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1
Yakovlev, P. "Spain: Post-Crisis Development Model." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-50-61.
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November 20, 2015 marked 40 years since the demise of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco. With his passing Spain entered into an era of tremendous economic and socio-political changes. At the stage of democratic development Spanish nation achieved three key objectives: it built an open and modern economy; in political sphere a relatively effective de facto two-party system was created; social protection was provided to the bulk of the population. All this strengthened Spain’s international positions and provided it an attractive image. The country attracted millions of immigrants. The world crisis of 2008–2009 stopped the growth of the Spanish economy. Spain was in crisis long six years and only recently began to come out of it basing on a new development model (a “rebound” model). By a number of parameters it is different from the pre-crisis paradigm of the growth. The crisis had serious impact on Spain’s foreign relations. In particular, serious reputational losses challenged Madrid’s efforts to counter the crisis, to reduce the negative effects of external shocks on the international scene and to find opportunities to give additional impetus to the development of the country. These challenges defined new foreign policy agenda: protecting financial and economic interests of Spain abroad, strengthening the positions of the Spanish companies in world markets, coordination of anti-crisis actions with partners in the European Union. Madrid stands for a sort of integration core within the EU, consisting of six founding countries of the European Economic Community (Belgium, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands and France), as well as Spain and Poland. This projected grouping is intended to serve as the vanguard of the movement in the direction of making the EU more effective.
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Kiselova, O. I., and I. V. Kordunian. "Mobbing as a form of discrimination in labor relations in Ukraine and in foreign countries." Legal horizons, no. 18 (2019): 56–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i18.p56.
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The subject of the article is mobbing as a form of discrimination in labor relations in Ukraine and in foreign countries. Based on the analysis of scientific works of Ukrainian and foreign scientists we identified and analyzed the concept of “mobbing”, its characteristics, causes, and consequences. Mobbing is defined as a form of human rights discrimination that involves the psychological and physical pressure exerted on an employee by an employer or workforce to achieve a specific goal, usually to force an employee to quit. The main manifestations of mobbing are harassment, distribution of gossip and false information, employee neglect, blackmail, sexual harassment, and other manifestations of moral and physical violence. Mobbing has its own structure that consists of a subject, object, and purpose. Usually, the subject is the employer or the workforce, and the object is the employee. The main features of mobbing are consistency, the presence of purpose, and the specific object and subject. Mobbing is not established in Ukraine at the legislative level. Attempts of regulation of mobbing were the creation of two bills: «On amendments to some legislative acts of Ukraine concerning fighting against mobbing» and “On amendments to some legislative acts of Ukraine concerning combating against harassment (mobbing) and other manifestations of prejudice at work”. The purpose of these Projects is to protect employees’ rights against any harassment at work by imposing administrative liability in the form of a fine. However, at present these Projects have not been approved. Mobbing is a socially dangerous phenomenon. Its consequences can be stress, depression, sleep disorders, problems with mental health, problems with alcohol and drugs, even the emergence of suicidal thoughts. In this article, we are exploring the experience of mobbing settle in foreign countries, such as Sweden, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom. international experience proves that mobbing must be regulated at the legislative level. Based on the analysis of the responsibility for mobbing in foreign countries, we can conclude that the most effective is administrative responsibility. Keywords: mobbing, discrimination, harassment, psychological pressure, physical pressure, labor relations.
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Stepanov, Oleg, and Denis Pechegin. "Criminal law measures of ensuring the security of the crypto sphere." Bratislava Law Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.46282/blr.2019.3.1.138.
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In the first issue of the Bratislava Law Review magazine for 2018, our article addressed the problem of legal regulation of relations related to the crypto sphere “Failure to repatiate funds in foreign currency from abroad and modern issues of currency regulation” was published. In December 2017, Bitcoin predicted the cost of $ 40 – $ 100 thousand. However, in 2018, the situation changed-the Bitcoin exchange rate began to lose from $ 0.5 to $ 1 thousand per day, and its market capitalization fell to $ 70 billion. The crisis of the crypto market has affected not only the capitalization of cryptocurrencies, but also the issues of legal regulation of relations associated with its use. Currently, only three countries – Sweden, the Netherlands and Japan – recognize cryptocurrency as a legal means of payment. In Spain, the cryptocurrency is classified as an electronic means of payment only in relation to the gaming business. The legislation of Germany, as well as Finland, allows to classify cryptocurrencies as financial instruments. In China, Singapore and Norway cryptocurrency is considered as a financial asset in the US – as property, i.e. developed countries are in no hurry to equate cryptocurrency to means of payment. In Russia, the use of cryptocurrencies is not regulated by any rules, but there is no legislation prohibiting the circulation of cryptocurrencies as means of payment. At the same time, the draft bill “On digital nancial assets”, designed to regulate financial relations in the crypto sphere, completely excludes the issues of mining and circulation of existing crypto-currencies. However, new electronic entities carry certain risks associated with their turnover. In this regard, many States seek to develop mechanisms to ensure the security of actions in the new crypto sphere of legal relations before the direct legalization of cryptocurrencies and other modern electronic entities. The purpose of the article is to analyze the approaches related to the security of the crypto sphere in modern society by criminal law measures taking into account foreign experience.
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GOMÓŁKA, Krystyna. "ECONOMIC CONTACTS BETWEEN AZERBAIJAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 6/2 (February 1, 2019): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-6/2-53-61.
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After regaining independence in the early 1990s, the Republic of Azerbaijan signed many international agreements. It also established relations with the European Union. Economic contacts between the partners were revived by the partnership and cooperation agreement’s entry into force in 1999. It assumed political dialogue, assistance in building democracy, cooperation in the sphere of economy and investment. In terms of trade in goods and services, the country have granted each other most-favored-nation clauses in the collection of customs duties and charges, transit clearance, composition and transhipment of goods, payment transfers for purchased goods and services. This has led to increased trade between the European Union and Azerbaijan. The most important trade partners of Azerbaijan in the years 2000-2017 were the following members of the European Union: Italy, France and Germany. The exports were dominated by Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom and Spain. The opening of the oil and gas sector to foreign companies has contributed to a significant inflow of foreign direct investment. More than 80% of the incoming investment is in the oil sector and the main activities are focused the construction of new gas and oil pipelines. The leading investors in this group in the years 2000-2013 were the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, France and Cyprus.
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Kalinkova, Sabrina. "Bulgarian economy as a producer of intermediate goods for the European Union." University Economic Bulletin, no. 48 (March 30, 2021): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2021-48-97-102.
