Relevant bibliographies by topics / Netherlands Politics and government 1945-

Academic literature on the topic 'Netherlands Politics and government 1945-'

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Published: 4 June 2021
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Journal articles on the topic "Netherlands Politics and government 1945-"

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Booth, Anne. "Government and Welfare in the New Republic: Indonesia in the 1950s." Itinerario 34, no. 1 (March 2010): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000057.

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When Indonesia finally received de jure independence in December 1949, the infant republic faced a range of serious problems, but nowhere were the problems more pressing than in the field of economic policy. In contrast with the Philippines and India, where the USA and Britain had honoured previous commitments and granted independence in 1946 and 1947 respectively, the refusal of the Netherlands to recognise the 1945 declaration of independence had led to four years of bitter and destructive fighting. Infrastructure on Java and elsewhere, already damaged during the Japanese occupation, deteriorated further after 1945, and by the end of the decade most of the important export industries were producing only a small fraction of their pre-1942 output. Smallholder agricultural output in Java was also well below pre-1942 levels. De Vries observed that many seed farms had been destroyed, irrigation systems had not been maintained and “vast areas of hill country” had been damaged by soil erosion. In the final years of the Japanese occupation, the Japanese army commandeered large amounts of rice, while the widespread issue of Japanese banknotes caused mounting inflation. Food was scarce everywhere and those with little or no land were most severely hit; most demographers concur that the population actually declined in Java after 1943, indicating a sharp increase in mortality.
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Suryajiyoso, Suryajiyoso. "Power and Authority in the State Administration System: Comparing the Netherlands and Indonesia." Journal of Law and Legal Reform 2, no. 3 (July 31, 2021): 411–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jllr.v2i2.46615.

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The state is an organization that includes territory, a number of people, and has sovereign power. Every country has a political system, namely a pattern of mechanisms or the exercise of power. While power is the right and authority and responsibility to manage certain tasks. The management of a country is what is called the constitutional system. The constitutional system is studied in political science. In Indonesia, the regulation of the constitutional system is regulated in the 1945 Constitution, Laws or Government Regulations in Lieu of Laws, Government Regulations, Presidential Regulations, and Regional Regulations. The government of the Netherlands adheres to a constitutional monarchy system, where the government is established under a constitutional system that recognizes the king (or emperor) as the head of state. Modern constitutional monarchies usually use the concept of trias politica or triad politics. This means that the king is only the symbolic chairman of the executive branch. If a king has full governmental power, he is called absolute monarchy. Because the Dutch state adheres to a constitutional monarchy government system, this governmental process has an impact, namely that sometimes it comes from the king himself because he is afraid of being coup d'etat or sometimes the constitutional process takes effect because of the people's revolution against the king.
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de Jager, Koos-jan. "Gewetensbezwaarden onder vuur." Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 134, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvg2021.3.003.jage.

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Abstract Conscientious objectors under fire. Vaccine refusal among orthodox-Protestant soldiers in the Dutch Armed Forces, 1945-1950 During the Indonesian War of Independence (1945-1949), the Dutch government deployed 220,000 soldiers in the Indonesian archipelago. Among them was a group of conservative Christian soldiers who refused vaccinations against smallpox for religious reasons. Initially this caused no problems, but the situation changed after the outbreak of a smallpox epidemic in Indonesia in 1948. The non-vaccinated soldiers could not return to the Netherlands due to international restrictions. Although compulsory vaccination was abolished in 1939, some soldiers were forced to accept vaccination. In the Netherlands, representatives of the Reformed Political Party (SGP) and the conservative churches accused the Army of illegal actions. The central question in the debate was the space for religious minorities and divergent views on vaccination in the Dutch Armed Forces. This article studies the process of negotiation between the Dutch Armed Forces and the political and ecclesiastical representatives of this conservative religious group. Finally, this article argues for more research into religious diversity in the Dutch Armed Forces.
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LAGROU, PIETER. "The politics of memory. Resistance as a collective myth in post-war France, Belgium and the Netherlands, 1945–1965." European Review 11, no. 4 (October 2003): 527–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798703000474.

