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van der Putten, Frans-Paul. "Small Powers and Imperialism The Netherlands in China, 1886–1905." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021562.
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Ever since its publication in 1966, Tussen Neutraliteit en Imperialisme (‘Between Neutrality and Imperialism’) has been the standard work on Dutch policy towards China between 1863 and 1901. In this study the author, F. van Dongen, stresses the adherence to neutrality towards the strong European neighbour states as the fundamental guideline for Dutch foreign policy, not only within Europe but also in the Far East. This policy stemmed from the fact that the European balance-of-power system had been extended to China in the late nineteenth century, through the participation of most European states in imperialist policies concerning that country. According to Van Dongen this adherence to neutrality slowed down imperialist tendencies, as the Netherlands were anxious to avoid entering in conflicts between the great powers, but at the same time the Dutch were forced to ‘play a modest part in the common Western policy towards China’. Whenever the great powers took a united stand the Netherlands must follow suit. So as a result of its European policy the Netherlands joined the imperialist powers in China, although usually careful not to take the initiative. The Netherlands were, therefore, classified by Van Dongen as a reluctant and generally passive element of imperialism in China: ‘the Dutch were at worst accessories after the fact’. Finally he concluded that whenever Dutch actions concerning China ‘savoured of imperialism, this was not the result of a deliberate policy to exercise control over the empire or to obtain Chinese territory, but an almost accidental by-product of the general aim of promoting the Netherlands’ economic interest'.
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Lewis, Tom. "What not to Wear: Religious Rights, the European Court, and the Margin of Appreciation." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no. 2 (April 2007): 395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei169.
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The issue of religious dress, specifically female Muslim religious dress, has been the subject of intense controversy within Europe over recent years. In the United Kingdom comments by Jack Straw MP, Leader of the House of Commons and a former Home and Foreign Secretary, that he felt uncomfortable talking to women at his constituency surgery who wore the Muslim veil sparked a storm of intense and, at times, acrimonious debate.1 In France the banning of headscarves in State schools has provoked major controversy.2 In the Netherlands the Dutch Parliament voted to ban the burka in public places3 and in five Belgian towns its wearing has been banned on pain of a fine.4
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Dyrina, Anna. "ON THE POST-SOCIALIST PATH OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.13.
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The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.
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Shatokhina-Mordvintseva, Galina. "Diplomat Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin: New Touches to Biographical Portrait." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015098-5.
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Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin (1688–1760) is a famous Russian diplomat of the first half of the XVIII century. His name is associated with a number of prominent pages in the history of bilateral relations of Russia with Prussia, France and most important – with the Republic of United Provinces, to which A. Golovkin was Ambassador Plenipotentiary for almost thirty years. However, today both Russian and foreign historiography is lacking substantial pieces of research dedicated to A. Golovkin. Up to the present moment biography, compiled by the diplomat himself in 1756 for a questionnaire of high-ranking state officials ordered by the Emperor’s decree, and a short section in the Memoireswritten by A. Golovkin’s grandson are the only scarce available pieces of information to build upon. The Ambassador perished in the Netherlands. Thus, family archive documents for a period encompassing more than two centuries ended up scattered among numerous private collections of his descendants settled abroad. The ambassador’s wife was Catherine Henriette von Dona of an ancient Saxon family. This article strives to enrich A. Golovkin’s biography with yet unknown facts about his family ties with aristocratic houses of Europe, in particular with the Orange-Nassau dynasty, as well as to show the diplomat’s status among high-ranking officials of Russia in the middle of the XVIII century, what property he owned and what contributed to his long and successful service in the system of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs foreign missions. The look into Ambassador A. Golovkin’s personality is, first of all, designed to encourage the interest of researchers in his invaluable legacy – diplomatic correspondence stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire.
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Syngaivska, Inna. "Foreign experience of reglamentation of criminal responsibility for coercion to marriage." Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no. 2(31) (July 30, 2020): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2020-2(31)-5.
