Journal articles on the topic 'Netherlands – History – 17th century'

Summary Within a hundred years the first Dutch vernacular orthographies and grammars were published in the Netherlands, as contributions to the cultivation of the language. In a number of these books the authors assumed the independence of the several Dutch dialects; in other publications we find the tendency towards a cultivated language, or we see that the authors started from the existence of a Refined Standard Dutch. However that may be the orthographists and grammarians aimed at the cultivation of written and spoken Dutch. Generally the grammarians did not pay much attention to two traditional areas of the grammar: orthographia and prosodia, but the etymologia was stressed: the theory of the parts of speech, and – to a lesser degree – the syntaxis. The influence of Latin grammar on Dutch was enormous, but could not prevent particularly van Heule (1633) and Leupenius (1653) from following their own course, for the most part within the traditional framework. In doing so the grammarians based themselves on the language usage, in which the nature of the language was given a concrete form.

A Market for Economical Knowledge? On the Difficulties in Recruiting Technical-Economic Specialists in the 17th Century In 1624, Landgrave Moritz of Hesse-Kassel sent his chamber director Wilhelm of Craesbeke to the Netherlands. His task was to meet a number of people who had offered to bring secrets (secreta or Mittel) to his lands shortly before. The economy of Hesse-Kassel stood to benefit substantively from both. It was Craesbeke’s task to find out more and, wherever it seemed worthwhile, to negotiate with the men. The article reconstructs the challenges of recruiting technical-economic specialists in the 17th century. In doing so, it outlines the market for economic knowledge, the precarious status of this knowledge and the roles played by the various market actors. It shows the close connection between knowledge and the economy in the history of the early modern period and emphasizes the importance of competition for technical and economic knowledge in early modern politics.

The art market is a system by which the artwork reaches the public - collectors, museums, public institutions. Thus, the artwork becomes “merchandise” and its journey begins in the artist’s workshop and ends by being shown to the public. During centuries, the art market has registered many changes, according to different factors, such as: political regimes, economical and social crises, artistic tastes of the collectors. Until the 16th century, the public of the artwork was the church, the royal families or the aristocracy; in time, the work of art gained a wider audience. At the beginning, the transactions on the art market were made between the artist-producer and the commissioner-buyer. The market evolved and between the artist and the commissioner have interfered other persons or institutions such as the merchant, the dealer, auction houses, galleries. There are collectors in the history of art that started from the idea of making their own collections, building up powerful empires that promote and sell artists and their works. Depending on centuries or historical moments, the “rules of the game” have changed, and the evolution of the art market has led to the evolution of collective and individual perception of the artwork. As the rules and principles of the actual art market begun in Netherlands, in 16th-17th centuries, this article intends to study the historical context that has led to the evolution of the art market.

SUMMARYFrom the 15th to the 18th century Holland, the most urbanized part of the northern Netherlands, had a tradition of labour action. In this article the informal workers' organizations which existed especially within the textile industry are described. In the 17th century the action forms adjusted themselves to the better coordinated activities of the authorities and employers. After about 1750 this protest tradition disappeared, along with the economic recession which especially struck the traditional industries. Because of this the continuity of the transition from the ancien régime to the modern era which may be discerned in the labour movements of countries like France and England, cannot be found in Holland.

The paper discusses a set of etchings depicting different buildingsin Gdansk (Danzig) and different parts of the city, first publishedin 1617. The artist was the little known Ægidius Dickman, active inGdánsk and probably also in the Netherlands in the first quarter ofthe 17th century. In the same year that these etchings were published,Dickman also finished a large birds-eye view of Gdánsk. The setof town views and the panorama were both republished by ClaesJanszoon Visscher in 1625.The author of the article discusses the relationship betweenDickman and Visscher and their collaboration on this project, aswell as their wider artistic relationship. Dickman seems to have beentrained in the Netherlands, the etchings proving his familiarity withVisscher´s topographical prints.

his article is devoted to analysis the theme of the “scholar’s study” in Netherland XVII century painting. The reason for the rise of this theme is closely related to the great development of science and navigation in the XVII century in Netherland. Under the economic development, the tradition of collecting prevails among scholars. People admire knowledge and work on scientific inquiry. The author analyzes Gerrit Dou’s self-portrait The Artist’s studio and the symbolic meanings of objects in the painting. The author states that his self-portrait portrays himself as a scholar, reflecting the social ethos of worshiping knowledge. The specificity of his work, the themes of the scholar’s study, the influence of science, religion, philosophy on the painting of Gerrit Dou, the symbolic meanings of objects surrounding the scientist are considered. Jan van der Hayden’s paintings Still Life with a Globe, Books, Sculpture and Other Objects reflect the wide-ranging style of the collection at that time, reflecting both the worship of religion and the abundance of Netherland foreign products under the background of the great geographical discovery in the XVII century. During this period, establishment of Netherland universities and advent of the maritime age encouraged a thriving cartography producing. A large number of globes and scientific tools appeared in the paintings. They not only have religious meaning, but also show the progress of the new era. Audience can get a glimpse of the characteristics of a typical Netherland scholar’s collection from his paintings. The purpose of this article is to analyze the scientific progress, social development of the Netherlands. This allows you to take a fresh look at the assessment of creativity on the theme of the scholar’s study. To fulfill that purpose, need to complete following tasks: to characterize the specifics of paintings in the themes of the scholar’s study, to reveal the symbolism in the paintings The Artist’s studio by Gerrit Dou, Still Life with a Globe, Books, Sculpture and Other Objects and A Corner of a Room with Curiosities by Jan van der Hayden, to show the close connection between the development of science in the 17th century and the topic of the scientist’s office. The author concludes that the theme of the “scholar’s study” in Netherland XVII century paintings reflect the collection characteristics and aesthetics in the XVII century.

AbstractThe article describes what kind of meaning the Polish poet Zbigniew Herbert drew from his many encounters with the Netherlands, its 17th-century painting, its history and a specific form of social norms. It provides the reader with a closer look at the subjective vision of Dutch culture presented by Herbert in the volume of essays, Still Life with a Bridle. It indicates that the poet has constructed a kind of utopia here, describing, among other things, the role of the artist and his commitment to society, and it confronts the poet’s vision with the opinions of contemporary art historians. Finally, it discusses two of Herbert’s unfulfilled intentions: books devoted to the works of Vermeer and Rembrandt, as well as reconstructing the chronology of Herbert’s subsequent journeys to the Netherlands: from 1967 to 1994.

This article is a first part of an investigation of rare and little-known items from the Oriental weapons collection of Admiral Cornelis Tromp (16291691), which are now on display in Rijksmuseum (Amsterdam). The Dutch investigators claim, that the wooden weapon-rack with the specimens of cold-weapons and firearms, as well as the additional accessories on it, originates from Tonquin (North Vietnam). The author undertakes research of the collections history and the problems of its attribution. The work indicates the probable path, by which the weapons could be brought to Amsterdam from Vietnam in the 17th century. The questions of the Dutch East India Company activities in Southeast Asia are touched in that aspect.

The development of religion in the West at the end of the 20th century in Andrew Greeley’s view has increased in some former communist countries, especially Russia. While in other countries has decreased as in England, Netherlands, and France. In some countries it is relatively unchanged, especially the traditional Catholic countries, and in some societies the social democracy has declined and there has been an increase. Whereas in the case of individuals, Greeley finds that religion becomes more important for people as they age. Greeley observed that the survey results showed a lack of interest in religion among young people and tended to ignore it. This is due to the correlation related to lifecycle issues and not a sign of social change. In connection with the disappearance of the real world of superstition in the 17th century scientists tried to eliminate the mystical and superstitious patterns of thought and provide a more scientific and experimental pattern of thought, so that in the west in the 17th century it became history and witness that the era of superstition has begun to disappear. The superstition in western tradition is not easy to destroy because it takes a long time span of about 1563-1762 years.