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France, Belgium and the Netherlands faced the same fundamental challenge in 1945. In spite of differences in institutional setting, chronology or demography, their experience of Nazi occupation had been traumatizing and humiliating. Their national reconstruction required a self-confident image of the recent past. Nonetheless, the contours of the policies of memory pursued in the three countries diverged in a striking measure. In the Netherlands, post-war governments deliberately constructed a forced national consensus around the myth of a unanimous resistance, at the expense of veterans’ movements and all forms of associative memory. However, the latter dominated the commemorations in France and Belgium, continuing a post-1918 tradition. The conflicts between different categories of war veterans and victims and between different political families characterized the conflicting memories in these two countries. Rather than a monolithic resistance myth, different memories of Nazi persecution were rivals for public attention. In France, neither de Gaulle nor the Communist party succeeded in monopolizing the heroic legacy of the resistance. In Belgium, the Royal question, the left–right divide and subsequently the regional tensions between French and Dutch speakers, estranged part of opinion from the memory of the resistance and even ended up favouring, in some quarters, the rehabilitation of collaboration with the Nazi occupier.
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Thuy, Pham Van. "Same Fate, Different Choices: Decolonization in Vietnam and Indonesia, 1945–1960s." Lembaran Sejarah 13, no. 1 (February 27, 2018): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33519.

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The purpose of this study is to sketch out the similarities and differences in the process of decolonization in Indonesia and Vietnam during the period from the 1930s to the early 1960s, with special attention to the political and economic aspects. Both countries shared similarities in that they were the first countries to declare independence in Southeast Asia from the Japanese and that they were highly revolutionized during the occupation. Both countries had the most violent and complete colonial break in comparison to other Southeast Asian countries. Yet, there were some major differences within the process of decolonization, especially during the final phase. Indonesia opted for a diplomatic peace process and eventually obtained a transfer of sovereignty from the Netherlands in late 1949, while Vietnam continued military struggle against the French until 1954. This resulted in highly different patterns of the economic decolonization, such as the process of nationalization, the government policies concerning foreign investments and the extent of state control over the economy. French businesses in Vietnam were ruined in the North following the withdrawal of French army in 1954-1955. Their remaining assets in South Vietnam were shortly also taken over by the Diem government. Meanwhile, the Dutch continued to dominate the Indonesian economy after the transfer of sovereignty. It was not until the late 1950s that Dutch firms were seized and finally nationalized by the Indonesian government.
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Mandel, Maud S. "One Nation Indivisible: Contemporary Western European Immigration Policies and the Politics of Multiculturalism." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.89.

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Since World War II, policies with regard to immigrant populations have changed dramatically and repeatedly throughout Western Europe. From 1945 to 1955, Western European nations absorbed an enormous number of refugees uprooted during the war. Until the 1970s, governments did not limit migration, nor did they formulate comprehensive social policies toward these new immigrants. Indeed, from the mid-1950s until 1973, most Western European governments, interested in facilitating economic growth, allowed businesses and large corporations to seek cheap immigrant labor abroad. As Georges Tapinos points out, “For the short term, the conditions of the labor market [and] the rhythm of economic growth . . . determined the flux of migrations” (422). France, Britain, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands welcomed the generally young, single male migrants as a cheap labor force, treating them as guest workers. As a result, few governments instituted social policies to ease the workers’ transition to their new environments. Policies began to change in the 1960s when political leaders, intent on gaining control over the haphazard approach to immigration that had dominated the previous 20 years, slowly began to formulate educational measures and social policies aimed at integrating newcomers.
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Abbink, J. "African studies in the Netherlands: A brief survey." African Research & Documentation 87 (2001): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00012346.