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The unification of criminal legislation is the most powerful method of international law influencing on national criminal-law systems. In accordance with the comparative legal researching of the criminal liability regulation is the accumulation of law-making practice experience in counteracting of a particular crime, in our research – counteracting of coercion to wedlock. Ukraine hasn’t ratified the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Violence against Women and domestic violence; Istanbul Convention (hereinafter referred to as the «Istanbul Convention») yet, but a number of its provisions have been implemented into national law. The article 37 of Istanbul convention determines a «force marriage» and determines that parties apply all legislative or other events are needed for providing of criminal responsibility of intentional behavior, that compels adult or child to marriage. European states in dominant majority determine the coercion to marriage as a separate crime. In this context, national criminal law concerning forced marriage is assessed to be fully consistent with current trends of criminal legal protection rights, individual freedom and marriage and family relations in accordance with the criminal law of foreign countries and international treaties (e.x. Istanbul Convention)). There are two positions of coercion to marriage singled out in foreign countries legislation: as an attack on personal freedom (Norway, Germany, Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, France, Spain, Austria) and as an attack on marriage and family relations (Bulgaria, Belgium, Montenegro, Serbia). According to criminal law of Belgium, Austria, Sweden and Ukraine the responsibility for coercion cohabitation is provided, besides coercion to marry. Switzerland, legislator singles out a special form of coexistence – forced registration to same-sex partnership. The use of violence and threats of violence are typical and alternative methods of coercion to marriage. However, there are some exceptions as: forced marriage under the threat of breach or termination of family relationships with family members; threat of slander and use of direct slander. According to Article 151-2 of Ukrainian Criminal Code «coercion» is a crime-forming feature, which is determined by a socially dangerous and unlawful act. Forming a criminal law prohibiting of forced marriage, Ukrainian legislator doesn’t follow the list of socially dangerous methods, leaving the interpretation of this issue for law enforcement practice. In regard to the issue of punishment for coercion to marriage European legislators have unequivocal position and determine the punishment in the form of imprisonment. Appropriate legislative experience of the foreign countries should be borrowed in order to harmonize of the national coercion marriage legislation. We recognize that it is expedient to define a fine as a compulsory additional penalty for coercion, in view of sentencing courts practice. Key words: coercion to marriage, coercion to enter dormitories, criminal liability, crimes against freedom, honor and dignity of a person.
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Šmigelskytė-Stukienė, Ramunė. "Politinės ir geopolitinės Augustino Midletono refleksijos (1790–1792)." XVIII amžiaus studijos T. 6: Personalijos. Idėjos. Refleksijos, T. 6 (January 2, 2020): 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/23516968-006013.
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POLITICAL AND GEOPOLITICAL REFLECTIONS BY AUGUSTYN MIDDLETON (1790–1792) The article presents personality and activities of Augustyn Middleton, nobleman from Kaunas powiat, with the main focus on assessing this person in the light of political events in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the geopolitical situation. At the centre of this research is the period from the reinstatement of the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in The Hague on 14 April 1790 to the end of activities of the Four-Year Sejm. The article reveals that Augustyn Middleton, assigned by Stanislaw August to the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in the United Provinces of the Netherlands, was the agent of the King, who had to inform the King’s cabinet on activities of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary Mihał Kleofas Ogiński and to promote the reforms by the Four-Year Sejm in the foreign press thus shaping a positive public opinion in Western Europe regarding changes in Poland and Lithuania. Due to benevolent circumstances A. Middleton was able to reach the rank of embassy resident, however the horizons of his diplomatic career were limited by available finances. Political views of A. Middleton reflected aims declared by the fraction of Stanislaw August’s court: to create a strong and prospering monarchy, hoping that the state will be able to regain its glorious past. A. Middleton promoted constitutional monarchy, inheritable throne, regulation of activities of the Sejm and the dietines (sejmiki), granting of political rights to townspeople, and economic development of the country. While supporting the idea of a centralized state, A. Middleton did not reflect on the rights of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania or the topic of a binary state. In assessing economic changes in Europe A. Middleton opposed the physiocrats, emphasizing that the most powerful form of capital comes not from agriculture but from banking. However, he was not afraid to admit that his knowledge of economics was not sufficient to explain the processes of financial capital. Ideas of religious tolerance, promoted by A. Middleton, his cosmopolite view of collaboration between states and nations, active interest in political and social transformations in Europe through anonymous polemical publications in foreign press on the topics of revolution allow for bringing the nobleman from Kaunas powiat A. Middleton into the circle of yet unknown people of the Enlightenment. Keywords: reforms of the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792), diplomatic service, international relations, diplomatic mission of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Augustyn Middleton.
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Okladnaya, Marina, and Viktoriya Slivnaya. "Protocol of credentials in European countries: general and special." Law and innovative society, no. 2 (15) (January 4, 2020): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2309-9275-2020-2(15)-5.