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Relevance of research topic. In conditions of globalization, the economic development of a country depends a lot on its relations with the rest of the world. When using economic indicators, including the "foreign trade balance" one, their correct interpretation is of particular importance. Formulation of the problem. The research interest should be focused not only on the volume of exports and imports in monetary terms, but also on its structure. It is a question of what production (goods and services) the Bulgarian economy exports (respectively imports), as well as where it exports (from where the Bulgarian economy imports). Setting the task, the purpose of the study. This report aims to present the Bulgarian economy in its role of producer and supplier of intermediate products for the countries of the European Union. Method or methodology for conducting research. The study is based on the use of the input-output model and in particular the symmetric input-output tables provided by the World Input-Output Database. Presentation of the main material (results of work). This report presents the results of the study of volume and structure of exports of the Bulgarian economy as a producer and supplier of intermediate goods, directed to the countries of the European Union. The interactions with the following countries were analyzed: Austria, Belgium, Germany, Denmark, Spain, France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and Romania. Some of the member states of the European Union are not included. The reason for this is the lack of interactions between them and the Bulgarian economy, based on the provision of intermediate products. Conclusions according to the article. The study presents only one aspect of the foreign economic relations that take place between Bulgaria and the European Union. For the most part, the relations between Bulgaria and the other economies in the European Union are based mainly on industries related to the supply of resources. Services and products with a final degree of readiness are provided to a much lesser extent.
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Kabaklarli, Esra, Fatih Mangir, and Bansi Sawhney. "Impact of Infrastructure on Economic Growth: A Panel Data Approach Using PMG Estimator." International Review of Business and Economics 2, no. 2 (2018): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56902/irbe.2018.2.2.2.
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Growth theory asserts that infrastructure investments promote economic growth by improving the quality of life and increasing private sector productivity . Transport services, water utility services and telecommunication services provide better facilities to attract FDI (foreign direct investment) and increase productivity across sectors. The aim of this article is to analyze whether transport infrastructure investments have a strong effect on the economic growth. It also attempts to analyze the differential impact of each type of infrastructural spending on economic growth. Our data set covers annual data from 1993 to 2015 period for 15 OECD countries (Austria, Turkey, Czech Republic, Spain, Finland, Japan, Germany, Ireland, Italy, France, Korea, Mexico, Netherlands, Poland, U.K) and China. In this study, we employ a Pool Mean Group (PMG) estimator to find long run and short run relations between the variables. Output elasticity of air transport is found to be positive and significant at five percent level and there exists a long run relationship between GDP per capita and other explanatory variables such as transport infrastructure indicators, gross capital formation and labor force. The crowding- out hypothesis is also supported by coefficients on county specific results. Our data set includes infrastructure variables such as Railways, (million passenger-km), Air transport, (freight, million ton-km), Individuals using the Internet (% of population).
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Varlamova, M. "Cross-cultural aspects of business negotiations." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 72, no. 5 (2021): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2021.05.103.
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The features of conducting business negotiations with foreign partners, taking into account the influence of cultural factors are investigated in this paper. The systematization of approaches to understanding business negotiations is performed and it is determined that business negotiations are bilateral or multilateral processes of communication, as a result of which a joint decision concerning business interests realization is made. Scientific approaches to the cultures grouping by certain features, particularly, E. Hall, G. Hofstede and R. Lewis, Florence Clachon and Fred Strodbeck, D. Pinto, R. Gesteland, F. Trompenaars and C. Hampden-Turner are considered. Analysis of the manifestation of certain cultural features in relation to the representatives of the countries with which Ukraine currently has the most developed trade and economic relations is carried out. Accordingly, the probability of the need to negotiate the foreign economic activity implementation is rather high. The following countries are selected among them according to 2020 statistics: China, Poland, India, Spain, Italy, Russia, Belarus, Egypt, the Netherlands, Germany, Romania, Turkey, Hungary, USA, Belgium, Israel, Indonesia, Iraq, Moldova, Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, France and the Czech Republic. Using Hert Hofstede's approach and his theory of cultural dimensions for the listed countries, the indicators characterizing the manifestation of the distance of power, individualism, masculinity, avoidance of uncertainty, long-term orientation and indulgence are analyzed. The countries which cultures are the closest to Ukraine’s one are identified according to the above mentioned methodology, and, consequently, the construction of communications with their representatives is more understandable and is characterized by lower probability of misunderstandings due to cultural factors. For other countries the cultural features similar and different from Ukraine ones are defined. Taking into account these features, recommendations for planning and conducting business negotiations with representatives of other countries, aimed at increasing the benefits and opportunities for Ukraine in the process of making joint decisions with partners are given.
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Syngaivska, Inna. "Foreign experience of reglamentation of criminal responsibility for coercion to marriage." Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no. 2(31) (July 30, 2020): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2020-2(31)-5.
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The unification of criminal legislation is the most powerful method of international law influencing on national criminal-law systems. In accordance with the comparative legal researching of the criminal liability regulation is the accumulation of law-making practice experience in counteracting of a particular crime, in our research – counteracting of coercion to wedlock. Ukraine hasn’t ratified the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Violence against Women and domestic violence; Istanbul Convention (hereinafter referred to as the «Istanbul Convention») yet, but a number of its provisions have been implemented into national law. The article 37 of Istanbul convention determines a «force marriage» and determines that parties apply all legislative or other events are needed for providing of criminal responsibility of intentional behavior, that compels adult or child to marriage. European states in dominant majority determine the coercion to marriage as a separate crime. In this context, national criminal law concerning forced marriage is assessed to be fully consistent with current trends of criminal legal protection rights, individual freedom and marriage and family relations in accordance with the criminal law of foreign countries and international treaties (e.x. Istanbul Convention)). There are two positions of coercion to marriage singled out in foreign countries legislation: as an attack on personal freedom (Norway, Germany, Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, France, Spain, Austria) and as an attack on marriage and family relations (Bulgaria, Belgium, Montenegro, Serbia). According to criminal law of Belgium, Austria, Sweden and Ukraine the responsibility for coercion cohabitation is provided, besides coercion to marry. Switzerland, legislator singles out a special form of coexistence – forced registration to same-sex partnership. The use of violence and threats of violence are typical and alternative methods of coercion to marriage. However, there are some exceptions as: forced marriage under the threat of breach or termination of family relationships with family members; threat of slander and use of direct slander. According to Article 151-2 of Ukrainian Criminal Code «coercion» is a crime-forming feature, which is determined by a socially dangerous and unlawful act. Forming a criminal law prohibiting of forced marriage, Ukrainian legislator doesn’t follow the list of socially dangerous methods, leaving the interpretation of this issue for law enforcement practice. In regard to the issue of punishment for coercion to marriage European legislators have unequivocal position and determine the punishment in the form of imprisonment. Appropriate legislative experience of the foreign countries should be borrowed in order to harmonize of the national coercion marriage legislation. We recognize that it is expedient to define a fine as a compulsory additional penalty for coercion, in view of sentencing courts practice. Key words: coercion to marriage, coercion to enter dormitories, criminal liability, crimes against freedom, honor and dignity of a person.