The Royal Swedish Collection at Drottningholm palace includes, among various other such scenes, a series of battle paintings by Johan Philip Lemke (1631–1711). This painter, educated in the Netherlands and Italy, carried out two series of paintings to commemorate the wars of the two Swedish monarchs, Carl X Gustav and Carl XI. These enormous compositions painted on canvas were mounted into the walls of two rooms in the palace. One of these views, the series devoted to the victories of Carl X Gustav, comprises twelve pieces, eight of which depict panoramas of towns in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Carried out in 1690–1705, these views were copied from the engravings of Eric Johnson Dahlbergh (1625–1703), as is explained in the inscriptions. Unfortunately, the poor condition of these pictures (the effect of 18th-century ‘conservation’ using sand...) rules out comprehensive analysis of what is depicted in them. It can be no more than suspected that Lemke’s Drottningholm paintings were of a high artistic quality. As is proven by his drawings currently housed in the National Museum in Stockholm, this artist was undoubtedly a magnificent painter. These days, more than anything else the paintings under examination represent an interesting attitude of the painter towards history and glorifying the ruler in question.

Some years ago, we discovered a Dutch item in the famous Klimo Library at Pécs. It is a Convolute, composed of 67 booklets, all printed in the Netherlands in the first half of the 17th century. The collection was made by a Hungarian student of theology from Debrecen, Stephanus / István S. Mányoki, during his stay as a peregrinus in the Netherlands, where he studied at the protestant universities in Groningen, Franeker, Leiden and Utrecht respectively (1646–1648). Later on, this collection of academic imprints came into the possession of Matthias / Mátyás Domsics (1691–1768), a Canon of the Cathedral at Pécs, in order to be used for his Refutation of the Protestant Doctrine of the Faith. However, Domsics could not finish his dogmatic studies. In 1767, the new Roman Catholic bishop of Pécs, Georgius / György Klimo (1710–1777), took over all the books Domsics had collected for that purpose. Thus, Mányoki’s Convolute of Dutch protestant academic imprints became a part of bishop Klimo’s library. Mányoki’s Convolute makes a valuable contribution to current Dutch research in book history. This Convolute will be a great enrichment, especially for the “Short-Title Catalogue Netherlands” (STCN).

AbstractThe Habsburg Empire was a sovereign dynasty ruled by the Habsburgs between the 15th and 20th centuries. Although its borders were not defined before the 19th century, what is now Austria, Hungary, some areas of the Czech Republic, the Netherlands and Italy were at some point part of the Empire. Starting in the 17th century, the Empire had Vienna as the capital, which was a hub for culture and craft where silk was a valued commodity. Despite the political and cultural importance of the Empire, little is known of its trade practices and sources of raw material. Using a combination of X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) and High Performance Liquid Chromatography-Photodiode Array Detector (HPLC-PDA) for the study of a Viennese swatch book, we conducted the first systematic approach to understanding the industry. Benedict Codecasa, a prominent merchant active in Vienna between the late 18th and early 19th century sold silk and other textile goods. Authorized by the Royal Court, Codecasa was assumed to sell luxurious and high-quality textiles. However, our results suggested colored goods were dyed with more focus on aesthetics (finding a similar color) rather than quality through unique recipes. This greatly contrasts with other contemporary textile industries praised for their quality and which, in turn, might be related to comparatively lesser quality textiles sold in Vienna.

AbstractRoman law has always had a moderate influence on Dutch customary law. The reception of Roman law can be found mainly in the Dutch provinces of Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, and most of all in Friesland. This was manifested inter alia by the reception of canonic testamentary law and Justinianic intestate succession law into the reformed statutes of certain provinces and cities in the Early modern period. In some cases even a reception of the Edict unde vir et uxor can be found, e.g. in the Dutch provinces of Groningen (1601, 1618), Drenthe (1712) and in the northern part of Limburg (upper Guelders, 1620). But generally speaking this Edict's claim to fame is limited to a select group of renowned 17th century Dutch jurists, who mentioned it in their scholarly works.

Summary Although political, social and cultural relationships between 17th-century England and the Netherlands have inspired several books and articles, no general account has yet been produced of the linguistic achievements, academic and applied, which resulted to a large extent from the common personal interests of English and Dutch scholars of the period. This brief survey attempts to present such an account, beginning with the linguistic problems which beset religious refugees in both countries, and their attempted solutions – more especially for the Dutch in England. This and other topics referred to here have already been discussed elsewhere on an individual basis; by considering them together in a single paper, it is hoped to demonstrate that the results of Anglo-Dutch linguistic collaboration were worthy to be compared with achievements in other and better-known fields.

Abstracttitle ABSTRACT /title The present paper traces the evolution of writing national-oriented histories of science and technology of the Netherlands. Several episodes are distinguished. A first wave of national histories of science and technology was written during the first decades of the 19th century. These histories had a wide scope, which included science, technology, the humanities and the arts. A second wave, which lasted from about 1865 to 1900, was strongly connected to the rise of the scientific professions. Its focus was on the sciences per se, and on the Dutch "Golden Age" of the 17th century. A third wave occurred during and shortly after the Second World War. Its focus was mainly on the "Second Golden Age" of Dutch science (1870-1910), and its major audience were young boys that were to be recruited to the sciences. The second part of the paper discusses the growing influence of "contextualization" in both the history of science and the history of technology from about 1975 onwards. As a result, local factors often received more attention in historical studies of science and technology than national influences. In 1985, Klaas van Berkel undertook a bold attempt to write a new synthesis of the history of Dutch science, but his approach was too strongly influenced by the three previous waves of national histories. From 1989 to 2003 two projects on the national history of technology resulted in 13 volumes on Dutch technology between 1800 and 1970. New research was initiated, and the issue of "national styles" in the development of technology received ample attention. In his conclusions the author points to lessons to be learned from economic history and the history of art, and he concludes with a plea for more historiographical discussion in the history of science and technology.

The article deals with the problem of the relationships between the word and the image in the monuments of pictorial and graphic art, depicting the text, so-called text painting, «tekstschilderijen» in Dutch. Mostly anonymous, these monumental images of the Word were painted on boards, columns, and church walls throughout the Northern Netherlands during the first century after the Reformation. Formally, these images belong to the history of painting, since the same materials are used: paints on a board or on a stone in a decorative frame, but the way of depicting reminiscent of an enlarged page of Holy Scripture puts them on a par with the monuments of graphic art. The emergence of “verbal pictures”, texts that became ornaments and calligraphy, the scale and structure of which shifted their verbal content from the individual world of personal initiation into the fixed didactics of public space, corresponded to new doctrinal guidelines and radically changed the semantic structure of the Gothic cathedral. The Bible provided a new graphic language: text that was authoritative enough to become canonical and flexible at the same time to take many varieties of forms. “Verbal pictures” were the texts that became ornaments and calligraphy. The dialectical content unity, their design, interaction with the church space and viewing traditions of the text pictures help to reconstruct not only the author's intention as artistic ones, but also the cultural and historical context.

A complex conservation process revealed the layer of the painting inits original subtlety and delicate retouchings recreated the integralsurface of the painting. As a result, we can confirm that it is a paintingof high artistic quality dating most probably from the middle ofthe 17th century, painted on an oak panel of German origin. Weremain doubtful about the Internet auction suggested authorship,as the painting does not reach the artistic quality of Jan DavidszDé Heem, a top rank artist from the Netherlands. It is possible tocontinue with the art-historical analysis (and other investigations)of the painting, to find further proof for the hypothetical dating andmaybe even reach an attribution but we must not forget to ask thequestions whether and to whom it would be necessary. What matters for the owner of the painting is the fact that an artwork which decorates the wall of his home has both aesthetic and historical value – even without knowing its exact date or the painter.

The features of historical marriage patterns have been linked to debates in social and economic history about economic growth and female agency. However, there is a lack of empirical evidence on the demographics of marriage prior to the nineteenth century. Here, we study trends in sex-specific ages at first marriage, regional variation and the impact of migration on marital timing in the Netherlands in the period 1650-1900. We make use of two new large historical datasets, namely an aggregation of Dutch genealogies and the transcribed marriage banns of Amsterdam. This allows us to understand the features and developments of marriage ages from a long-term perspective in what is known as one of the core-areas of the so-called European Marriage Pattern. Our results show high marriage ages for both sexes from the beginning of our study period, increasing until the mid-19th century. A closer look at regional variation reveals clear differences between the provinces and between urban and rural settings with those in the western part of the country and in urban centers marrying earlier. Migrating individuals married on average later than non-migrating individuals both compared to men and women in the receiving community, as to the ‘stayers’ in the location of origin. As later marriage implies a reduction of the window of fertility, especially for women, our results suggest that migration and increasing regional mobility might have been an important driver of the demographic shift toward higher marriage ages and lower fertility in Europe between the 17th and 19th centuries.