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Problem setting. The purpose of establishing diplomatic relations is to maintain constant relations between the countries at the highest diplomatic level. The main stages of establishing diplomatic relations are regulated by the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of April 18, 1961. At the same time, this document in many respects refers to the national law of countries. The presentation of credentials is the final action, after which diplomatic relations are considered established, and the powers of state representatives take effect. However, international law does not specify the specific form and procedure for the presentation of credentials, as it is up to the States to decide. Therefore, each state has its own practice of the presentation of credentials, which depends on its form of government, national characteristics, historical past. Therefore, it is relevant today to compare the protocols of credentials in the practice of different countries to determine the positive and negative aspects. Target research. The aim of the work is to determine the main content of credentials in the process of establishing diplomatic relations, to study the practice of ceremonies of credentials on the example of Europe and Ukraine, to analyze existing problems in this area of international relations and solutions. Analysis of recent research and publication. This topic is the basis of research in many works of recognized authors. Examples are theoretical works Sagaidak O.P. «Diplomatic protocol and etiquette», Tkacha D.I. «Diplomatic protocol in the Republic of Hungary: general, special», Tymoshenko N.L. «Features of diplomatic, business protocol and etiquette of the Netherlands», and other Ukrainian scholars. Also well-known works of foreign authors are the works of Ikanovich S. and Picarsky J. «Diplomatic Protocol and Good Manners», John Wood and Jean Serre «Diplomatic Ceremony and Protocol», Bennett Carol «Business Etiquette and Protocol». Article’s main body. The establishment of diplomatic relations is aimed at the exchange of diplomatic missions between states. This process ends with the procedure of presenting credentials. Credentials are a document that officially certifies the status of a diplomatic representative of the accrediting state in the host state. This document is important in international law because it has a long history and represents the beginning of the official activities of the ambassador to the host country. Modern elements of the procedure of awarding credentials are common to many states. But each country today has its own characteristics of the ceremony of awarding credentials, which usually depends on its form of government. For example, monarchies (Netherlands, England) still have in their practice a lavish and pathetic conduct of diplomatic events. In contrast, іn today’s democracies (Hungary) the protocol of credentials is more modern and simplified due to the absence of outdated traditions and irrelevant measures. However, each country has both positive and negative aspects of the ceremony. Ukraine has little experience in diplomatic protocol since gaining independence in 1991. Today, national law effectively regulates the procedure for awarding credentials, but many provisions do not correspond to reality. Therefore, Ukraine must develop in this area of international relations on the basis of foreign experience. Conclusions and prospect of development. Thus, the presentation of credentials plays an important role in regulating diplomatic relations between countries. The basis for this ceremony is the characteristics of the state, which includes the political regime, form of government, historical past, modern development, features of the national mentality. In our opinion, the process of universalization of the diplomatic protocol is a variant of development of this field of international relations. The appropriate direction of such development may be the unification of norms relating to the ceremony of awarding credentials, as international law is being actively improved and updated, as exemplified by European integration. As modern Ukraine continues to actively establish diplomatic relations with other countries and exchange diplomatic missions, it is necessary to streamline legislation and develop it on the example of the positive experience of European countries.
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Stavridis, Stelios. "Book Review: Alfred Pijpers, Elfreide Regelsberger and Wolfgang Wessels (eds.), European Political Cooperation in the 1980s : A Common Foreign Policy for Western Europe? (Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Kluwer, 1988, 381pp., £48.50)." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 19, no. 2 (June 1990): 321–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298900190020220.
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Deighton, Anne. "G. Scott-Smith,Networks of Empire: the U.S. State Department's Foreign Leader Program in the Netherlands, France, and Britain, 1950–70G. Lundestad (Ed.),Just Another Major Crisis? The United States and Europe Since 2000." Diplomacy & Statecraft 20, no. 2 (August 5, 2009): 368–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290902907569.
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Vuković, Ivan. "Development of European Union and joining perspective of Croatia." Tourism and hospitality management 13, no. 2 (June 2007): 507–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.13.2.7.
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In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
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Кашуба, Ю. А., and Т. С. Хван. "FOREIGN EXPERIENCE OF OVERCOMING THE LANGUAGE BARRIER IN PRISONS." VESTNIK OF THE EAST SIBERIAN INSTITUTE OF THE MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION, no. 1(100) (March 31, 2022): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.55001/2312-3184.2022.99.21.009.