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In the Netherlands there is an active community of Africanist scholars, numbering about 200 to 250. They work mainly in universities and other research institutes, but also in increasing numbers for government ministries (notably of Foreign Affairs and Development Co-operation), NGOs, and other aid organisations. Fields in which Africanists are strong are history, anthropology and geography, and to a lesser extent development sociology, medical science, law, comparative politics and religious studies. The following survey is necessarily a selective one.African Studies in the Netherlands can pride itself on a long history only if we include the many travellers, traders and missionaries active in African regions before the twentieth century. The scholarly study of the continent seriously started a few decades later than in other European countries: after the Second World War, when an Africa Institute was founded (in 1946, see below) and the first special professorial chair in African ethnology was instituted at Leiden University.
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Oude Nijhuis, Dennie. "The Puzzle of Dutch Welfare Solidarity and the Politics of Old Age Pension Reform (1945-1975)." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 136, no. 4 (December 22, 2021): 58–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.51769/bmgn-lchr.7010.

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During the first three decades of the post-war period, the Netherlands developed a system of welfare provision that by most standards belonged to the most equitable and solidaristic in the world. It did so under the patronage of Christian democratic governments, which are generally viewed as being predisposed to rejecting solidaristic welfare reform. The purpose of this article is to explain why the Dutch Christian democrats came to adopt such a solidaristic welfare stance during the formative post-war period of welfare state expansion. Rather than attributing this stance to electoral or strategic considerations, this article focuses on the formative role of the Christian democratic labour union movement in persuading these parties to gradually adopt a more solidaristic welfare stance.In de eerste drie decennia van de naoorlogse periode ontwikkelde Nederland een stelsel van sociale voorzieningen dat naar de meeste maatstaven tot het meest rechtvaardige en solidaristische ter wereld behoorde. Dit stelsel kwam tot stand met steun van christendemocratische regeringen, waarvan over het algemeen wordt aangenomen dat zij geneigd zijn solidaristische welzijnshervormingen af te wijzen. Het doel van dit artikel is om te verklaren waarom de Nederlandse christendemocraten een solidaristische welvaartskoers zijn gaan varen in de naoorlogse periode, een tijdvak dat gekenmerkt werd door uitbreiding van de verzorgingsstaat. In plaats van deze houding toe te schrijven aan electorale of strategische overwegingen, richt dit artikel zich op de christendemocratische vakbeweging. Deze speelde een invloedrijke rol in het overreden van christendemocratische partijen om geleidelijk een meer solidaristische welvaartshouding aan te nemen.
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Zakharov, Anton O. "THE NATIONAL POLICE MERITORIOUS SERVICE STAR OF INDONESIA — BINTANG BHAYANGKARA." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 2 (16) (2021): 246–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2021-2-246-255.

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The award system of Indonesia has formed since the War of Independence against the Netherlands. The first Order — Bintang Gerilya, or the Guerilla Star — was instituted in 1949. Several years later, the Indonesian Army managed to suppress separatist and autonomist movements in various parts of Indonesia. The Indonesian military obtained control over nationalized businesses of the Dutch in the later fifties. It gave the Army a leading role in social and political spheres of the Indonesian state. In 1958, the Indonesian Government instituted two military Orders — Bintang Sakti, or the Sacred Star, and Bintang Dharma, or the Military Distinguished Service Star. In 1959, the Indonesian Government instituted the highest Orders of the State — Bintang Republik Indonesia, or the Star of the Republic of Indonesia, and Bintang Mahaputera, or the Star of Great Son of Nation. The National Police of Indonesia was formed in 1945 or, formally, in 1946. It obtained its own professional Order — Bintang Bhayangkara, or the National Police Meritorious Service Star — in 1961. A year later, the National Police turned a branch of the National Armed Forces of Indonesia. The National Police became separated from the National Armed Forces in 1999, during the democratization since the fall of Suharto’s ‘New Order’ in 1998. The paper focuses on the statute of Bintang Bhayangkara and its functioning among current Indonesian elites. The President and Vice-President of Indonesia have this Order ex officio. Bintang Bhayangkara is regularly bestowed to the high-ranking officers of the National Police and National Armed Forces of Indonesia.
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Isra, Saldi, Ferdi Ferdi, and Hilaire Tegnan. "Rule of Law and Human Rights Challenges in South East Asia: A Case Study of Legal Pluralism in Indonesia." Hasanuddin Law Review 3, no. 2 (August 12, 2017): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/halrev.v3i2.1081.