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Pigłowski, Marcin. "The Intra-European Union Food Trade with the Relation to the Notifications in the Rapid Alert System for Food and Feed." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 4 (February 8, 2021): 1623. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18041623.
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About three-quarters of food exports from European Union (EU) countries goes to the common market in which the free movement of products is ensured. Therefore, it is important to examine from which EU countries the food is exported, what food products they are, and what hazards may be present in these products. The data for research were obtained for 1999–2018 from the Eurostat database (according to the Standard International Trade Classification—SITC) and the Rapid Alert System for Food and Feed (RASFF) database. Then, cluster analysis was performed using joining (tree clustering) and two-way joining methods. The main food exporters were the following countries: Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom. They exported: cereals, fruits and vegetables, beverages and feeding stuff (in quantitative terms) and fruits and vegetables, meat, dairy products, and cereals (in terms of value). In turn, the most frequently notified hazards in food originating from these countries were: pathogenic micro-organisms, microbial contaminants, metals, composition, foreign bodies, allergens, and pesticide residues. The increase in the number of alert notifications in the RASFF is particularly noticeable in recent years. The results of the research may be useful for activities related to food traceability, changes in the European law, and encouraging the use of extensive methods in agriculture.
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Dziubanovska, N. V., V. V. Maslii, Z. B. Lytvyn, and V. I. Bliask. "An Approach to the Analysis of the Intensity of the International Trade Dynamics on the Example of the European Union Countries." Statistics of Ukraine 97, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/su.2(97)2022.02.08.
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International trade is an important component of the national economy of any country in the world, as well as a leading form of international economic relations. Changes in the main indicators of foreign trade, such as exports, imports, trade balance, can cause significant imbalances in the parameters of economic growth of the subjects of such relations.The article proposes an approach to analyzing the intensity of dynamic changes in international trade in goods on the example of EU countries during 2004-2021 with using such methodological approaches as grouping, comparison, calculation and analysis of absolute and relative characteristics of dynamics. For this purpose, two groups of countries where distinguished: countries that were members of the EU before 2004 (Austria, Belgium, Great Britain, Denmark, Ireland, Germany, Spain, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, France, Greece, Portugal, Sweden and Finland) and countries that became members of the EU after 2004 (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Cyprus. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia). In carrying out the study, the cost indicators of trade transactions of the EU countries were used. With the help of such indicators as specific weight, chain and basic growth rates, coefficients of advance, the intensity of export and import dynamics in terms of selected groups where analyzed. The main trends and determinants of the development of export import activities, under the influence of which there were certain changes in the international trade of the EU countries during the period under study, were identified. These determinants include EU enlargement in 2004, the 2009 financial crisis and the COVID 2019 pandemic. Three periods of development of foreign trade of the member countries of this integration group are distinguished. The 5 largest exporter and importer countries, as well as the largest net exporters and net importers in terms of allocated groups, were identified. The results of the analysis also indicate that the countries that joined the EU after 2004 actively used their membership in the context of the development of foreign economic activity: they rapidly increased the volume of merchandise exports and imports. It has been proved that the proposed approach is effective for analyzing the nature of dynamic changes in international trade of any international organizations, integration associations, etc.
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Gwoździewicz, Sylwia. "THE MINORS IN PENAL SYSTEMS IN SELECTED COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." International Journal of New Economics and Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.3758.
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In foreign jurisdictions, various models of responsibility for juvenile offenses are adopted. In many countries, like Poland, entirely separate regulations in this field are adopted (England and Wales, Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, France, Spain, Ireland, Germany, Scotland, Switzerland, Sweden). In other countries like (Slovakia, Belarus, Estonia, Greece to 2003, the Netherlands, Lithuania, Russia, Slovenia, Ukraine), there are specific rules of responsibility of minors included in criminal codes and codes of criminal proceedings. Different solutions in this regard are partly due to the different traditions of legal systems, and partly due to various axiomatic justifications formulated in these matters. Review of legislation on minority in selected European countries: Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic shows that in terms of the approach to the problem of minority in all legal systems, specific interaction of children and young people who come into conflict with the criminal law are included, as well as those that show signs of corruption, making their proper personal and social development threatened. Adoption of selected concepts of minors legislation, however, does not mean more or less severe approach to the liability of minors.Both discussed issues the theoretical and practical ones, are the subject of the deliberations beneath, their structure includes: <br/>1. Problems of minors in the European countries <br/>2. Minors in Polish criminal justice system <br/>3. Minors’ responsibility in Slovakian criminal justice system <br/> 4. Czech criminal justice system in relation to a minor
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Kruizinga, Samuël. "Struggling to Fit in. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936–1939." Journal of Modern European History 16, no. 2 (May 2018): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-2-183.
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Struggling to Fit In. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936-1939 The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) possessed a transnational resonance that echoed far beyond the borders of the country in which it was fought. It drew thousands of foreign fighters to Spain where, as many believed, the future of Europe would be decided. Most of them fought on the side of the embattled Republican government against an uprising supported by international Fascism. Given the foreign fighters’ similar socio-economic backgrounds and shared anti-Fascist sentiment, historians have suggested that the «International Brigades», formed out of these foreign fighters, constitute a true transnational army. This article suggests, however, that many of these foreign fighters had real trouble forging a transnational connection with their fellow fighters. Focusing on Dutch Interbrigadiers, it further highlights how the specificities of Dutch political culture and the legal regime created in the Netherlands combined to create a unique set of circumstances that impeded Dutch foreign fighters’ abilities to effectively work together with their German colleagues in Spain and their post-Spanish Civil War efforts to resist the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands. This article suggests, therefore, that the International Brigades do not possess a single, distinctive and collectively transnational identity. Rather, they are made up of different identity layers that can, but need not, be mutually exclusive, and are linked to elements of different national and/or military cultures.
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Anikeeva, Natalia. "FOREIGN POLICY OF PEDRO SÁNCHEZ: ONE YEAR ON." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 23, no. 5 (October 31, 2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520211522.
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The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.
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Gavrilova, О. "TO THE ANALYSIS OF EXTRAORDINARY EXPERIENCE OF SOCIAL INSURANCE FROM ACCIDENTS OF PRODUCTION AND PROFESSIONAL DISEASE." Social Law, no. 2 (April 19, 2019): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37440/soclaw.2019.02.05.
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The article analyzes the foreign experience of social accident insurance industrial accidents and occupational diseases in countries such as Bulgaria, Germany, France, the Netherlands, Spain and others. The author noted that the use of advanced foreign experience in the field of social insurance against industrial accidents and occupational disease is impossible without rethinking and abandoning the dominant today in Ukrainian society the state-paternalistic approach, according to which the full responsibility for the social security of the population rests with government agencies.