Abstract The Trekvliet canal and the pall-mall at Leiden Pall-mall was a popular lawn game in the 17th century. The oldest pall-mall in the Netherlands was built in The Hague in 1606. Leiden was one of the universities with such a facility. In 1581, Leiden University already had several courts for ball sports. Some manuscript maps show their locations outside the city walls. The building of a pall-mall in Leiden coincided with the digging of the canal for horse-drawn boats to The Hague and Delft. The first plans for a boat canal probably date from around 1633 and the canal was completed in 1637. Alongside, between the boat canal and the Leiden city walls, a pall-mall was built, about 700 meters in length. The university bought some plots of land from the Leiden orphanage, on which the lawn was built. The history of the building of the boat canal and pall-mall is documented in several property maps and town plans that have survived. In the university’s archive, a concept of regulations of the Leiden pall-mall is kept, which gives insight in how the game had to be played and into the rules that the students had to adhere to. The pall-mall remained in use until at least the end of the 18th century. On the cadastral plan from the early 19th century (1811-1832) the strip of land is still owned by the university but indicated as ‘economic garden’ and the heyday of pall-mall was over.

In this paper – given as a lecture at Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the summer of 2003 – I survey the remarkable renaissance of museums – national and regional, public and private – in Britain in recent years, largely made possible with the financial support of the Heritage Lottery Fund. I look in detail at four non-national museum projects of particular interest: the Horniman Museum in South London, a remarkable and idiosyncratic collection of anthropological, natural history and musical material which has recently been re-housed and redisplayed; secondly, the nearby Dulwich Picture Gallery, famous for its 17th- and 18th-century Old Master paintings, a masterpiece of 19th-century architecture by Sir John Soane, which has been restored, and modern museum services provided. The third is the New Art Gallery, Walsall, where the Garman Ryan collection of early 20th-century painting and sculpture form the centrepiece of a new building with fine galleries and the forum is the Manchester Art Gallery, where the former City Art Gallery and the Athenaeum have been combined in a single building in which to display the city's rich art collections. The Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, of which I am Director, is the most important museum of art and archaeology in England outside London and the greatest University Museum in the world. Its astonishingly rich collections are introduced and the transformational plan for the museum is described. In July 2005 the Heritage Lottery Fund announced a grant of £15 million and the renovation of the Museum is now underway.

AbstractThis article is a report on research undertaken in 1984-5 by a working group of art history students of the University of Amsterdam into the problem of the emancipation of artists f rom the craft guilds (Note 1). The research was based on Hoogewerff's excellently documented book on the Guilds of St. Luke and on published source material. The idea that artists and especially painters regarded the guilds as oppressive is a deeply rooted one (Note 2) and people are all too readily inclined to write of 'the artists' gaining their emancipation' from the Guilds of St. Luke. However, it is now clear that professional painters covered such a wide social spectrum that it is impossible to lump them all together under a single heading (Note 5), while a provisional investigation mainly, focussed on the first half of the 17th century even suggested that there could have been no question at all of emancipation. It became clear that the guilds continued to function all over the Northern Netherlands in the 17th century as Protectors of the profession, that there was no evidence of their hampering artistry and that if there was any emancipation, it took place within the guild itself. A factor that makes such research difficult is that the literary sources are by no means unambiguous or even reliable. In contrast to the meaning current in their day qf someone who does something with paint and a brush, Vasari and Van Mander used the term 'painter' only for those who painted scenes and portraits, not, for example, for those who did banners or ornamental work (Notes 7,8). Thus Van Mander's freguently cited tirade against the guild (Note 9) loses much of its force in respect of the emancipation theory. Moreover, it is the only text of that type in the Netherlands. Houbraken twisted the facts to fit his vision of the artist, projecting his idea of the artist's superiority on to the historical situation (Note II). Thus this study moved between two poles : on the one hand it again confirmed (Note 12) that the guilds continued to function until late in the 18th century, while on the other there was a growing need among their more successful members for an enhanced status and regard, which manifested itself in their assuming control of the guild and restructuring it more clearly and also in their uniting in additional groupings, in which the emphasis was laid on more intellectual and theoretical, aspects and links were sought with amateurs. Although both these moves could be regarded as a certain form of emancipation, neither can be ascribed to an urge for artistic freedom which was hampered by the guilds.

The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.

Dating the wood from historical art objects is a crucial step to ascertain their production time, and support or refute attribution to an artist or a workshop. Dendrochronology is commonly used for this purpose but requires access to the tree-ring pattern in the wood, which can be hindered by preparatory layers, polychromy, wax, or integrated frames. Here we implemented non-invasive dendrochronology based on X-ray computed tomography (CT) to examine a painting on panel attributed to Rubens’ studio and its presumed dating around 1636 CE. The CT images achieved a resolution of 37.3 micron and revealed a double panelling, which was concealed by oak strips covering all four edges. The back (visible) board is made of deciduous oak (Quercus subg. Quercus), the most common type of wood used in 17th-century Netherlandish workshops, and was dated terminus post quem after 1557 CE. However, the front (original) board used for the painting has been identified through examination of the wood anatomy as a tropical wood, probably Swietenia sp., a species seldom used in Netherlandish paintings, and remains undated. Its very presence attests the global character of 17th-century trade, and demonstrates the use of exotic species in Flemish studios. The date of the oak board refutes previous results and suggests that this board was trimmed to meet the size of the tropical one, having been glued to it for conservation purposes or with deceiving intentions to pretend that the painting was made on an oak panel. These revelations have opened new lines of art historical inquiry and highlight the potential of X-ray CT as a powerful tool for non-invasive study of historical art objects to retrieve their full history.

The article is devoted to the history of Antwerp printed books, which, in the first half of the 17th century, underwent a profound transformation caused by the influence of the Baroque style emerging in the Netherlands, with its characteristic contrast, dynamism and intensity of images, and combination of reality and illusion. The author demonstrates the Baroque book development by the example of the sources that she first introduces into scientific circulation: books stored in the Research Department of Rare Books (Book Museum) of the Russian State Library (RSL). The article gives examples of the formation of a new allegorical thinking of the Baroque, in which allegory became the norm of artistic vocabulary. The new allegorical imagery is noted in the title pages and illustrations of books that characterize the printing of that period. The Antwerp printer Balthazar Moretus (1574—1641) was an excellent master of this new Baroque book. By using leading artists to design his books, he took an important step in the development of book design. There are well known publications by B. Moretus featuring beautiful title pages designed by his friend Peter Paul Rubens (1577—1640). The typical appearance of text sheets is also the result of the use of elegant fonts, rich design and abundance of decorative elements. The article analyzes the influence of Rubens on the Baroque book formation in Antwerp.