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It has been over 72 years since Indonesia proclaimed her independence on 17 August 1945. However, the 350 years of the Dutch colonization is still impacting the lives of the Indonesian people. The difficulties faced by the Indonesian legal system as the government tries to accommodate adat (custom) and religion principles within the national law and the extent to which this legal mechanism affects the everyday life of the Indonesian people. In a nation where customs and religion are so preeminent, setting up an all-inclusive document meant to be the foundation of the state’s legal system at the dawn of independence was no easy task. This paper discusses the practice of legal pluralism in Indonesia and its struggle to implement rule of law and human rights principles after a half-century of authoritarian regimes. The study involves socio-legal research drawing on empirical data. Survey research was conducted between September 2014 and February 2015 at Utrecht University, the Netherlands, as well as in 5 cities in Indonesia (Aceh, Bali, Batam, Medan, and Padang) to collect data. The research reveals that legal pluralism is not helping to strengthen the Indonesian legal system, and that the foreignness of the Western law along with the neglect of the Indonesian customary and Islamic laws, totalitarianism and military involvement in politics, corruption within the state apparatus and unsynchronized laws weaken the legal system in Indonesia and hinder its effort to implement rule of law and human rights principles.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Netherlands Politics and government 1945-"

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Richard, Picchi Anne-Isabelle Gijsbregtje Claire Frederieke Sophie Valérie. "Colonialism and the European movement in France and the Netherlands, 1925-1936." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609320.

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Curtis, Peter. "Corporatism and the state in the Netherlands, 1945-1979." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc981.pdf.

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Cockett, Richard Bernard. "The government, the press and politics in Britain 1937-1945." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363469.

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Inglis-Jones, James John. "The Grand Condé in exile : power politics in France, Spain and the Spanish Netherlands 1652-1659." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3ab667bf-f5af-45b7-985f-1d936f8299a4.

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This thesis looks at the career of the Grand Condé - Louis II de Bourbon, Prince de Condé - between 1652 and 1660. During this period the prince was in exile in the Spanish Netherlands. As a consequence of his power and status in France the prince's exile had a decisive impact not just upon the politics of the captaingeneral's court in Brussels, but more widely, upon the foreign policy of Cromwell's Protectorate, Philip IV's government in Madrid, the regime of Cardinal Mazarin in Paris and the Franco-Spanish war. International relations between France and Spain during the 1650's have been largely ignored by historians, so too has French political history in this period. Yet, the 1650's were a vital decade for France and Spain both historically and historiographically. The period saw the final stage of the costly and attritional conflict between the two 'great' crowns, whilst in France the regime of Cardinal Mazarin was the last ten years of government by a cardinal-minister before Louis XIV's declaration of personal rule in 1661. This has assumed enormous significance for historians many of whom see it as an important period of transition. Ten major European archives have been consulted to build a detailed picture of the impact of Condé's exile upon politics within France and the war being fought in the Flanders theatre. The cardinal's regime existed throughout the 1650's in an environment of acute uncertainty and instability whilst it was by no means clear that the war with Spain was a demonstration of an 'ascendant' France dealing the death blows to a 'declining' Spain. By raising questions about France's 'rise' to European supremacy and the internal stability of Mazarin's regime the thesis rejects the straightforward terms in which this period has been treated. In particular, using the example of Condé and placing his exile and Mazarin's regime in the context of aristocratic politics, it demonstrates that there were no indications that grandee power was in decline. Indeed, the thesis argues that the power of the grands as a crucial element in the power structure of Ancien Regime France, was set to continue into the next century.
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Kraaier, Niels. "The Politics of Government Communication: An Examination of the Work Practices of Government Communication Professionals in Queensland and the Netherlands." Thesis, Griffith University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365377.