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Введение: на сегодняшний день в российских исправительных учреждениях отбывают наказание в виде лишения свободы около 4 % осуждённых иностранных граждан и лиц без гражданства. Такая категория осуждённых до сих пор остается без должного внимания. В 2020 г. исправительная колония № 22 в Республике Мордовия, известная как «тюрьма для иностранцев», даже была перепрофилирована в исправительный центр, а иностранные осуждённые были перенаправлены в иные учреждения. Таким образом, проблемы правового положения, оптимизации средств и методов достижения целей наказания, ресоциализации, постпенитенциарной адаптации или реинтеграции в общество осуждённых иностранных граждан и лиц без гражданства не решаются и остаются актуальными.Материалы и методы: основу исследования составляет законодательство некоторых стран Европы (Бельгии, Великобритании, Германии, Нидерландов, Норвегии, Финляндии, Швейцарии и др.) и Восточной Азии (Китая, Южной Кореи и Японии), научные исследования зарубежных авторов в области соблюдения прав и законных интересов иностранных граждан в местах заключения. Методологическую основу составляют общенаучные и частнонаучные методы: анализ, синтез, сравнение, обобщение, корреляция, экспертные оценки.Результаты исследования: авторы пришли к выводу о том, что реализация прав и законных интересов осуждённых иностранцев в местах лишения свободы непосредственно зависит от правильного доведения до них информации о порядке отбывания наказания, а также от реальной возможности выражения воли в устной или письменной форме при обращении осуждённого. В ходе исследования были выявлены наиболее перспективные способы преодоления языкового барьера в местах заключения из практики тюремных систем некоторых стран Европы и Восточной Азии, а также рассмотрена возможность применения такого опыта в деятельности учреждений уголовно-исполнительной системы Российской Федерации.Выводы и заключения: авторами выработаны предложения по овершенствованию деятельности исправительных учреждений в части преодоления языкового барьера при исполнении наказания в отношении осуждённых иностранцев, а именно использование справочника для осуждённых — иностранных граждан и лиц без гражданства, слабо владеющих или не владеющих русским языком (в схемах и изображениях), который будет содержать основные выдержки из Уголовно-исполнительного кодекса Российской Федерации и Правил внутреннего распорядка исправительных учреждений, а материалы справочника можно переводить на наиболее распространенные среди осужденных языки. Introduction: to date, about 4 % of convicted foreigners and stateless persons are serving their sentences in Russian correctional institutions. This category of convicts still remains without proper attention. In 2020, correctional colony No. 22 in the Republic of Mordovia, known as the “prison for foreigners”, was even converted into a correctional center, and foreign convicts were redirected to other institutions. Thus, the problems remain relevant of the legal status, optimization of means and methods of achieving the goals of punishment, re-socialization, post-penitentiary adaptation or reintegration into society of convicted foreigners and stateless persons.Materials and Methods: the basis of the research is the legislation of some European countries (Belgium, Great Britain, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Finland, Switzerland, etc.) and East Asia (China, South Korea and Japan), scientific research by foreign authors in the field of observing the rights and legal interests of foreigners in places of detention. The methodological basis is formed by general scientific and specific scientific methods: analysis, synthesis, comparison, generalization, correlation, expert assessments.The results of the study: the authors came to the conclusion that the realization of the rights and legal interests of foreign convicts in places of deprivation of liberty directly depends on the correct delivery of information about the procedure for serving sentence, as well as on the real possibility of address convict orally or in writing. The research identified the most promising ways to overcome the language barrier in places of detention from the practice of penitentiary systems in some countries of Europe and East Asia, and also considered the possibility of using such experience in the activities of institutions of the Russian penal system.Findings and Conclusions: the authors have selected proposals for improving the activity of correctional institutions in terms of overcoming the language barrier in the sentence enforcement in relation to convicted foreigners, namely, the use of a reference book for convicts foreign citizens and stateless persons who have little or no command of Russian (in diagrams and images), which will be contain the main extracts from the Penal Code of the Russian Federation and the Internal Regulations of Correctional Institutions, and the materials of the reference book can be translated into the most common among convicts languages.
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Karamanukyan, D. T., and P. Chvosta. "The Right to a Fair Trial in the Area of Russian and Austrian Public Law." Siberian Law Review 19, no. 1 (April 25, 2022): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.19073/2658-7602-2022-19-1-91-108.