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Ponedelko, G. "Capital Export – Foreign Economic Phenomena of Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2006): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2006-2-66-73.
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Priambodo, Gabriella Dewa. "Analysis of Indonesia-Netherlands Diplomatic and Consular Relations." Journal of ASEAN Dynamics and Beyond 2, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/aseandynamics.v2i2.52146.
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<p>In order to improve the quality of international cooperation, the Indonesian nation must be able to improve the quality and performance of foreign officials so that they are able to carry out proactive diplomacy in all fields to build a positive image of Indonesia in the international world. Through this article, the diplomatic relations between Indonesia and the Netherlands will be analyzed specifically, both diplomatic and consular relations. The result,diplomatic relations between the governments of Indonesia and the Netherlands have been in accordance with Law Number 37 of 1999, but in practice it has not been implemented properly in accordance with the applicable laws and regulations, so on this occasion I will discuss further about diplomatic relations between Indonesia and the Netherlands which had temporarily interrupted by several influencing factors including the revocation of the Dutch embassy in Indonesia named Rob Swartbol due to protests against the execution by the Indonesian government against a Dutch citizen named Ang Kim Soe or vice versa the revocation of the Indonesian embassy in the Netherlands because it will be held consultations by their respective countries, both the Netherlands and Indonesia, on their embassies.</p>
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Anikina, Alexandra Mikhailovna. "Spain — China: dynamics of trade and economic relations development." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 2 (February 1, 2021): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2102-05.
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Spain is a member state of the European Union, which occupies one of the leading places in the world economy. Over the past decade, this country has paid particular attention to expanding the internationalization of its economy, including by striving for geographical diversification of exports and investment activity, for taking on new target markets for products produced in the country, especially agricultural ones, since traditionally the main partners of the country in foreign economic activity are member states of the EU. A development strategy of foreign economic activities (FEA) was developed in the country to achieve these goals. China is not the main trade and economic partner of Spain, however, it is a strategic partner with a high potential for developing bilateral cooperation. The article studies the dynamics of the development of foreign economic relations between Spain and China from 2008 to 2019; main data of export-import operations, including by commodity groups, are given; principal developments in bilateral relations are mentioned. It is concluded that the growth rate of trade flow has increased by more than 65 % over 10 years, including the expansion of Spanish export supplies, in particular products of agroindustrial complex (AIC), share of which reached 30 % in 2019; intensification of interaction at the institutional level is noted, as well as expansion of the activities of Spanish transnational corporations (TNC) in China, where at least one of the corporations opened its 23rd production facility in 2019. The author used a systematic and interdisciplinary approach when working with a variety of scientific and practical materials, including Spanish legislation, annual reports and statistics of national government bodies, analytical reviews of international economic organizations, media publications, as well as economic and statistical analysis. The scientifi c novelty of the work is in a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics of the development of trade and economic relations between Spain and China.
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Matczak, Andrzej, and Przemysław Pawlicki. "Cannabis indica as a motivation for foreign travel by Polish citizens." Turyzm/Tourism 26, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tour-2016-0013.
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Based on an anonymous on-line questionnaire survey, conducted among 1000 respondents, the authors present their demographic, socio-economic and spatial profile, their attitude to cannabis and the tourist trips they went on (scale, directions, destinations), involving cannabis consumption. Tourist trips of this kind were attractive to quite a large number of young people, mostly inhabiting large Polish cities, who usually had used and continued to use this drug. Trips inspired by cannabis were most often made to the nearby Czech Republic and Netherlands, as well as (less frequently) to Spain.
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Hossain, Mohammad Belayet, Asmah Laili Bt Yeon, and Ahmad Shamsul Bin Abd Aziz. "Sovereignty, National Interest & Security and the Bilateral Investment Treaties of Bangladesh and the Netherlands: a Comparison." African Journal of Legal Studies 12, no. 2 (December 19, 2019): 183–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340049.
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Abstract In absence of any global treaty, the bilateral investment treaties are playing the important role of regulating foreign investments in the host countries. The primary purpose of economic globalization is the economic development of the developing and least-developed countries as well as to facilitate benefits of the home states. Bangladesh and the Netherlands also signed bilateral investment treaties to facilitate trade. Bangladesh foreign investment laws and bilateral investment treaties mainly protect foreign investors; however, neither include any specific provisions of protecting sovereignty, national interest, and security. The Netherlands generally follows EU foreign investment policies. This paper addresses two questions: (a) do the bilateral investment treaties of Bangladesh and the Netherlands include any specific provisions to protect the sovereignty, national interest, and security, and (b) should the sovereignty, national interest, and security be considered during the entry of foreign direct investment in Bangladesh and the Netherlands? Using doctrinal research method, a total of 25 bilateral investment treaties have been analysed in order to explore whether they protect the sovereignty, national interest, and security of Bangladesh and the Netherlands. Based on the findings, this study will recommend that the government of Bangladesh should consider this important factor as an entry condition, either through amending the existing laws or through the bilateral investment treaties.
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Klupt, M. "Centre-Periphery Relations in Europe: Demographic Aspect." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2015): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-2-58-67.
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The paper deals with the impact of centre-periphery relations on the demographic change in Europe in the 21st century. The reasons why the projections presented by Statistics Netherlands and the Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute in 1999 underestimated the future population growth in France, Italy, Spain and UK are analyzed. Current statistics and UN population projections (2012 revision) demonstrate that the idea of the total depopulation coming in Europe, commonly held there over the 20th century, is out of date. In fact, depopulation is far from being total; it is common only in peripheral countries of Europe, not in semi-peripheral and central ones (Germany is an exception). This conclusion is corroborated by the close positive correlation (r=0.754) between per capita GNI and the rate of population increase in 34 European countries between 2000 and 2012. The alarmist perspective of ageing is criticized. It is argued that ageing is often unreasonably blamed for negative effects which, in fact, are caused by other faults of socioeconomic system. So, the recent number of unemployed in Spain (5.7 millions) is four times more than the expected decrease in the number of people aged 20 to 64 between 2010 and 2030 (1.4 millions). The prospective institutional and structural consequences of the post-crisis shifting of immigration flows from Spain to Germany are considered. Given this shifting, the further expansion of the peripheral and semi-peripheral enclaves in German economy seems to be verisimilar. Nevertheless, the centripetal migration maintains, like before, the centre-peripheral differences in Europe. The centre concentrates knowledge-intensive services and attracts the most qualified migrants; semi-periphery receives the less qualified ones; the periphery is the source of labour force for both the centre and the semi-periphery.