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The nature of government communication in a range of global settings has received growing attention from scholars around the world. However, no considered examination of the subject exists that provides either an account of the contemporary landscape regarding government communication, or an exploration of common and diverging themes on a cross-national basis. This thesis aims to fill this gap. It elucidates the work practices of government communication professionals in Queensland and the Netherlands and considers these practices within their political contexts and national cultures: the Westminster system and a “masculine” society in Australia versus the multiparty system and a “feminine” society in the Netherlands. The study builds on the work of Dutch-American political scientist Arend Lijphart, who found that policies supported by a broad consensus are more likely to be successful than policies imposed by a “decisive” government against the wishes of broad sections of society; as well as on research done by Dutch social psychologist Geert Hofstede, who distinguishes between so-called “masculine societies” such as Australia where “the winner takes it all” and “feminine societies” such as the Netherlands where participation is more important than winning. The degree and forms of changes surrounding the work practices of government communication professionals are to a large extent determined by the cultural and political context in which they take place and thus cannot be assumed universal.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities, Languages and Social Science
Arts, Education and Law
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Snyder, Amanda J. "The politics of piracy : pirates, privateers, and the government of Elizabeth I, 1558-1588 /." Electronic version (PDF), 2006. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2006/snydera/amandasnyder.pdf.

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MATUS, Adrian-George. "The long 1968 in Hungary and Romania." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74278.

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Defence date: 25 February 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Etkind (European University Institute); Prof.Federico Romero (European University Institute); Prof. Constantin Iordachi (Central European University); Prof. Juliane Fürst (Leibniz Centre of Contemporary History ZZF)
The sixties witnessed many youth unrests across the globe. Compared to previous decades, a distinctive decisional category emerged: youth. They gained a central role by defining themselves in opposition to other generations and perceiving themselves as a unique one with a purpose to change history through ‘revolution’. At the same time, the youngsters considered themselves to belong to a movement that transcended their local city, the national borders, and ideological barriers. Yet, there were different ways to express the discontent against the values of the ‘gerontocracy’. This dissertation creates a local, regional, and comparative analysis of the history of sixty-eighters from Hungary and Romania. It will focus on their childhood experiences and on the impact of political decisions. A significant determinant was the cultural and psychological background of each of the protagonists. The group cohesion and the cultural and psychological background of each protagonist determined their protest tactics. Some youngsters were not interested in politics, but the state considered their activities, such as listening to Radio Free Europe or playing in a rock band to be a threat. A variety of cultural genres were involved in this process: music was an essential component of the late 1960s, which had a notable role in challenging the Establishment. Thus, another line of inquiry will explain how musicians and artists used different protest expressions, such as Maoism, rock music, or ‘passive resistance' as protest tactics. The relationship between artists and the state was not always an oppositional one. Instead, this project will use James Scott’s concepts of infrapolitics and hidden transcripts to show there was always a negotiation and a compromise between various networks.
Chapter 5 ‘Ultra-Leftist Revolution in Hungary' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as chapter '‘The long 1968’ in Hungary and its legacy' (2019) in the book ‘Unsettled 1968 in the troubled present revisiting the 50 years of discussions from east and central Europe’
The introduction of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Eastern-European 1968s?' (2019) in the journal ‘Review of international American studies’
Chapter 1 ‘The Childhood of a Generation' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The pre-history of Hungarian and Romanian 1968ers' (2020) in the journal ‘Wroclaw yearbook of oral history’
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Anderson, Stephen Frederick. "Establishing US Military Government: Law and Order in Southern Bavaria 1945." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4689.

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In May 1945, United States Military Government (MG) detachments arrived in assigned areas of Bavaria to launch the occupation. By the summer of 1945, the US occupiers became the ironical combination of stern victor and watchful master. Absolute control gave way to the "direction" of German authority. For this process to succeed, MG officials had to establish a stable, clearly defined and fundamentally strict environment in which German officials would begin to exercise token control. The early occupation was a highly unstable stage of chaos, fear and confusing objectives. MG detachments and the reconstituted German authorities performed complex tasks with many opportunities for failure. In this environment, a crucial MG obligation was to help secure law and order for the defeated and dependent German populace whose previously existing authorities had been removed. Germans themselves remained largely peaceful, yet unforeseen actors such as liberated "Displaced Persons" rose to menace law and order. The threat of criminal disorder and widespread black market activity posed great risks in the early occupation. This thesis demonstrates how US MG established its own authority in the Munich area in 1945, and how that authority was applied and challenged in the realm of criminal law and order. This study explores themes not much researched. Thorough description of local police reestablishment or characteristic crime issues hardly exists. There is no substantial local examination of the relationship between such issues and the early establishment of MG authority. Local MG records housed in the Bayertsches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives) provide most of the primacy sources. This study also relies heavily on German-language secondary sources.
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Ngo, Tak-Wing. "The East Asian anomaly revisited : the politics of laissez-faire in Hong Kong 1945-1985." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362714.