В статье рецензируется выставка голландской живописи XVII в. из музеев и частных собраний России, состоявшаяся в ноябре 2021 – апреле 2022 г. в Серпуховском историко-художественном музее. В ней кроме Серпуховского музея приняли участие музеи Москвы, Поволжья, Курска, Рязани, Краснодара, а также московские коллекционеры. Собрание супругов В. и К. Мауергауз отличается целенаправленным интересом к голландской и фламандской живописи. Куратором выступил выдающийся знаток искусства Нидерландов конца XVI – XVII века В.А. Садков (ГМИИ им. А.С. Пушкина). Были представлены произведения как выдающихся (Я. ван Гойен, Я. ван Рейсдаль, А. ван Остаде, О. Марсеус ван Схрик), так и многих менее известных, но заслуживающих внимания специалистов и публики, мастеров. По разнообразию и высокому художественному качеству экспонатов, отражающих широту жанровой системы голландского искусства, по научной концепции, возможности сопоставления произведений друг с другом, это было значимое для отечественной нидерландистики событие, открывающее дальнейшие перспективы межмузейного сотрудничества в деле изучения и популяризации хранящегося в России наследия голландских мастеров. The study of the 17th century Dutch art has a 150-year history in Russia and remains an actively developing field of modern Russian art-historical science. This is largely predetermined by the abundance and variety of collections of Dutch art in Russian museums, including regional museums. At the present time the main achievements are associated with the development of the genre-thematic approach to the heritage of Dutch school, attribution researches and exhibition practice, in which interaction between museums and cooperation with collectors play a very important role. The article is a review on the exhibition of the 17th century Dutch painting from Russian museums and private collections in the Serpukhov historical and art museum, November 2021 – April 2022. The art museums of Serpukhov, Moscow, Volga region, Kursk, Ryazan, Krasnodar and some collectors took part in the exhibition. The curator was Prof. Vadim Sadkov, a great specialist in history of Netherlandish art of the late 16th and 17th centuries. There were demonstrated work of well-known masters as Jan van Goyen, Jacob van Ruysdael, Adriaen van Ostade, Otto Marseus van Schrieck and many paintings by lesser known authors, which deserve the attention of specialists and the public. In terms of the variety and high artistic quality of the exhibits, reflecting the breadth of the genre system of Dutch art, the scientific conception, the possibility of comparing works with each other it was the significant event in Russian art-historical science and museum practice, which opens up further prospects for cooperation between museums in the study and popularization of the heritage of Dutch masters stored in our country.

In the first half of the 19th century in literature on art the term ‘Old Masters’ was disseminated (Alte Meister, maître ancienns, etc.), this in relation to the concept of New Masters. However, contrary to the widespread view, it did not result from the name institutionalization of public museums (in Munich the name Alte Pinakothek was given in 1853, while in Dresden the Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister was given its name only after 1956). Both names, however, feature in collection catalogues, books, articles, press reports, as well as tourist guides. The term ‘Old Masters’ with reference to the artists of the modern era appeared in the late 17th century among the circles of English connoisseurs, amateur experts in art (John Evelyn, 1696). Meanwhile, the Great Tradition: from Filippo Villani and Alberti to Bellori, Baldinucci, and even Winckelmann, implied the use of the category of ‘Old Masters’ (antico, vecchio) in reference to ancient: Greek-Roman artists. There existed this general conceptual opposition: old (identified with ancient) v. new (the modern era). An attempt is made to answer when this tradition was broken with, when and from what sources the concept (and subsequently the term) ‘Old Masters’ to define artists later than ancient was formed; namely the artists who are today referred to as mediaeval and modern (13th–18th c.). It was not a single moment in history, but a long intermittent process, leading to 18th- century connoisseurs and scholars who formalized early-modern collecting, antiquarian market, and museology. The discerning and naming of the category in-between ancient masters (those referred to appropriately as ‘old’) and contemporary or recent (‘new’) artists resulted from the attempts made to systemize and categorize the chronology of art history for the needs of new collector- and connoisseurship in the second half of the 16th and in the 17th century. The old continuum of history of art was disrupted by Giorgio Vasari (Vite, 1550, 1568) who created the category of ‘non-ancient old’, ‘our old masters’, or ‘old-new’ masters (vecchi e non antichi, vecchi maestri nostri, i nostri vecchi, i vecchi moderni). The intuition of this ‘in-between’ the vecchi moderni and maestri moderni can be found in some writers-connoisseurs in the early 17th (e.g. Giulio Mancini). The Vasarian category of the ‘old modern’ is most fully reflected in the compartmentalizing of history conducted by Carel van Mander (Het Schilder-Boeck, 1604), who divided painters into: 1) oude (oude antijcke), ancient, antique, 2) oude modern, namely old modern; 3) modern; very modern, living currently. The oude modern constitute a sequence of artists beginning with the Van Eyck brothers to Marten de Vosa, preceding the era of ‘the famous living Netherlandish painters’. The in-between status of ‘old modern’ was the topic of discourse among the academic circles, formulated by Jean de La Bruyère (1688; the principle of moving the caesura between antiquité and modernité), Charles Perrault (1687–1697: category of le notre siècle preceded by le siècle passé, namely the grand masters of the Renaissance), and Pellegrino Antonio Orlandi writing from the position of an academic studioso for connoisseurs and collectors (Abecedario pittorico, 1704, 1719, 1733, 1753; the antichimoderni category as distinct from the i viventi). Together with Christian von Mechel (1781, 1783) the new understanding of ‘old modernity’ enters the scholarly domain of museology and the devising of displays in royal and ducal galleries opened to the public, undergoing the division into national categories (schools) and chronological ones in history of art becoming more a science (hence the alte niederländische/deutsche Meister or Schule). While planning and describing painterly schools at the Vienna Belvedere Gallery, the learned historian and expert creates a tripartite division of history, already without any reference to antiquity, and with a meaningful shift in eras: Alte, Neuere, and lebende Meister, namely ‘Old Masters’ (14th–16th/17th c.), ‘New Masters’ (Late 17th c. and the first half of the 18th c.), and contemporary ‘living artists’. The Alte Meister ceases to define ancient artists, while at the same time the unequivocally intensifying hegemony of antique attitudes in collecting and museology leads almost to an ardent defence of the right to collect only ‘new’ masters, namely those active recently or contemporarily. It is undertaken with fervour by Ludwig Christian von Hagedorn in his correspondence with his brother (1748), reflecting the Enlightenment cult of modernité, crucial for the mental culture of pre-Revolution France, and also having impact on the German region. As much as the new terminology became well rooted in the German-speaking regions (also in terminology applied in auction catalogues in 1719–1800, and obviously in the 19th century for good) and English-speaking ones (where the term ‘Old Masters’ was also used in press in reference to the collections of the National Gallery formed in 1824), in the French circles of the 18th century the traditional division into the ‘old’, namely ancient, and ‘new’, namely modern, was maintained (e.g. Recueil d’Estampes by Pierre Crozat), and in the early 19th century, adopted were the terms used in writings in relation to the Academy Salon (from 1791 located at Louvre’s Salon Carré) which was the venue for alternating displays of old and contemporary art, this justified in view of political and nationalistic legitimization of the oeuvre of the French through the connection with the tradition of the great masters of the past (Charles-Paul Landon, Pierre-Marie Gault de Saint-Germain). As for the German-speaking regions, what played a particular role in consolidating the term: alte Meister, was the increasing Enlightenment – Romantic Medievalism as well as the cult of the Germanic past, and with it a revaluation of old-German painting: altdeutsch. The revision of old-German art in Weimar and Dresden, particularly within the Kunstfreunde circles, took place: from the category of barbarism and Gothic ineptitude, to the apology of the Teutonic spirit and true religiousness of the German Middle Ages (partic. Johann Gottlob von Quandt, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe). In this respect what actually had an impact was the traditional terminology backup formed in the Renaissance Humanist Germanics (ethnogenetic studies in ancient Germanic peoples, their customs, and language), which introduced the understanding of ancient times different from classical-ancient or Biblical-Christian into German historiography, and prepared grounds for the altdeutsche Geschichte and altdeutsche Kunst/Meister concepts. A different source area must have been provided by the Reformation and its iconoclasm, as well as the reaction to it, both on the Catholic, post-Tridentine side, and moderate Lutheran: in the form of paintings, often regarded by the people as ‘holy’ and ‘miraculous’; these were frequently ancient presentations, either Italo-Byzantine icons or works respected for their old age. Their ‘antiquity’ value raised by their defenders as symbols of the precedence of Christian cult at a given place contributed to the development of the concept of ‘ancient’ and ‘old’ painters in the 17th–18th century.