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Makarov, A. I., E. A. Rubinchik, and M. A. Kladkin. "Trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands: formation and development." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 4 (December 26, 2020): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-4-5-22.
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Successful development of mutual trade and economic ties between Russia and the Netherlands has been lasting for centuries. In ancient times, when both states were actively developing, vessels loaded with various goods were already cruising between their shores; while national leaders were building bilateral trade policy. The development of cooperation reached its peak during the time of Peter the Great, when the Russian Empire carried out industrialization by entering into a full-scale international industrial cooperation with its historical partner. Participation of the Russian state in the development of trade and economic relations with the Netherlands took different shapes depending on the current needs and capabilities of the country. However, specially authorized envoys who carried out their functions on the territory of the Netherlands played exclusively important role in it, whether they were representatives of the Ministry of Trade and Industry of Tsarist Russia in Rotterdam or the People's Commissariat for Foreign Trade in the pre-war years. October 1945, when the Trade Representation opened its doors in Amsterdam, marked the new chapter in the history of trade relations between two countries. Historical review of the activities conducted by the Trade Mission in one of the world's TOP economically developed countries of the world over the 75-year period is demanded for providing advice in respect to setting up of strategic plans for the development of foreign trade in terms of exports, deepening international industrial cooperation and faster adaptation to the requirements by foreign markets.
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Sáánchez-Ron, Joséé M. "International relations in Spanish physics from 1900 to the Cold War." Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 33, no. 1 (2002): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsps.2002.33.1.3.
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This paper studies the tactics developed in Spain to improve the country's scientific capacity over most of the 20th century. Early in the 20th century, Spain sought to raise its low scientific standing by establishing relations with foreign scientists. The tactics changed according to the political situation. The first part of the paper covers the period from 1900 to the Civil War (1936-39); the second examines consequences of the conflict for physical scientists in Spain; and the third analyzes the growth of physical sciences in Franco's Spain following the Civil War, a period in which the United States exerted special influence.
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Živělová, I., J. Jánský, and T. Koudelková. "The analysis of contemporary markets with selected organic products in the Czech Republic and in selected foreign countries." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 50, No. 9 (February 24, 2012): 417–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5227-agricecon.
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The paper aims to analyse the contemporary situation on markets with selected organic products in the Czech Republic as well as in selected European countries. The attention is paid especially to the share of organic products´ consumption (cereals, potatoes, fruits, vegetables, milk, pork, poultry and eggs) in the total food consumption in the Czech Republic, in Spain, in Sweden, in the Netherlands and in Great Britain.
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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KOOIJ, BEN. "Maïscultuur in Nederland." Tijdschrift voor Historische Geografie 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/thg2020.1.003.kooi.
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Maize cultivation in the Netherlands Columbus introduced maize in Spain at the end of the 15th century. At the end of 16th century, maize reached the Netherlands. However, the Dutch climate was not favorable enough to have the crop matured. Therefore, for a long time maize cultivation remained limited for study and observation. The Netherlands has not built up an old maize culture. On the other hand, Spanish and Portuguese farmers already cultivated plenty of maize in 1520. For the purpose of intensive livestock farming, the Netherlands started importing maize from America around 1850. After World War I, trade started again, but also research into the breeding of maize in order to make the Netherlands less dependent on foreign countries. After The Second World War, some farmers began to grow small-scale maize. However, it took until around 1975 before cultivation takes place on a large scale and a practical way of storage at farms has been developed. At present, maize cultivation is the largest crop in the Netherlands with over 216,000 hectares. This has led to a sharp change in the image of the historic arable landscape in 50 years.
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Desrosiers, Marie-Eve, and Haley J. Swedlund. "Rwanda’s post-genocide foreign aid relations: Revisiting notions of exceptionalism." African Affairs 118, no. 472 (August 15, 2018): 435–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady032.
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Abstract This article studies donor–government relations in Rwanda since the end of the 1994 genocide. The notion that Rwanda enjoyed or enjoys exceptional relations with donors because of guilt regarding their inaction during the genocide is widespread in the literature and in policy circles. To assess this myth, the article first looks at aid trends for Rwanda and comparable countries, and then takes an in-depth look at aid relations with two average-size donors: Canada and the Netherlands. It demonstrates that Rwanda is not as exceptional as claimed, but instead should be considered one amongst a group of exceptional cooperation partners. The article further highlights that donors operated informally immediately following the genocide, but soon renormalized aid relations, and that there has always been a complex set of rationales determining donor behaviour regarding Rwanda.
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Esteves, A. L. "Relations between Brazil and Spain under the Bolsonaro’s government." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 2 (December 17, 2021): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-48-64.
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In this article the author examines in detail the bilateral relations between Spain and Brazil during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro. In addition, the subject of this article is the opposition of EU governments to the environmental policies of the South American country and the disastrous policies of the Brazilian authorities in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. President Bolsonaro’s negligence of climate change and Amazon deforestation has prompted European governments to openly oppose the ratification of the Mercosur – EU Free Trade Agreement, which was signed in 2019 after 20 years of negotiations. In May 2016, the parties agreed on reciprocal terms, resulting in signing of the agreement. It also included the exchange of goods and services, essential investments and public procurements. All this was done in the context of a global policy of protectionism amid a weakening role of the WTO as a supporter of the trade liberalization process. Despite its success, countries such as France, Austria and the Netherlands stand against the Mercosur – EU trade deal, which can halt its ratification. The Spanish government, on the contrary, is lobbying for ratification of the agreement. Madrid, interested in benefiting from the Bolsonaro government’s liberal economic policies, maintains strong ties with its South American partner. The author analyzes the transformation of Spain from a relatively irrelevant partner of Brazil in the 20th century to one of the main investors directing significant resources to the Brazilian economy. We also assess the results and challenges of the Brazil – Spain strategic partnership in a broader context of the Brazil – EU relations.
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Cherkasova, E. "Spain and Crisis: Political Aspects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2013): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-9-33-41.
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The article considers the causes and the nature of the economic crisis which was a heavy blow for Spanish economy being in need of structural reforms. The domestic political consequences of the crisis included the change of government, the emergence of new protest movements and strengthening of separatism. Under the Brussels' pressure, Spain was forced to make significant adjustments to its national anti-crisis strategy which had a high social price. Particular attention is given to relations with the EU and the impact of the crisis on the country's foreign policy.
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Marrero Rocha, Inmaculada. "The Implications of Spanish-Moroccan Governmental Relations for Moroccan Immigrants in Spain Spanish-Moroccan Governmental Relations and Moroccan Immigrants." European Journal of Migration and Law 7, no. 4 (2006): 413–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181605776293228.