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der, Weduwen Arthur. "Selling the republican ideal : state communication in the Dutch Golden Age." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16612.

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This study seeks to describe the public communication practices of the authorities in the Dutch Golden Age. It is a study of 'state communication': the manner in which the authorities sought to inform their citizens, publicise their laws, and engage publicly in quarrels with their political opponents. These communication strategies underpinned the political stability of the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic. Concerned about their decorous appearance, the regents who ruled the country always understated the extent to which they relied on the consent of their citizens. The regents shared a republican ideal which dismissed the agency of popular consent; but this was an ideal, like so many ideals in the Dutch Republic, which existed in art and literature, but was not practised in daily life. The practicalities of governance demanded that the regents of the Dutch Republic adopt a sophisticated system of communication. The authorities employed town criers and bailiffs to speed through town and country to repeat proclamations; they instructed ministers to proclaim official prayer days at church; and they ensured that everywhere, on walls, doors, pillars and public boards, one could find the texts of ordinances, notices and announcements issued by the authorities. In the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic, politics was not the prerogative of the few. That this was due to the determined efforts of the authorities has never been appreciated. Far from withholding political information, the regents were finely attuned to the benefit of involving their citizens in the affairs of state. The Dutch public was exposed to a wealth of political literature, much of it published by the state. The widespread availability of government publications also exposed the law to prying, critical eyes; and it paved the way to make the state, and the bewildering wealth of legislation it communicated, more accountable.
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Books on the topic "Netherlands Politics and government 1945-"

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Judging the Netherlands: The renewed Holocaust restitution process 1997-2000. Jerusalem: Jerusalem center for public affairs, Institute for global Jewish affairs, 2011.

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De machinerie van de stad: Stadsbestuur als idee en praktijk, Nederland en Amsterdam 1900-1940. [Amsterdam]: Aksant, 2009.

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The West New Guinea debacle: Dutch decolonisation and Indonesia, 1945-1962. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2002.

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1875-1951, Kohnstamm Philipp, and Kohnstamm Geldolph A. 1937-, eds. Nog is er geen oorlog: Briefwisseling tussen Max en Philip Kohnstamm 1938-1939. Amsterdam: Vossiuspers UvA, 2001.

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Evans, Ellen Lovell. The cross and the ballot: Catholic political parties in Germany, Switzerland, Austria, Belgium and the Netherlands, 1785-1985. Boston: Humanities Press, 1999.

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B, Cribb R., ed. The late colonial state in Indonesia: Political and economic foundations of the Netherlands Indies, 1880-1942. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1994.

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Zwart en Nationaal Front: Latijns georiënteerd rechts-radicalisme in Nederland (1922-1946). Amsterdam: Stichting Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 1986.

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Kalm temidden van woedende golven: Het Ministerie van Koloniën en zijn taakomgeving, 1912-1940. Den Haag: Sdu, 1997.

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Eijk, Inez van. World War II and the aftermath in the Netherlands: The victims, the benefits, the remembrance, and the lessons for the future. Edited by Netherlands. Ministerie van Volksgezondheid, Welzijn en Sport. The Hague: Ministerie van Volksgezondheid, Welzijn en Sport, 1998.

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Buren in de koloniale tijd: De Philippijnen onder Amerikaans bewind en de Nederlandse, Indische en Indonesische reacties daarop, 1898-1942. Dordrecht, Holland: Foris Publications, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Netherlands Politics and government 1945-"

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Woldendorp, Jaap, Hans Keman, and Ian Budge. "Netherlands." In Party Government in 48 Democracies (1945–1998), 394–401. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2547-7_35.

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Moore, Bob. "The Government and the Political Refugees." In Refugees from Nazi Germany in the Netherlands 1933–1940, 139–79. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-4368-1_5.