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The research paper examines the legal category of procedural (proceedings) law “Right to a Fair Trial” as a fundamental element of the European Human Rights Convention and the judicial practice of the European Court of Human Rights. The Authors concentrate mainly on the general part of Article 6 and focus on crucial aspects of the mentioned right which have become significant for the daily legal practice in the Russian Federation, Republic of Austria and other member states. In the domestic Russian legal doctrine, there are sectoral and international legal studies devoted to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, the functioning of the European Court of Human Rights and the legal nature of its acts (A. Abashidze, E. Alisevich, M. Biryukov, S. Kalashnikova,V. Tumanov, K. Aristova).Along with this, from the standpoint of conventional rights, Russian legal scholars studied the procedural features of the implementation of acts of the European Court of Human Rights and the application of conventional norms in civil, arbitration and criminal cases (I. Vorontsova, T. Solovieva, M. Glazkova, S. Afanasiev, L. Volosatova, E. Iodkovsky, K. Mashkova, etc.).The private-scientific research methods used by the Authors in the presented scientific article, predominantly comparative, require the study of the works of foreign scholars in the field of law, which include P. Leanza, O. Pridal, D. Spielmann, V. M. Zupancic, H. Mosler, A. Buyse. Despite the rather large volume of doctrinal sources on the nature and implementation of conventional rights, the issues of applying the right to a fair trial in administrative disputes and cases arising from public law relations have not become the subject of scientific research. The empirical basis of the study conducted by the Authors is composed of 66 pilot judgments and other acts of the European Court of Human Rights on complaints from individuals against Russia, Austria, France, Finland, the Netherlands, Great Britain, Switzerland and other member states of the Council of Europe; judicial acts of the courts of Russia, Austria and other European countries. It is concluded that the practice of Article 6 of the European Human Rights Convention by the European Court has had a remarkable and sometimes unprecedented impact on public law and law enforcement activities of the European countries that are parties to the Convention. As Russian and Austrian experience shows, the decision of the European Court on behalf of the enforcement of Article 6 in one specific case can induce the state not only to adopt a separate law, but also to carry out serious institutional changes. Many such examples are given below by the Authors, which testify that the decisions of the European Court are able to act as a powerful law-forming force on the national level.
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Willis, Michael, and Nizar Messari. "Analyzing Moroccan Foreign Policy and Relations with Europe." Review of International Affairs 3, no. 2 (December 2003): 152–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1475355032000240658.
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Tubilewicz, Czeslaw. "Europe in Taiwan's Post–Cold War Foreign Relations." Diplomacy & Statecraft 18, no. 2 (June 6, 2007): 415–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290701322606.
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Muižnieks, Nils. "The Future of Human Rights Protection in Europe." Security and Human Rights 24, no. 1 (2013): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02401007.
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Klupt, M. "Centre-Periphery Relations in Europe: Demographic Aspect." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2015): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-2-58-67.
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The paper deals with the impact of centre-periphery relations on the demographic change in Europe in the 21st century. The reasons why the projections presented by Statistics Netherlands and the Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute in 1999 underestimated the future population growth in France, Italy, Spain and UK are analyzed. Current statistics and UN population projections (2012 revision) demonstrate that the idea of the total depopulation coming in Europe, commonly held there over the 20th century, is out of date. In fact, depopulation is far from being total; it is common only in peripheral countries of Europe, not in semi-peripheral and central ones (Germany is an exception). This conclusion is corroborated by the close positive correlation (r=0.754) between per capita GNI and the rate of population increase in 34 European countries between 2000 and 2012. The alarmist perspective of ageing is criticized. It is argued that ageing is often unreasonably blamed for negative effects which, in fact, are caused by other faults of socioeconomic system. So, the recent number of unemployed in Spain (5.7 millions) is four times more than the expected decrease in the number of people aged 20 to 64 between 2010 and 2030 (1.4 millions). The prospective institutional and structural consequences of the post-crisis shifting of immigration flows from Spain to Germany are considered. Given this shifting, the further expansion of the peripheral and semi-peripheral enclaves in German economy seems to be verisimilar. Nevertheless, the centripetal migration maintains, like before, the centre-peripheral differences in Europe. The centre concentrates knowledge-intensive services and attracts the most qualified migrants; semi-periphery receives the less qualified ones; the periphery is the source of labour force for both the centre and the semi-periphery.