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AbstractThe terrorist attacks in Madrid on March 11, 2004 were one of the most traumatic events in recent Spanish domestic history, and have had a profound influence in internal policy as well as determining the strategy of its foreign and security policy. In many sectors it has created a climate in which there are serious negative repercussions in the acceptance and integration of immigrants from Morocco, bearing in mind that most of the people detained and put on trial are from that country but were residing in Spain. However, if the March 11 terrorist attacks are an important factor militating against Moroccan integration in Spain, the truth is that for many years they have had greater difficulties in integrating into the host community than other immigrant groups. This paper argues that Spanish-Moroccan political relations constitute further factors that create special difficulties for Moroccan immigrants in their integration into Spanish society. In order to demonstrate this hypothesis, the paper first describes in section one the specific Spanish migration context, firstly from the demographic point of view, analysing the rapid change of Spain from an emigrant country to an immigrant country and the increase in foreign population over recent years and, secondly from cultural point of view when it discusses the already existing diversities among the different Spanish regions and, finally, from a legal point of view the paper studies the changeable and unstable Spanish law on migration. The main goal of this introductory section is to show the general problems of integration applicable to all immigrant groups living in Spain, including Moroccans. Secondly, in sections two and three, the paper attempts to examine the unequal treatment against Moroccan immigrants and argues that this situation is not only due to Spanish attitudes toward immigrants in general and the social, racial and religious characteristic of Moroccan immigrants but also because there are other political reasons related to the relations between the Spanish and Moroccan Governments that affect the situation of Moroccans in Spain because of their nationality. In order to show this unequal treatment of Moroccan immigrants in comparison with other immigrant groups, section two describes the main examples of clear discrimination: specific racist and xenophobic attacks against Moroccans in Spain; employment discrimination against Moroccans; and the institutional declarations that negatively affect Moroccans. The third section attempts to demonstrate how old and recent political crisis and controversies in the fields of fishing, agricultural, territorial disputes, and illegal immigration controls between both countries constitute factors which have made the integration of Moroccan labourers in Spain more difficult. The fourth section shows how the political crises and conflicts between Spain and Morocco have worsened the Spanish population's perception of Morocco and have influenced the treatment Moroccan immigrants receive in Spain. Finally, the last section contains several conclusions as a warning to the Spanish Government to improve its relations with Moroccan Authorities not only to obtain institutional and political results but also to bring about positive consequences for Moroccans living in Spain.
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Trofimets, I. A. "Genesis of marriage law in Spain." Lex Russica, no. 3 (April 5, 2019): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2019.148.3.124-133.
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The study of the institution of marriage in the foreign legal order makes it possible not only to see the identity and historical succession, but also to find out whether the provisions on marriage have common features that characterize it as the highest value, and how permissible foreign borrowing in the formation of its own legal system without prejudice to its uniqueness and individuality. The use of foreign experience reveals a lot of issues and conflicts that need to be resolved in relation to national law. An obligatory component is the study of the heritage of the past, the so-called legislative retrospective, which contributes to the knowledge of legal culture. For the first time in domestic science there is an attempt to periodize the institution of marriage in Spain, depending on the type of social regulator: customs, canonical rules, rules of law (own and borrowed). The periodization of the Spanish marriage law is presented and the main features of its formation are shown: the application of the customs of the peoples inhabiting the territory of Spain; the reception of Roman private law; the influence of Canon law; the appearance of foreign influence. The whole history of marriage law is divided into 5 periods: customary law (the first period), the rule of canon law (second period), systematic legislation on marriage (the third period), harmonization of secular marriage legislation with the provisions of canon law (the fourth period), contemporary law (fifth period). Separately, in the settlement of relations between the sexes, a pre-legal period is allocated. Of course, each period is characterized by a variety of rules of marriage law, which is explained by the evolution of social relations and the development of the legal institution of marriage. The consistent influence of universal values on the formation of legal provisions of marriage is shown. As the marriage law is formed, rules are formed that determine the conditions and order of its conclusion. The enduring value of the family organization of the way of life of people and the family form of management determines the preservation of this social institution throughout the period of human history, although in a constantly changing form.
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RUSMAN, Paul. "The Netherlands selling submarines to Taiwan: how to judge government action?" Journal of European Integration History 25, no. 1 (2019): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-111.
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The Dutch sale of major weapons to Taiwan in 1980 ran counter to the Netherlands’ recent recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the sole representative of China. This led to a rupture of diplomatic relations, an outcome seemingly unexpected in spite of the Dutch Foreign Ministry’s strong opposition to the deal. A few years later a new government composed of the same parties turned down a follow-up order. Why did the Dutch government sail so close to the wind and what made it change course? Such questions are tackled using approaches from international relations theory, such as politico-military strategy, good judgment in foreign policy, and (international) political economy. Yet in this case the analyst cannot be satisfied with easy explanations. Might not a fruitful angle be to consider the Netherlands as a highly competent but small state, driven by the high stakes involved to explore to the limit what little manoeuvring room it had vis-a-vis China?
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Rosenthal, Glenda G., and Alfred Tovias. "Foreign Economic Relations of the: European Community the Impact of Spain and Portugal." International Journal 47, no. 1 (1991): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202751.
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Cramer, Dale L. "Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community: The Impact of Spain and Portugal." Comparative Economic Studies 34, no. 1 (April 1992): 94–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ces.1992.8.
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Baklanoff, Eric N. "Foreign economic relations of the European community: The impact of Spain and Portugal." Journal of Comparative Economics 16, no. 3 (September 1992): 564–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-5967(92)90182-7.
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Kryukova, Elena. "Victorious powers and Spain in the post-war world order." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-16-19.
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The article deals with the foreign policy and domestic policy of Spain in the first years after the end of the Second World War. The author analyzes the relationships between the Francoist Spain and the USA, England, France and the USSR during the difficult period of entry of the country into the new system of the international relations.
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Khenkin, S. "Spain in Zone of Turbulence." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2012): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-4-71-81.
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The global financial and economic crisis abruptly changed the socio-economic and political situation in Spain. While having successfully developed in the decade before the crisis, the country became one of the most unfortunate countries in the EU (the so-called PIIGS group, which also includes Greece, Italy, Portugal and Iceland). After centuries of isolation of Spain integrated into European institutions and started to play a prominent role at the international arena. In the proposed article, the author explores the problems of internal and foreign policy, facing the modern Spain.
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ÇOBAN ORAN, Filiz, and Adem Emre KÖSE. "İspanya Dış Politikasında İmparatorluk Geçmişi ve Latin Amerika." Journal of Social Research and Behavioral Sciences 7, no. 13 (July 10, 2021): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/jsrbs.6.1.7.13.11.