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Andeweg, Rudy B., and Galen A. Irwin. "Evaluating Consensus Government." In Governance and Politics of the Netherlands, 272–87. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-43942-0_11.

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Timmermans, Arco, and Gerard Breeman. "The dynamics of coalition governments in the Netherlands." In Coalition Government as a Reflection of a Nation’s Politics and Society, 45–63. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge research in comparative politics: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429422379-4.

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Jones, Bryan D., and Walter Williams. "The Rise and Decline of Reality-Based Policy Making in the Federal Government: 1945–2006." In The Politics of Bad Ideas, 232–60. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315662411-9.

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van den Brink, Margo. "Rijkswaterstaat: Guardian of the Dutch Delta." In Guardians of Public Value, 237–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51701-4_10.

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AbstractFounded in 1798, Rijkswaterstaat, the Dutch government’s agency for infrastructural works, brought flood security, navigable waterways and highways to the Netherlands. It is an iconic institution within Dutch society, best known for its ‘battle against the water’. The Zuiderzee Works (1920–1968) and the Delta Works (1954–1997) brought worldwide acclaim. This chapter tells the story of a humble semi-military organization that developed into a formidable institution of civil engineers with a strong technocratic mission mystique. It also recounts the institutional crisis the agency experienced in the 1970s–1990s when it was too slow to adapt to major sociocultural and political changes. To ride the waves of change, it eventually developed several proactive adaptation strategies and reinvented its mission mystique in managerial terms. Adaptation to climate change now presents another key challenge, for which Rijkswaterstaat will have to develop a new ‘social license to operate’.
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Dols, Chris, and Maarten van den Bos. "Humanae Vitae: Catholic Attitudes to Birth Control in the Netherlands and Transnational Church Politics, 1945–1975." In The Schism of ’68, 23–47. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70811-9_2.

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van Schaïk, Remi. "The Sale of Annuities and Financial Politics in a Town in the Eastern Netherlands Zutphen, 1400-1600." In Urban public debts, urban government and the market for annuities in Western Europe (14th-18th centuries), 109–26. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.seuh-eb.3.1944.

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Miedema, Frank. "Science and Society an Overview of the Problem." In Open Science: the Very Idea, 1–14. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-2115-6_1.

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AbstractScience in the recent past promised to society to contribute to the grand challenges of the United Nations, UNESCO, WHO, the EU agenda and national agendas for change and improvement of our life, the human condition. In this chapter it will be briefly discussed how this social contract between science and society has developed since 1945. In the context of this book I distinguish three time periods, but I do realize slightly different time periods may be preferred, based on the perspective taken. The first phase from 1945 till 1960 is characterized by autonomy, building on the successes of the natural sciences and engineering in World War II. In the second phase, the late sixties till approximately 1980, government and the public lost trust and saw the downside of science and technology. The response from politics and the public was to call for societal and political responsible research inspired by broader socio-political developments in society. The third phase from 1990 till 2010 was one of renewed enthusiasm and hope that science and technology would bring economic growth, which should make nations internationally competitive. There increasingly was also room for societal problems related to environment and sustainability, health and well-being. In this approach of the so-called knowledge economy, with the world-wide embracing of neoliberal politics, strong relations with government and the private sector were established. This was accompanied by short-term accountability, control from government and funders at the level of project output, using accordingly defined metrics and indicators. Because of this, this model became firmly and globally institutionalized.
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van Doorn, Cees, and Theo Brinkel. "Deterrence, Resilience, and the Shooting Down of Flight MH17." In NL ARMS, 365–83. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-419-8_19.