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Harbisch, Amelie. "Human Rights Relations between Europe and Russia." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 25 (December 15, 2014): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.25.3.
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There is a gap between the academic discourse’s acknowledgement of the importance of the question of diverging values in the relations between Russia and the European Union (EU), especially in the light of recent human rights cases, and the ongoing tendency of recent analyses of EU-Russia human rights relations to focus on rationalist cost-benefit accounts which leave out value interpretation issues. I seek to fill this gap by genealogically analyzing the origin of different human rights understandings of Europe and Russia and their constitution of the scope of foreign policy action. The results point to a high divergence of the meaning of human rights between the European Union and Russia as well as a high relevance of this divergence for both parties’ foreign action and identity formation.
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Rosenthal, Glenda G. "Review: Europe: Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 47, no. 1 (March 1992): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209204700113.
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Priambodo, Gabriella Dewa. "Analysis of Indonesia-Netherlands Diplomatic and Consular Relations." Journal of ASEAN Dynamics and Beyond 2, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/aseandynamics.v2i2.52146.
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<p>In order to improve the quality of international cooperation, the Indonesian nation must be able to improve the quality and performance of foreign officials so that they are able to carry out proactive diplomacy in all fields to build a positive image of Indonesia in the international world. Through this article, the diplomatic relations between Indonesia and the Netherlands will be analyzed specifically, both diplomatic and consular relations. The result,diplomatic relations between the governments of Indonesia and the Netherlands have been in accordance with Law Number 37 of 1999, but in practice it has not been implemented properly in accordance with the applicable laws and regulations, so on this occasion I will discuss further about diplomatic relations between Indonesia and the Netherlands which had temporarily interrupted by several influencing factors including the revocation of the Dutch embassy in Indonesia named Rob Swartbol due to protests against the execution by the Indonesian government against a Dutch citizen named Ang Kim Soe or vice versa the revocation of the Indonesian embassy in the Netherlands because it will be held consultations by their respective countries, both the Netherlands and Indonesia, on their embassies.</p>
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Vernikov, A. "Foreign-owned Banks in Eastem Europe." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2003): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2003-8-97-107.
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Hossain, Mohammad Belayet, Asmah Laili Bt Yeon, and Ahmad Shamsul Bin Abd Aziz. "Sovereignty, National Interest & Security and the Bilateral Investment Treaties of Bangladesh and the Netherlands: a Comparison." African Journal of Legal Studies 12, no. 2 (December 19, 2019): 183–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340049.
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Abstract In absence of any global treaty, the bilateral investment treaties are playing the important role of regulating foreign investments in the host countries. The primary purpose of economic globalization is the economic development of the developing and least-developed countries as well as to facilitate benefits of the home states. Bangladesh and the Netherlands also signed bilateral investment treaties to facilitate trade. Bangladesh foreign investment laws and bilateral investment treaties mainly protect foreign investors; however, neither include any specific provisions of protecting sovereignty, national interest, and security. The Netherlands generally follows EU foreign investment policies. This paper addresses two questions: (a) do the bilateral investment treaties of Bangladesh and the Netherlands include any specific provisions to protect the sovereignty, national interest, and security, and (b) should the sovereignty, national interest, and security be considered during the entry of foreign direct investment in Bangladesh and the Netherlands? Using doctrinal research method, a total of 25 bilateral investment treaties have been analysed in order to explore whether they protect the sovereignty, national interest, and security of Bangladesh and the Netherlands. Based on the findings, this study will recommend that the government of Bangladesh should consider this important factor as an entry condition, either through amending the existing laws or through the bilateral investment treaties.
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Dauderstädt, Michael. "Options in foreign economic relations for Central and Eastern Europe." Intereconomics 29, no. 1 (January 1994): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02929807.
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Kaeb, Caroline, and David Scheffer. "The Paradox of Kiobel in Europe." American Journal of International Law 107, no. 4 (October 2013): 852–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.4.0852.