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In Spain’s foreign policy, the relationships with the Spanish-speaking Latin American countries have a special privileged place which dates back to the country’s imperial past. Based on a narrative of common language and a shared cultural history and identity with the Latin American people, Spain still aims to maintain its leading role in diplomatic relations, cultural investment, and foreign aid more than any country. Moreover, the ongoing relationships with this region has been one of the key areas of Madrid’s foreign policy for its global role expanding from the Iberian Peninsula to the entire world. Since Spain emphasises on the concept of Ibero-American identity in its relations with the Latin America, this study attempts to use a social-constructivist approach in analysing the place of the Latin America in the contemporary Spanish foreign policy. Specifically, it searches for the influences of Spain’s European Union membership on these relationships. Consequently, it argues that European identity of the nation has gained a greater weight than its Ibero-American identity since the democratisation process of 1980s. Thus, the relationships with Europe have pushed the Latin America to a secondary position in the foreign affairs.
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Øystein Pharo, Helge. "Small State Anti-Fascism: Norway’s Quest to Eliminate the Franco Regime in the Aftermath of World War II." Culture & History Digital Journal 7, no. 1 (July 6, 2018): 008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2018.008.
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In the early postwar years Norway was among the most active in the campaign against Franco’s Spain, supporting the policy of keeping Spain out of the UN, and pushing for UN members to break off diplomatic relations with Spain. Within a few years the policy of ostracism was seen to fail as it appeared to strengthen rather than weaken the Franco regime. Spain was then gradually allowed into the warmth. Until the early 1950s Norway’s retreat from its 1946 position was very reluctant, and it was in 1949 the last Western European state to accept normalization. Spain retaliated with economic pressures, and by 1951 Norway had relented and joined in the general reestablishment of normal diplomatic relations, and in 1955 accepted the package deal that brought Spain into the UN. The article discusses the foreign policy concerns and the domestic political struggles that explain Norwegian policies, including the veto on Spanish NATO membership that was never given up.
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MacMullen, Andrew. "Controversies at home: domestic factors in the foreign policy of the Netherlands." International Affairs 62, no. 2 (1986): 316–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618411.
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Farquet, Christophe. "In the Shadow of the Golden Calf." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 63, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 233–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2022-0009.
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Abstract The article offers the first comprehensive account of relations between Germany and Switzerland in the years 1919 to 1931 based on archival sources from both countries. Emphasising the interaction between finance and diplomacy, it provides new insights into the role played by the Swiss offshore centre for the German Reich after the First World War. During the inflationist period of 1919‒1923, as well as in the crisis of 1929‒1931, Switzerland, like the Netherlands, welcomed a huge amount of wealth from Germany while at the same time becoming an important creditor of the Reich. These developments had a significant impact on German internal and foreign policies at the time. Nevertheless, the article article argues that, despite the intensity of financial flows, Switzerland pursued a diplomatic course that was more plurilateral than the Netherlands. Even during the second part of the 1920s, when Swiss capital was placed on the German market in massive dimensions, there was no German orientation in Swiss foreign policy similar to what had happened in the years before the First World War. Switzerland’s foreign relations became more neutral during the 1920s. This article consequently proposes a nuanced perspective on the role of the small European countries in German foreign policy, highlighting the need to differentiate between them in spite of their common features and to consider, in a non-deterministic way, the interaction between finance and diplomacy.
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Puig, Núria, and Rafael Castro. "Patterns of International Investment in Spain, 1850–2005." Business History Review 83, no. 3 (2009): 505–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680500002981.
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International capital flows are strongly influenced by countryspecific patterns that can be best understood in historical and comparative perspective. A long-term empirical analysis of French and German investment in Spain reveals that the core capabilities of foreign fi rms and their relations with local partners have spurred the rise and development of two national models of international investment, characterized here as “political” and “technical.” The research identifies the main actors and the ownership advantages of the two models that have proved to be so resilient over time.
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Ponedelko, G. "Immigration in Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-80-92.
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The article considers the problems of Spanish immigration within the period of 1981–2015, namely, its dynamics, latest tendencies and socio-economic characteristics (including changes in nationality, gender, age and educational structures of immigrants). Primarily, the stress is made on an in-depth analysis of the following main features of immigrants’ population in Spain: the levels of their incomes, the unemployment rate, the living standards. The author makes a conclusion that Spanish immigrants constitute not only a majority of poor population in the country but they are also ones of the poorest in Europe. It is particularly evident against the background of their impact upon the economic activity and employment’s rate of the country’s population and economic growth. At the considered period all the mentioned indicators were noticeably higher for immigrants than for local labor force, not saying of the positive immigrants’ influence on the growth and rejuvenation of Spanish people. Secondly, a considerable part in the article is devoted to the analysis of the immigration policy of Spanish government during the considered period of time. The author singles out the specific stages of this policy and shows that its contents and approaches modified in strict dependence of political factors. The Spanish Socialist Working Party was the beginner of the immigration policy in 1985 which always had the most liberal character particularly when it was concerned to the immigrant social and labor integration based on human rights equality. On the contrary, immigration policy of the now ruling conservative Partido Popular has more pragmatic, selective and rigid approach to foreign labor force legislation.
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Flinterman, C., and Y. S. Klerk. "The Advisory Committee on Human Rights and Foreign Policy in the Netherlands." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 11, no. 3 (September 1993): 283–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934419301100304.
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In this article an overview is given of the functioning of the Dutch Advisory Committee on Human Rights and Foreign Policy. First, the history of the Advisory Committee and its institutional aspects is described. Subsequently, a survey of the advisory reports which the Advisory Committee has published so far and of their effects is given. Finally, the authors say a few words about the usefulness of a commission like the Advisory Committee and look into its future.
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Young, Glennys J. "Spain and the Early Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 3 (2022): 43–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01088.
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Abstract This article challenges long-standing assumptions about Spain’s status in the international system during the first several years of the Cold War, from 1945 to 1950. These assumptions constitute the “isolation paradigm,” which emphasizes Spain’s exclusion from the United Nations (UN), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the various Councils of Foreign Ministers, and other major international institutions, supposedly keeping the country internationally isolated and unable to pursue its interests during the early Cold War. The article debunks the “isolation paradigm” and supplants it with “informal integration.” The United States, the Soviet Union, and Great Britain embarked on numerous initiatives with Spain despite isolationist rhetoric and policy, and the Spanish authorities sought to counter formal exclusion from international institutions and to engage in other types of diplomatic, economic, and cultural interaction. From this perspective, it becomes clear that 1946—not 1947 or 1950, as other scholars have argued—marked a decisive year for Spain’s efforts in these areas.
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Semenenko, I., and I. Labinskaya. "World. Global Crisis Challenges. Spain." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2013): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-7-38-53.