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AbstractRussian disinformation has thus far proven to be unconvincing for most Dutch target audiences. This is the conclusion of the present chapter. Information and disinformation have become effective weapons in international politics. This is part of a development where the weapons and concepts used in deterrence strategies have moved away from the military domain toward the political, economic, humanitarian, and communicative ones. In western literature, this is called hybrid warfare. In recent literature on hybrid warfare, resilience is often considered a key theme which may boost deterrence against hybrid activities and/or lower their impact. Most research on resilience and security is focused on infrastructure and resource planning. In this chapter, however, we attempt to ascertain how the existence of resilience in society can be observed. By looking at the case of the Dutch reaction to the shooting down of flight MH17, we hope to illustrate how resilience works in deterrence to hybrid warfare. We try to establish how subversive Russian activities were taking place and what measures were taken by the Netherlands government in order to counteract them. We monitored societal resilience by looking for the presence of trust, social capital, and credible narratives in reaction to disinformation activities after a disruptive event. All these elements appeared to be present in the MH17 case. Overall, we conclude, the handling of the MH17 case has reinforced deterrence.
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Conference papers on the topic "Netherlands Politics and government 1945-"

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إسماعيل جمعه, كويان, and محمد إسماعيل جمعه. ""Forced displacement and its consequences Khanaqin city as a model"." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/36.

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"Humanity has known (forced displacement) as one of the inhuman phenomena, and international law considers it a war crime, and the forcibly displaced area is subjected to various types of psychological, physical, cultural and ethnic torture. Khanaqin has been subjected to more displacement compared to the rest of Iraq's cities, and forced displacement is a systematic practice carried out by governments or armed groups intolerant towards groups that differ from them in religion, sect, nationalism, belief, politics, or race, with the aim of evacuating lands and replacing groups other population instead. Forced displacement is either direct, i.e. forcibly removing residents from their areas of residence, or indirect, such as using means of intimidation, persecution, and sometimes murder. This phenomenon varies in the causes and motives that depend on conflicts and wars, and greed, as well as dependence on cruelty in dealing and a tendency to brutality and barbarism. With regard to forced displacement in Iraq before the year 2003 AD, it was a systematic phenomenon according to a presidential law away from punishment, and it does not constitute a crime, as evidenced by the absence of any legal text referring to it in the Iraqi Penal Code, but after the year 2003 AD, criminal judgments were issued against the perpetrators of forced displacement. For the period between 17/7/1967 to 1/5/2003 CE, displacement cases were considered a terrorist crime, and consideration of them would be the jurisdiction of the Iraqi Central Criminal Court. The deportations from the city of Khanaqin were included in the forced displacement, by forcibly transferring the civilian population from the area to which they belong and reside to a second area that differs culturally and socially from the city from which they left. Al-Anbar governorate identified a new home for the displaced residents of Khanaqin, first, and then some of the southern governorates. We find other cases of forced displacement, for example, what happened to the Faili Kurds. They were expelled by a presidential decision, and the decision stated: (They were transferred to Nakra Salman, and then they were deported to Iran). These cases of deportation or displacement have led to the emergence of psychological effects on the displaced, resulting from the feeling of persecution and cultural extermination of the traditions of these people, and the obliteration of their national identity, behavior and practices. After the year 2003 AD, the so-called office for the return of property appeared, and there was a headquarters in every governorate, Except in Diyala governorate, there were two offices, the first for the entire governorate, and the second for Khanaqin district alone, and this indicates the extent of injustice, displacement, deportation, tyranny, and extermination that this city was subjected to. The crimes of forced displacement differ from one case to another according to their causes, origins, goals and causes - as we mentioned - but there are expansive reasons, so that this reason is limited to greed, behavior, cruelty, brutality and barbarism. But if these ideas are impure and adopted by extremists, then they cause calamity, inequality and discrimination, forcing the owners of the land to leave. In modern times, the crime of forced displacement has accompanied colonial campaigns to control other countries, so that displacement has become part of the customs of war, whether in conflicts external or internal. Forced displacement has been criminalized and transformed from an acceptable means of war to a means that is legally and internationally rejected by virtue of international law in the twentieth century, especially after the emergence of the United Nations charter in 1945 AD And the two Additional Protocols attached to the Geneva Conventions of 1977 AD, as well as declarations, , conventions and international conferences that included explicit legal texts criminalizing forced displacement as a universal principle of genocide. My approach in this study is a field-analytical approach, as I present official data and documents issued by the competent authorities and higher government agencies before the year 2003 AD, and indicate the coordinates and modalities of the process of displacement and deportation, as well as an interview with the families of the displaced, taking some information and how to coexist with their new imposed situation. forcibly on them."
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