In the 16th century the factors of confessional propaganda and “public opinion” become very important for public power. Each princedom, defining the principles of imperial and "foreign" policy, was guided by the confessional motivation of the prince and all structures of territorial power (courts institutions, Landtags, city councils), as well as that part of society that had a consolidated opinion in religious affairs (universities, Landeskirchen). Johann Casimir (1543—1592), the son of the Elector Palatinate Friedrich III and regent for his nephew Friedrich IV, began to form the pro-calvinist confessional-political course of the Palatinate. He organized and led the several expeditions to help the French and Dutch Calvinists. The accession to the throne of the Lutheran Ludwig VI made it impossible for Johann Casimir to use the resources of the Palatinate. However, he organized informational support for his actions in defense of Protestantism. Johann Casimir prepared for publication “Confessio Fidei” of Friedrich III (1577, in German, Latin and French), and three “open letters”: about the military actions of Protestants in France (1576, in German and French), about the reasons for the military expedition to the Netherlands (1578, in German, Latin and Dutch), about the reasons for the military expedition in support of the Elector of Cologne (1583—1584, in German and French). Was only religious propaganda the aim of the prince? Or was Johann Casimir guided not the least by political motives and ambitions? Historiography focused on attempts of the Palatinate electors to unite German Protestants at the turn of the 16th — 17th centuries (Friedrich IV and Friedrich V), however, we can assume that the “plan of action” appeared already in Johann Casimir. His interventions were not successful, but allowed the Palatinate to claim leadership among the German Protestants.

Considering consequences of mass art production, we usually focus on the phenomena observed since the 19th century. However, we are aware of much earlier evidence of mass art production. An example for closer studies of this problem provides art of the Low Countries, where the system of mass art production was developed already in the Middle Ages. The most evident example of this phenomenon is Netherlandish print industry of the 16th and 17th centuries, but we will also find proofs in the field of sculpture. We observe that already in the fabrication of Netherlandish carved altarpieces, whose workshop tradition, vivified by all’antica stylistic, formed the basis for mass production of alabaster sculpture in Mechelen and Antwerp (ca. 1530–1650). The example of Netherlandish alabaster imports in Central Europe lets us notice specific perception and reception of art objects of this kind. Large number of alabaster reliefs and huisaltaartjes manufactured in Mechelen and Antwerp resulted in low prices. Their small size made transport easier and thanks to the exchange trade between Central Europe and Low Countries they were relatively easily available and could play the role of culture transfer medium. They intermediated not only in spreading of iconographical and stylistic patterns, but also caused the increase of interest for alabaster among local artists and founders. In the research area we find items that repeat alabaster modelling techniques, as well as compositions and types of imported pieces, which makes us suppose that local artists might have even copied fashionable Netherlandish works.

AbstractTwo things long stood in the way of the erection of statues in public in the Northern Netherlands, on the one hand the lack of a strong central government and on the other the wrongly interpreted - Calvinist interdict on them (Note 1). The first statue of this kind, that of Erasmus in Rotterdam by De Keyser (1622), was attacked by strict Calvinists, but noted throughout Europe as an early paradigm (Note 3). Not until the 19th century did the Netherlands join in the nationalistic 'statue craze', which was just breaking out then, with two monuments to the supposed Dutch inventor of printing, Laurens Janszoon Coster. These statues of a private citizen had a predecessor in the 18th century, while a statue had already been demanded in the 17th-century eulogies of Coster. Cities had long honoured their famous inventors as important contributors to civilization and praise of the inventor was also a fundampental ingredient of the history of learning (e.g. in Pliny). In the Renaissance scientific inventions acquired a special emphasis, modern inventors being held up as evidence that the model of Antiquity could be not only equalled, but also surpassed, while both Christian civilization and the northern countries could also gain credit here (cf. Johannes Stradanus, Figs. 2, 3, Note 9, and Francis Bacon, Note 10). The significance of the invention of printing for Christianity was soon recognized, so that it was lauded above other inventions as 'divine', an attitude that was certainly also strengthened by its decisive role in the Reformation. In the Netherlands in particular, where religious and political developments were so closely interwoven, printing was regarded as an important aid to both (Notes 14, 15), while the young Dutch Republic, in which printing played such an important part, could claim the honour of counting the inventor of this important art among its citizens. This 'pious fraud' (Hellinga) is fundamental to the discussion of the history of the statues. The Coster tradition can only be traced back to about a century after the supposed invention, acquiring its definitive form at the end of the 16th century in Hadrianus Junius' Batavia Illustrata of 1598. The further enlargement on the merits of Coster also necessitated a portrait of him which, in de fault of an authentic one, had to be fabricated for the purpose, the features of the statue of Erasmus being taken over for a full-length portrait (Fig. 5), which served as a 'graphic monument'. A fictitious bust of Coster was also cited in the 17th century (Fig. 7) and this, like the early sculptural marks of honour to him (Fig. 16), belongs to the iconography of printing, the practitioners of the craft evoking their inventor. Such representations - a more or less life-size statue of Coster is still to be seen on the house of the Haarlem printer Enschedé - were not yet very public in character. The statue of Coster projected from the end of the 17th century for the garden of the Hortus Medicus in Haarlem did acquire greater publicity, however. This humanist garden of a bourgeois learned society (Note 28), reflected not only nature, but also the world of learning, as a microcosm of the arts, with sixteen busts of connoisseurs and scholars under the leadership of a full-length statue of Coster, since it was he who by his art had made the dissemination of learning possible, although he owed his place here largely to his Haarlem origins, of course. The designs made by Romeyn de Hooghe for this statue (Note 29) were only realized in 1722 in a statue by Gerrit van Heerstal, which tried to unite historical and classical features (Figs. 8-13). In the years thereafter, up to the tercentenary of the invention, the poems, medals and a weighty commemorative publication (Fig. 14, Note 35) celebrating the Haarlem inventor of printing all referred to this statue in his birthplace. Meanwhile Germany too had honoured her inventors of printing - Fust in addition to Gutenberg, initially - in 1640 and 1710 by centenary festivities often of a Protestant cast. Privileges relating to public statues may have been one of the reasons why no monuments were erected on these occasions. These privileges were, however, annulled by the French Revolution, just as the Enlightenment and political renewal furthered the cult of honouring leading civic 'geniuses'. Two Gutenberg cities under French rule took pride of pace here, but only in 1840 did Strasbourg acquire a statue of Gutenberg by David d'Angers, which illustrated his role as the enlightener of all mankind (Figs. 15-18, Note 39). In Mainz a private initiative of 1794 came to nothing (Note 40), as did a Napoleonic rebuilding plan centred on a Gutenberg Square with a statue. Not until 1829 was a semi-public statue by Joseph Stok set up there (Note 41), while in 1837 the Gutenberg monument designed by Bartel Thorwaldsen was unveiled with great ceremony (Fig. 19). The two last-mentioned statues in Mainz, like the many others erected after 1814, were the products of the nationalistic pride in the country's past history that flared up after the defeat of Napoleon. This pride in the past generally took on a nostalgic cast and served to compensate for the failure of current political ambitions: The unity of Germany long a dream, while the hoped-for great changes in the Kingdom of the Netherlands were dealt a bitter blow by the breakaway of the 'southern provinces' in 1831 (Note 44). This last event marked the start for the Northern Netherlands of a long-lasting rivalry with their Belgian neighbours, which was pursued by means of monumental art, from the statue of Rembrandt (1852) as an answer to that of Rubens (1840) to the Rijksmuseum (1885). The great importance attached to Coster in the 19th century was already manifested in 1801 by the removal of the statue in Haarlem from the Hortus Medicus to the marketplace (Note 45). National pride is abundantly evident in the prizewinning treatise published in 1816 by Jacobus Koning, who is a weighty investigation confirmed Coster's right to the invention and with it that of the Netherlands to a leading place among the civilized nations. The quatercentenary, fixed surprisingly early, in 1823, comprised every imaginable type of public entertainment and demonstration of scholarship. It is, however, striking that these expressions of national pride were still balanced by references to the elevating effect of the invention (Note 56). The most lasting mark of honour of the celebration of 1823, the abstract monument by the Haarlem sculptor D. Douglas, also looked back to the sensibilities of the 18th century in its placing on the spot where the invention had come into being in the Haarlem Wood (Fig. 23, Note 59). After this Haarlem monument of 1823 had been adduced in the discussions about the statue in Mainz before 1829, Thorwaldsen's statue, which attracted great international attention, became a greater source of annoyance to the Dutch adversaries of Gutenberg after 1829 than the statue to the Belgian inventor Dirck Martens in Aalst (Note 63) or the projected monument to William Caxton in England. Jan Jacob Frederik. Noordziek summed up this dissatisfaction in his call in 1847 to 'uphold the honour of the fatherland', in which he pleaded for a monument that would surpass the Gutenberg statue and thus serve as an argument that would establish the Dutch claim for good (Note 64). The erection of this statue was further expressly intended to be an exclusively national affair: the citizens of the Netherlands must raise the money and only Dutch artists be charged with the execution. The general discussion about the statues appears to have been less virulent than was usually the case in the preliminaries to other monuments (Note 66), Coster's merits evidently being little contested within the country itself. There were two notable critical voices, however (see Appendix). Professor M. Siegenbeek rang the changes on an old Calvinist argument in refusing a seat on the preparatory committee: in addition to the fact that there were certainly more people who deserved statues, he pointed out that the great expense involved merely evinced ostentation and that the money would be better spent on social ends. The Neo-Classicist Humbert de Superville, on the other hand, did express doubts as to Coster's right to the title, repeating aesthetic arguments which had been adduced before: statues ought, in his view, to be made in the form of durable stone herms, but he thought there was as little chance of that in this 'age of modish lay-figures' in the bronze of melted-down coins, as that the statue would be made by a Dutchman (Note 67). A typical Romantic historical controversy threw the organizers into turmoil, namely the authenticity of the representations of Coster. In particular Westreenen van Tielland unmasked the idealizing and forged portraits, arguing against the erection of a historicizing representational statue. But the defenders of Coster's honour opted for the usual historical realism (Note 68). The tenor of these polemics is found again in the conflict over the 'historical or allegorical' nature of the composition, which can be seen in the designs. Louis Royer, to whom the commission was given in 1848, wanted to show Coster walking with a winged letter A in his hand, as if on his way to show people his discovery, which was soon to wing its way round the world (cf. Fig. 22). However, this allegorical element disappeared completely in the final version, in which the choice fell on a realistic portrait, albeit Coster was still shown walking like a classical predecessor, Archimedes, who could not keep his discovery to himself (Fig. 23, Note 69). The architect H. M. Tetar van Elven was commissioned to make a base in the style of 'the last era of the Middle Ages'. The inscriptions also presented problems, but were finally agreed on in September 1855. The ceremonies, which after all manner of altercation between Royer and the main committee (Note 70) and various financial problems, were finally able to be staged from 15 to 17 July) 1856, included, in addition to the actual unveiling of the statue on the marketplace ( Van Heerstal's statue being returned to the garden again) , pageants, meetings, an exhibition and all sorts of popular entertainments. Everything was on a grander and more extensive scale than 33 years before and little remained of the motif of enlightenment through printing which had been so important then. Nalionalistic merry-making now predominated, along with expressions of devotion to the House of Orange. Less emphasis was also given to the 'darkness' of the Middle Ages, which were now beginning to be valued as part of the nation's history. The most monumental homage to this monument was a 360-page account of the events by the indefatigable Noordziek. His dream of the recognition of Coster and the nation as a whole seemed to have become a reality. But it was not to be so for long. Only fifteen years after the unveiling A. van de Linde unmasked the' 'Haarlem Coster legend' and called for the demolition of the statue, again in the interests of the nation (Note 81).