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The next in the series of essays dealing with trends and prospects of social/political transformation of the West is the analysis of problems in Spain, prepared by the Center of Comparative Social-Economic and Social-Political Studies of IMEMO. The first to speak was S. Khenkin, Dr. Sci. (History), from MGIMO-University (Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs) who stressed the systemic character of the political community crisis in Spain. I. Prokhorenko, Cand. Sci. (Political Science), dealt with possible directions of Spanish development underlining risks of the nation’s return to a periphery status within the EU. A. Avilova, Cand. Sci. (Economics), analyzed Spanish economics in the time of crisis. A. Kozhanovskii, Cand. Sci. (History), from the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology (Russian Academy of Sciences), P. Yakovlev, Dr. Sci. (Economics), Head of Center for Iberian Studies at the Institute of Latin America (Russian Academy of Sciences), E. Ermol'eva, Cand. Sci. (Economics), researcher at IMEMO also took part in the discussion.
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Waddell, D. A. G. "British Neutrality and Spanish—American Independence: The Problem of Foreign Enlistment." Journal of Latin American Studies 19, no. 1 (May 1987): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00017119.
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Throughout the Spanish–American wars of independence Britain's policy was to observe a strict neutrality between Spain and the colonial revolutionaries. This did not reflect an indifferent detachment or a commitment to even-handed justice, but was rather dictated by the pursuit of Britain's own interests, which necessitated the maintenance of good relations both with Spain and with Spanish America. During the period of the Peninsular War of 1808–14 Spain was a vital ally against Napoleon, and after the war was over she remained an important element in the European collective security system that Lord Castlereagh, the British Foreign Secretary, constructed to prevent the re-emergence of French dominance. Accordingly Britain refused requests from the revolutionary regimes in South America to recognise their independence or to help them to defend it against the mother country. At the same time Britain declined to assist her Spanish ally in recovering control over the rebellious territories, as she had no desire to imperil the important commerical links she was developing with the emergent states of Spanish America. Both parties continued to try to enlist British assistance, and both of them at times complained of breaches of neutrality by British officials. But for several years Britain walked her tightrope very successfully.
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Nikulin, K. A. "Crisis in Bilateral Economic Cooperation between Russia and Spain." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-11.
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The article examines the dynamics and features of the trade and economic partnership between Spain and Russia from 2014 to the present, considering the latest challenges. The once promising trajectory of the development of bilateral trade and mutual investment has undergone significant tests: in addition to the sanctions pressure of the collective West countries, the situation has been complicated by the global crisis in the world economy, significant changes in world markets for goods and services, and the COVID-19 pandemic. In these conditions, the study of indicators of Russian-Spanish trade and economic interaction is of interest both from the point of view of forming a forecast for the development of bilateral economic relations and highlighting those industries towards which the emphasis in trade and investment is gradually shifting. The question arises: is it possible to return to the indicators of bilateral trade and investment inherent in Russian-Spanish economic relations before the imposition of sanctions? The data on the bilateral trade presented by the Russian and Spanish national statistics differ insignificantly in terms of the total trade turnover but have severe differences at the level of the trade balance. Based on both countries’ statistical databases, the author of the article presents the possible reasons for such discrepancies and considers the general dynamics of the state of foreign trade between Russia and Spain. In addition to stating the negative trends in foreign trade, there are problems in investment cooperation, which until recently was considered one of the “strongholds” of bilateral cooperation under the pressure of sanctions.
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Cherkasova, E. "Spain: Opinion on European Integration." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-48-53.
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The article analyzes the changes that characterize Spanish approach to political aspects of European integration, and more specifically, the approach of different political parties to the process. Spanish political circles and even think tanks pay relatively little attention to theoretical aspects of European integration, whereas practical relations with the EU are of paramount importance. This is due to the fact that the question of belonging to the EU was settled in Spain long ago and definitively. Majoritarian character of Spanish democracy facilitates the transfer of powers from Brussels to Madrid, i.e. objectively favors the choice of federalization. Nevertheless, Spain continues to upload its national preferences onto the EU decision-making process. In recent years, Spain’s influence and authority in the EU have declined because of the economic crisis. This loss of authority will be overcome as soon as the economic growth is resumed. Constantly emphasizing its belonging to the core of the EU, the “Old Europe”, and to the core of the euro zone, maintaining close relationship with the Latin group within the EU, Spain has consistently advocated a united and strong Europe with a Common Foreign and Security Policy.
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Cherkasova, Ekaterina. "THE PROBLEM OF CEUTA AND MELILLA IN SPANISH FOREIGN POLICY." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-1-66-72.
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The article is dedicated to one of the most important problems of Spain’s foreign policy, namely the problem of the two Spanish enclaves located on the territory of Morocco - Ceuta and Melilla. The historical and legal provisions form the basis of arguments of the Spanish and Moroccan parts justifying their claim to these disputed territories. A comparison is made between the problems of Ceuta and Melilla and Gibraltar.Particular attention is paid to the question of whether they are covered by NATO’s security guarantee. The author substantiates that Morocco is using the issue of Ceuta and Melilla as a means of pressure on Spain to get benefits in other areas, including trade, immigration, and fishing. Rabat also seeks to force Spain to change its position on the Western Sahara. The current situation of the Spanish cities in the light of their current economic, migratory and political problems is analyzed. It isemphasized that illegal immigration mostly from sub-Saharan countries is one of the main problems of the Spanish-Moroccan relations, complicating the situation in Ceuta and Melilla. This problem is far from being resolved. The main task of the Western countries regarding this issue is the maintenance of stability in the region, which perfectly meets the interests of Spain. Madrid’s efforts are focused primarily on prevention of such development of political and economic situation which would put the country before the need to strengthen its southern border by military means. This strategic objective has become particularly relevant in light of recent events in North Africa.
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Hue, Quach Thi. "India's foreign policy towards Southeast Asia before Prime Minister Narendra Modi." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 6 (June 1, 2022): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i6.56.
Full textAbstract:
Historically, Southeast Asia has been the place to come for many countries around the world such as China, Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands, the UK, France, and the US… But unlike those countries, India has come to Southeast Asia by the way of peace, trade, and religion and it is the country with the oldest relationship with this region. India has had flourishing economic and cultural ties with Southeast Asian countries since pre-colonial times. Although interrupted during the colonial era, the struggles for freedom in India and many Southeast Asian countries led to a sharing of common problems. The spread of the two largest religions, Buddhism and Hinduism, from India through Asia and the adoption of these religions in Southeast Asia laid the groundwork for connections between India and the region. Throughout history, changes in the international and regional context as well as within Southeast Asia and India itself, India's foreign policy towards Southeast Asia before Prime Minister Narendra Modi (before 2014) has constantly been adjusted to suit the new situation. If New Delhi's policy towards Southeast Asia was not clearly defined at first, mainly as the reactions towards regional situations rather than towards the policy, then Indian policies have been adjusted with a focus on the Look East Policy