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One of the most striking features of Chief Justice John Roberts’s majority opinion in the U.S. Supreme Court’s judgment in Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co. is how it pays homage to foreign governments’ opposition to the extraterritorial application of the Alien Tort Statute (ATS), as voiced most prominently from European foreign ministries. “[F]oreign policy concerns” and the overarching goal to avoid diplomatic tensions with foreign sovereigns are themes heavily informing the Roberts opinion. The majority found the presumption against extraterritoriality applicable to the ATS in large part due to fear of “unwarranted judicial interference in the conduct of [U.S.] foreign policy” if the Court allowed the ATS to “reach conduct occurring in the territory of a foreign sovereign.” In that light, the Kiobel judgment can be understood primarily as a decision prohibiting the overreach of U.S. law and protecting jurisdictional prerogatives of lex loci delicti and state of incorporation alike.
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Minesashvili, Salome. "Europe in Georgia’s Identity Discourse." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 1-2 (March 2021): 128–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.1-2.128.
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Georgia’s European identity, often regarded as the basis of its pro-Western foreign policy, has been contested in the domestic arena by alternative agendas. While government changes are usually deemed instigators of change in this contestation, no systematic analysis has been conducted on the effect of external developments. Considering that Georgia’s relations with the West and Russia have been evolving and that the debates on European identity inherently relate to foreign policy, this article asks to what extent and how contestation within the European identity discourse changes in response to different external events. To elucidate these questions, the study unpacks European identity discourse in Georgia between 2012 and 2017 in the context of various ongoing foreign policy developments. These include developments in Georgia–European Union (EU) and Georgia–Russia relations, the war in Ukraine, and internal issues of the EU. Moreover, instead of common pro- and anti-European binary positions, identity discourse is analyzed as a combination of three identity categories via media in which each category constructs different degrees of difference with Europe. This article finds that advocates of each category interpret different foreign policy developments to reinforce, rather than challenge, their positions; thus, contestation and division in the discourse persist over time.
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Pinas, Jovanka, Sun Wei, Tetelesti Oppong-Baah, Elina Kim, Mabel Addai, Isaac Owusu, Edward Gyamfi, et al. "Assessing a Causal Relationship Between Foreign Direct Investment and Human Capital: The Case of the Netherlands." International Business Research 13, no. 1 (December 27, 2019): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v13n1p247.
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Foreign direct investment is seen by many countries as an important source of capital. The flow of foreign direct investment in the world has been increasing over the past couple of years and many countries have adopted various institutional policies with the hope of attracting more foreign direct investment. Besides capital, these countries also get to benefit from the other advantages that these investments bring with them, such as the newest technology and managerial skills. FDI, besides boosting capital formation, also increases the quality of capital stock. Countries can only reap all the benefits of foreign direct investment if they have a sufficient amount of human capital. Human capital is seen by many researchers as one of the most important determinants of FDI. With the world becoming more knowledge-based and globalized the importance of human capital became very significant not only to individuals, but also to countries in their competitive advantages. The purpose of this research is to find out what the relationship is between foreign direct investment and human capital in the Netherlands. The Netherlands is a small country in Europe which has been a global leader in the inflow and outflow of FDI the past couple of years. This study uses the Augmented Dickey-Fuller test and the Johansen cointegration test to determine whether or not there is a causal relationship between the variable’s foreign direct investment and secondary school enrollment, which is used as a proxy for human capital. The study observed that there is no causal relationship between foreign direct investment and human capital in the Netherlands. The inflow of human capital into the Netherlands is determined by other factors.
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Makarov, A. I., E. A. Rubinchik, and M. A. Kladkin. "Trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands: formation and development." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 4 (December 26, 2020): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-4-5-22.
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Successful development of mutual trade and economic ties between Russia and the Netherlands has been lasting for centuries. In ancient times, when both states were actively developing, vessels loaded with various goods were already cruising between their shores; while national leaders were building bilateral trade policy. The development of cooperation reached its peak during the time of Peter the Great, when the Russian Empire carried out industrialization by entering into a full-scale international industrial cooperation with its historical partner. Participation of the Russian state in the development of trade and economic relations with the Netherlands took different shapes depending on the current needs and capabilities of the country. However, specially authorized envoys who carried out their functions on the territory of the Netherlands played exclusively important role in it, whether they were representatives of the Ministry of Trade and Industry of Tsarist Russia in Rotterdam or the People's Commissariat for Foreign Trade in the pre-war years. October 1945, when the Trade Representation opened its doors in Amsterdam, marked the new chapter in the history of trade relations between two countries. Historical review of the activities conducted by the Trade Mission in one of the world's TOP economically developed countries of the world over the 75-year period is demanded for providing advice in respect to setting up of strategic plans for the development of foreign trade in terms of exports, deepening international industrial cooperation and faster adaptation to the requirements by foreign markets.