Abstract. The Flemish nation is a reality. Flanders has even become a state to some extent. Flanders no longer speaks French. French has been gradually ideologised from the language of prestige to the language of the enemy. Flanders has not chosen Flemish, but Dutch as its new language of prestige. There was no elite in Flanders speaking Flemish. Those who should have developed Standard Flemish in the 17th and 18th centuries, switched to French. After 1830, the Orangists put forward three major arguments to reject Flemish and to opt for Dutch. First, Flemish was not strong enough to compete with French. Second, Flemish was not good enough; it was corrupted by French, it was only a poor by-product of a Belgian nation-state that was dominated by French. Third, by opting for Dutch, the Flemings would link up with their history. In the second half of the 19th century, a process of dutchification gradually set in. As the importance of language as a social, economic and, therefore, political factor increased, the influence of Dutch grew stronger. Yet, there seem to be limits to the dutchification of Flemish society and, consequently, of the language of the Flemings. Even the most dedicated supporters of Pan-Netherlandic unity somehow reject the language of the Dutch as a model for Flanders.

AbstractA century ago the Rijksprentenkabinet in Amsterdam acquired a 19th-century album containing 56 rapid sketches in black chalk after 17th-century, mostly Dutch paintings (Note 1). The sketches, which are numberd, have the names of the painters wrillen on them in the artist's own hand. They were first published in 1895 (Note 2) by E. W. Moes, who concluded that they were by a Delft artist, and C. Hofstede de Groot, who convincingly attributed them to Leonaert Bramer (1596-1674) and identified two of the paintings in question. Since then various other paintings have been identified (Notes 5, 7, 8, 11 and 12), notably by A. Blankert, who has made his findings available for the present publication, and other drawings belonging to the series have been found, Frits Lugt leading the way here (Notes 9 and 10). The present study, the first to be undertaken in depth since 1895, has brought to light three more sketches after paintings by Bramer himself (cat. nos.9-11) and one probably after Wouwerman (cat. no.65), while seven more paintings have been identified and one of the sketches without a name has proved to be after a painting by Antonio Maria Viani. Two lists of the sketches so far found are given here: that of State I reproduces the original order, that of State II gives the artists in alphabetical order as they appear in the catalogue published here. These sketches are of exceptional documentary value, since they have not only given us the names of some previously unknown painters, such as M. de Berch, J. Garbaal, P. Monincx and A. Pick, but they have also revealed unexpected aspects of some well-known ones, e.g. a still life by P. van Groenewegen, a Dutch landscape by J.B. Weenix and a genre piece of a very Utrecht character by L. de Jongh. Moreover, the sketches afford a fine glimpse of collecting in Holland in the 17th century, a subject otherwise known uirtually only from non-visual documents. On the back of one of the drawings (cat. no.6) appears a list of the owners of the pictures sketched (Fig. I), possibly written by Bramer himself. This is reproduced here in an amplified version of Moes' transcription, with one completely new name yielded by the present study. The styles given in the list suggest that the men concerned appear in it in order of their social standing. The first, Simon Graswinckel (c.1611-71), was a member of a wealthy Delft family of brewers and regents. He owned a great deal of property in and around Delft, but is reported by his brothers-in-law to have spent his time in gaming-houses and taverns (Note 30). His will of 1663 is known, but no paintings are mentioned in it. The second man on the list was probably a Van Beresteijn, another family from the wealthy upper echelons of Delft society. His precise identity came to light in a roundabout way via the inventory of 28 February 1652 of Adriaen van Vredenburg, in which are listed a number of paintings that were very probably sketched by Bramer (Note 32), notably one of Jezebel, this mention and Bramer's sketch being virtually unique indications of this subject in Dutch 17th-century painting. Vredenburg does not appear in the list of owners of the paintings, but on his death his property went to his stepdaughter, whose guardian he had been and who married Theodorus van Beresteijn in November 1652. Antonie van Bronchorst is known only from the commission he gave Bramer in 1653 to painl frescoes in his house (Note 34), while Capitein van der Bon..., Nicolaas van der Werch and Johan Persijn have not yet been traced in the Delft archives. Willem de Langue (1599-1666), on the other hand, was a lawyer and a connoisseur of paintings unparalleled in Delft in the mid 17th century (Note 36). He himself made the inventories of the paintings in important estates and he numbered many artists among his clientele (Note 37). Portraits of him and his wife by Van Vliet are known (Note 38), while he also appears as an officer in a militia piece of 1648 by Jacob Willemsz Delff (Fig. 2). Abraham de Cooge (before 1600-after 1680) was the most versatile person in the list, being an engraver, painter, dealer in tulip bulbs, organs and paintings and pottery manufacturer (Note 39). He was registered in the Guild of St. Luke in Delft in 1632 and two paintings by him are known (Note 40). In 1646 Leonaerl Bramer made illustrations to the picaresque novel Lazarilo de Tormes for him (Note 17). In the 1650's De Cooge was increasingly involved in art-dealing and that on no small scale. He also had representatives in Antwerp, so was probably among the biggest art-dealers in the Northern Netherlands. Adam Pick (c. 1622-before 1666) enrolled in the Guild of St. Luke in Delft in 1642 (Note 43) and was active in the town up to the early 1650's as a painter of landscapes, genre pieces and still lifes (Fig.3) and also as the keeper of the Toelast ( Wine Cask) inn. He probably moved to Leiden, where he is mentioned in 1654 as a vintner, in 1653, perhaps as a consequence of the death of his first wife in 1652, f or he certainly sold the inn that year. The inventory of their joint property drawn up in 1653 includes a list of paintings, which tally with nos.8(?) -98 in the State I list. Only one painting by Pick is known (Fig.3), plus the sketch by Bramer after another (cat. no.44). Reinier Jansz Vermeer (1591-1652, Note 46), the father of Johannes, started out as a silk weaver, but appears in 1629 as an innkeeper and in 1631 was registered in the Guild of St. Luke in Delft as an art-dealer. From then on he came into frequent contact with local painters, Bramer included, but his dealing was probably only a sideline of his innkeeping. He died in October 1652. The last owner on the list is Bramer himself, who returned to Delft in 1628 after a lengthy period in France and Italy (1614-27, Note 49). He played a leading part in the Guild of St. Luke and was among the most successful painters in Delft around the middle of the 17th century. Later in life, however, he was often in financial difficulties (Note 50). He was