over the future of IG Farben to business representatives, thereby sharing domestic sovereignty because the delegation promised to maintain a powerful German chemical industry that could support the trade balance of the future West German state. This development contributed to the emergence of a Federal Republic characterized by the close involvement of economic actors in political decision-making. It contained important elements of a post-democratic sovereignty, which is commonly used to describe the development of the late twentieth century.