one of the very few Dutch fresco painters (Note 51), as well as a painter of history and genre pieces and a prolific draughtsman and illustrator (Note 52), while just one document provides evidence of his dealing in paintirtgs (Note 54). The presence of works by Bramer himself among the sketches seems to rule out the theory that he made them as an aide mémoire for his own use (Note 15), while their very rapid character makes it unlikely that they were produced for one of the owners as an art-object. It also seems highly improbable that the collectors/owners would have wanted their collections of paintings sketched together in one book. The most acceptable suggestion appears to be that they were made in connection with a forthcoming sale of pictures, particularly as three of the owners listed were involved in art-dealing, while in the cases of Vermeer, Pick and Van Beresteijn there was every reason for paintings from their collections being sold around the end of 1652 or beginning of 1653: Vermeer's death left his family in dire financial straits, Pick will probably have sold his pictures (as he did his inn) before moving to Leiden and Van Beresteijn will probably have wanted to realize some money on his wife's inheritance. Thus the dates of Vermeer's burial in October 1652 and Pick's inventory of March 1653 would seem to provide crucial clues to the dating of the sketches, which were probably made in rapid succession, to judge from the unity of style, despite the great diversity of the models, and the straightforward consecutive numbering. Presumably the intention was to bring these pictures from Delft collections together for a sale (Note 18) and Bramer was commissioned to make sketches in advance (or even to make a certain selection, Note 19) possibly to give an idea of what was on offer to collectors or dealers elsewhere (which might explain the 'inking in' of the painters' names originally written in chalk on five of the drawings, cat. nos. 17, 35, 36, 47 and 64). Bramer made such chalk inscriptions on ten of the drawings (Note 20), probably while sketching them. Afterwards he inscribed and numbered all of them in ink (Note 5). Notes in another 17th-century hand appear on cat. nos.22 and 24. The sheets may all have been of the same size originally, but have since been cut down, often wholly or partly along the framing lines around the sketch. This may well have been done by Bramer himsef or the dealer he made them for. Just over half of them remained together and were stuck into the present album in the 19th century. There are no portraits among the sketches and only two stll lifes and two marine paintings, but eleven Italianate landscapes and 22 history paintings. Thus the subjects differ somewhat from the categories arrived at by Montiasfor mid 17th-century Delft from his study of inventories (Note 56). The preference for history pieces is probably to be explained by the high social standing of the owners. The majority of the pictures were very modern for that time and of the 41 artists, 28 were still alive in 1652-3 and eight of them were only 35 or younger. Bramer's material contradicts Montlas' conclusion that Delft collectors showed a preference for local painters (Note 58), whose work amounted to 40-50% of that listed in the inventories. Of Bramer's 41 painters, only thirteen were from Delft (Note 59) and only five are found in Montias' list of the most common painters in Delft inventories. Thus the pictures sketched by Bramer fall outside the 'normal Delft pattern' and evince a less provincial taste. However, the collectors were still not among the leading figures of their day in this field by comparison with, for example, Boudewijn de Man of Delft (Note 62), whose collection included works by Goltzius, Bloemaert, Rubens, Rembrandt and Ter Brugghen in 1644. The pictures sketched by Bramer were presumably to be brought together for public auction and the sketches may very probably have been made with an eye to the sale catalogue. While sale catalogues are known in the second half of the 17th century, they only relate to very important collections, which makes these sketches very unusual as a documentation of a sale of pictures from average well-to-do collectors and dealers. The collection of sketches as such certainly has no parallel at this period (Note 64).

The surprising and rapid flowering of Dutch art and the Dutch art market from the late 16th century to the mid-17th century have propelled scholars to quantify the volume of production and to determine the source of its growth. However, existing studies have not explored the use of known paintings to specify and visualize the fluctuations of painting production in the Dutch Republic. Employing data mining techniques to leverage the most comprehensive datasets of Netherlandish paintings (RKD), this paper visualizes and analyzes the trend of painting production in the Northern Netherlands throughout the 17th-century. The visualizations verify the existing observations on the market saturation and industry stagnation in 1630–1640. In spite of this market condition, the growth of painting production was sustained until the 1660s. This study argues that the irrational risk-taking behavior of painters and the over-enthusiasm for painting in the public created a “social bubble” and the subsequent contraction of the production was a market correction back to a stable state. However, these risk-taking attitudes during the bubble time spurred exuberant artistic innovations that highlight the Dutch contribution to the development of art.

The grand houses and gardens of William of Orange (1650–1702) and his courtiers in Britain and the Netherlands are strongly influenced by the French style, itself associated with Louis XIV, who was actually William’s arch-rival. This paper explores that paradox by probing ideas of power and friendship in 17th-century court culture.

The paper describes the trade activity of Russian merchants in Livonia (in the widest sense of the term, including Estonia), which was under the rule of Sweden and Poland in the 17th century and later only under the Swedish rule. The main purpose of Russian merchants in the beginning of the 17th century was Reval (Tallinn) and later Narva. They also visited Riga and much less Dorpat (today’s Tartu). The author was able to identify new evidence of this by working in the archives of Baltic cities. Shopping yards for Russian merchants were established in Riga, Narva and Dorpat, which served as living quarters and a place for storing and selling goods. Interesting information about this is provided by the accounts of German farm administrators in Narva and Derpt, which are analyzed in this article for the first time. Russian guests in Livonia were mainly middle and minor merchants, as well as representatives of the largest trading companies in Novgorod and Pskov, commissioners of the tsars and, on the other hand, artisans, peasants and fishermen. Their activities served the extensive European trade in linen, hemp, leather, fat and fur as the main Russian supplies. The Livonian inhabitants were also supplied with industrial and agricultural products. The number of visitors to Livonia from northwest Russia and beyond was significantly higher than the number of Livonian merchants trading in Novgorod, Pskov and Moscow.

Der mittelalterliche Handel Tallinns (Reval) hatte Waren aus Nordwestrussland und Livland nach Westeuropa weitergeführt. Dabei ist die Handelsbilanz der Stadt im Ost-West-Handel als positiv eingeschätzt worden. Mit dem 1558 ausgebrochenen Russisch-Livländischen Krieg und der Eingliederung der Stadt in das Schwedische Reich lösten sich die Verbindungen zum russischen Markt auf. Tallinn wurde zum Ausfuhrhafen für die landwirtschaftlichen Produkte Estlands, Livlands und Finnlands, v. a. Getreide. Die Handelspartner Revals wechselten: Die Lübecker wurden von den Niederländern verdrängt. Vor diesem Hintergrund nimmt der vorliegende Artikel die Handelsbilanz von Tallinn im 17. Jh. in den Blick, ihre Entwicklung und die Frage, ob und inwiefern das Gleichgewicht der Ein- und Ausfuhr erzielt wurde. Die Datengrundlage stellen die dortigen Pfundzollbücher, die mit nur wenigen Lücken vorhanden sind. Aus diesen Büchern geht hervor, dass die positive Handelsbilanz des Mittelalters auch im 17. Jh. für Tallinn charakteristisch war. Während der Kriege am Anfang des 17. Jh.s war die Handelsbilanz Tallinns noch negativ, ab 1622/23 wurde sie aber positiv. Neue Rückschläge erlitt der Handel der Stadt wegen der Kriege Schwedens mit seinen Nachbarstaaten Russland, Polen und Dänemark in der Mitte des 17. Jh.s. Wegen der Missernten der ersten Hälfte der 1660er Jahre wurde die Getreideausfuhr aus Reval verboten. In der Mitte der 1690er Jahre war das Hinterland Tallinns ebenfalls von großen Miss-ernten betroffen, die Hunger mit sich brachten. In diesen Perioden sowie während des 1700 ausgebrochenen Großen Nordischen Krieges war die Handelsbilanz der Stadt negativ. Einer allgemein positiven Handelsbilanz sind also Kriege, Missernten und daraus folgende Getreideausfuhrverbote als zeitweise Störfaktoren des Handels gegenüberzustellen.

Abstract This article is an analysis of the historical and topographical treatise “Britannia” by William Camden as transmitted to Russia and translated. Russian audience was introduced to the work by Camden through two atlases. The first of these, the Mercator-Hondius Atlas included lengthy excerpts from the 1600 edition of “Britannia.” The text of the Atlas was translated in 1637 by the staff of Posolskii prikaz. The second translation of Camden’s work into Russian, commissioned by Patriarch Nikon, (that of the 1607 edition) was produced in late 1650s as volume four of the New Atlas by Blaeu. Camden’s antiquarian studies, with the texts juxtaposed to maps, were in high demand in Russia, and this can be proved by numerous copies of the Russian translations and by their use both in private libraries and in schools. This helped spread the latest scientific information about the British Isles in Russia, which circulated among the members of Muscovite intellectual elite.

Summary Jacques Bruyas (c.l630-c.l701) left a set of notes on Mohawk in the late 1600s which were published in 1862. His account and work done on the language in the 20th century are compared. Where he fails to record all the sound-contrasts that are functional in the language and is unable to cope with allophones, modern workers may still disagree on how best to represent them. His lack of models for the description of a polysynthetic language, with a modest phonemic inventory, but complex morphophonemics, obscures morphemic boundaries. Bruyas had the reputation among contemporaries of being equally fluent in French and Mohawk, yet his notes fail to mention factors that are obviously frequent, complex and demanded for accurate communication. While the vocabulary in his account is perhaps better handled than in modern works, the selection is more guided by human interest than grammatical relevance.

The article is dedicated to the study of the most significant and popular Old Russian scribe – “Alphabetical”, written in the late 16th – early 17th century according to researchers. The assumption is made that it was replenished and adjusted over several decades, quickly responding to the demands of the times and reflecting the main processes that took place in Russian literature of the 16th and especially the 17th century. The scribe reflected the central feature of this period: the interaction of the traditional and the new, with an emphasis on the new. It demonstrates such new aspects of Russian literature of the 17th century as secularization, democratization, fiction, and individualization. It is rather telling that the vast majority of sample messages are private letters written for relatives and friends. Particularly noteworthy are the samples of ‘anti-friendly’ letters, some of which are parodies of friendly letters. They make up an organic part of the 17th century parodies, namely such satirical texts as Kalyazinsky Petition, The Dowry Document, The Tale of Ersh Ershovich, The Service of the Tavern. As it is known, parodies play a crucial role in the turning periods of literary development, which was the 17th century. In this era, first of all, the most stable and therefore most recognizable genres were parodied: business (petitions, dowry, court documents, etc.) and church (hagiographies, prayers, akathists, church services, etc.) writing. Quite noteworthy is the appearance along with these parodies of the parody of the epistolary genre, indicating that it had fully developed, and occupied a proper place in the system of literature genres, and was unmistakably recognized by authors and readers. Moreover, a new, ‘secular’ version had developed and was recognized: friendly letters, which were by no means educational, unlike those popular in Ancient Russian literature of previous centuries.

The article is dedicated to the study of the most significant and popular Old Russian scribe – “Alphabetical”, written in the late 16th – early 17th century according to researchers. The assumption is made that it was replenished and adjusted over several decades, quickly responding to the demands of the times and reflecting the main processes that took place in Russian literature of the 16th and especially the 17th century. The scribe reflected the central feature of this period: the interaction of the traditional and the new, with an emphasis on the new. It demonstrates such new aspects of Russian literature of the 17th century as secularization, democratization, fiction, and individualization. It is rather telling that the vast majority of sample messages are private letters written for relatives and friends. Particularly noteworthy are the samples of ‘anti-friendly’ letters, some of which are parodies of friendly letters. They make up an organic part of the 17th century parodies, namely such satirical texts as Kalyazinsky Petition, The Dowry Document, The Tale of Ersh Ershovich, The Service of the Tavern. As it is known, parodies play a crucial role in the turning periods of literary development, which was the 17th century. In this era, first of all, the most stable and therefore most recognizable genres were parodied: business (petitions, dowry, court documents, etc.) and church (hagiographies, prayers, akathists, church services, etc.) writing. Quite noteworthy is the appearance along with these parodies of the parody of the epistolary genre, indicating that it had fully developed, and occupied a proper place in the system of literature genres, and was unmistakably recognized by authors and readers. Moreover, a new, ‘secular’ version had developed and was recognized: friendly letters, which were by no means educational, unlike those popular in Ancient Russian literature of previous centuries.

In the 16th and 17th centuries, Faifo (Hoi An, Quang Nam province) emerged as one of the busiest international trading ports in Southeast Asia in general and in Vietnam in particular. At the same time, in Europe, Portugal and its formidable navy discovered a new maritime route to Asia. Using this knowledge, the Portuguese became one of the first Western states to explore this part of the world and laid the foundation for trade and missionary activities in a number of different countries and locations there. Among them, Faifo (in Vietnam) was a notable example. In fact, for almost a century (from the second half of the 16th century to the middle of the 17th century), the Portuguese had established business relationships and played an important role in trading activities in Faifo. Meanwhile, the Portuguese Crown strongly supported the Jesuit priests, aiding them in becoming the first Catholic missionary force based in Vietnam, thereby allowing for the introduction and spread of Christianity in Faifo as well as in other locations around Cochinchina. However, at the end of the 17th century, for a number of different factors, Portugal gradually lost its important role in trading and missionary activities in the port of Faifo. This article examines the Portuguese commercial and missionary activities in Faifo in the 16th and 17th centuries. It also aims to make a specific contribution to clarifying the relationship of exchange between Vietnam and Portugal in the 16th and 17th centuries.

В работе характеризуются взгляды Эдварда Герберта – английского философа, политика и общественного деятеля первой половины XVII в. Автор анализирует основные положения философской системы Э. Герберта, отмечая логическую связь между теорией познания и философией религии. Показано, что гносеологический объективизм Герберта явился основанием для его деистических идей, главной из которых стала идея «естественной религии». Автор считает заслугой Герберта попытку обосновать объективные основы и критерии познания, соединить его когнитивные и ценностные начала, подчеркнуть системное взаимодействие всех элементов. In the work are characterized by philosophical views of Edward Herbert – English philosopher, politician and public figure of the first half of the 17th century. The author of the article analyzes the basic provisions of the philosophical system of E. Herbert, noting the logical connection between the theory of cognition and the philosophy of religion. It is shown that Herbert's epistemological objectivism was the basis for his deistic ideas, the main of which was the idea of "natural religion". The author considers Herbert's merit to try to substantiate objective basics and criteria of cognition, to combine his cognitive and value principles, to emphasize the systemic interaction of all elements.