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Volkov, A. M. "Contemporary Foreign Economic Relations of Russia with the Countries of Northern Europe." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-10.
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Recently new problems have arisen that have complicated Russia’s foreign economic relations with foreign countries. The countries of Northern Europe were no exception. The economic situation in many countries was far from optimal. Problems with economy took place in the euro area. A significant drop in oil prices led to a slowdown in economic growth in the Russian Federation and a sharp decline of ruble exchange rate. Since 2014, various Western sanctions have emerged, followed by retaliatory sanctions from Russia. Against this background, the analysis of the dynamics of Russian economic relations with the Nordic countries is of particular interest. A sharp decline in foreign economic indicators occurred in 2015–2016. Subsequent development has shown different dynamics. On the one hand, by the end of the 2010s foreign trade with Finland and Sweden did not reach the level of 2013–2014 (primarily due to the decline in oil prices), but on the other, foreign trade indicators with Denmark and Norway were exceeded (due to Russian exports). Year 2020 brought new problems – the coronavirus pandemic and the associated restrictions on the movement of goods, services and people, as well as the rupture of production chains, which had an impact on foreign economic relations – and exacerbated the old ones: a new sharp drop in oil prices and a new depreciation of ruble. The article reveals the features of the general dynamics and commodity structure of foreign trade with each of the observed countries. The significant dependence of Russian exports, primarily on energy supplies, is considered in detail. Special attention is given to the general dynamics of foreign direct investment in Russia. The problems of modern development of Russian export and import were analyzed.
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Janes, Jack. "The Ampel Coalition's Foreign Policy Challenges." German Politics and Society 40, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400405.
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Abstract German-American relations have been impacted by the war in Ukraine for reasons that have to do with domestic and foreign policy challenges. Germany is struggling with its responsibilities to increased expectations in Washington and within the European Union. The responses in Berlin to the Russian invasion of Ukraine have resulted in tensions within Europe as Germany tries to shape its policies around what Chancellor Olaf Scholz has called the Zeitenwende (turning point) of German foreign policy. The u.s. has also signaled its expectations that Germany needs to be a partner in sharing the burden of confronting Russian threats in Ukraine and Europe. Another challenge for German-American relations is emerging around relations with China, which may generate friction across the Atlantic as the United States seeks to confront China on the global stage while Germany remains tightly connected to China as its largest trade partner. How and why Germany and the United States need each other is in transition.
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Islam, Shada. "Fortress Europe." Index on Censorship 23, no. 3 (March 1994): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229408535689.
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Terry, Sarah Meiklejohn. "Poland's foreign policy since 1989: the challenges of independence." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 7–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00024-0.
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In its first decade of post-communist independence, Poland achieved far more than most dared believe in 1989. Despite domestic political and economic turmoil, it has joined Europe as a new member of NATO and a prospective member of the EU. This article traces the evolution of Polish foreign policy since 1989 over four time periods: First, the early uncertainties from 1989 to 1992 when Warsaw — caught between a reunifying Germany and a collapsing USSR — was intent on solidifying its relations with Central European neighbors. Second, the watershed year of 1993, which witnessed changes in every aspect of Poland's external relations — the demise of Visegrad, first moves toward NATO and EU enlargement, the emergence of serious tensions in Warsaw's relations with the East, especially Russia. Third, the years in the anterooms of Europe from 1994 to 1996, when Poland and its central European neighbors lobbied for early accession to the EU and NATO, while relations with Russia remained in the deep freeze. And fourth, the period since 1997, in which Warsaw has been negotiating its “return to Europe”, joining NATO in 1999 and actively pursuing membership in the EU. These gains have not come quickly or easily; rather, they demonstrate a hard earned consistency in Poland's foreign policy agenda, despite numerous changes in domestic politics, as well as an increasingly realistic vision of the country's place in post-Cold War Europe.
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Ušiak, Jaroslav, Ľubomír Klačko, and Ivana Šostáková. "Central Europe between the Great Powers: contemporary foreign-policy orientation." Politics in Central Europe 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0007.
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Abstract The main aim of this this study was to highlight the relations between the Central European countries (Slovakia, Czechia, Poland and Hungary) and the two great powers—the United States and the Russian Federation. We examined the importance of this region from a geopolitical perspective, analysing the relations between the Central European countries and the great powers through two of their critical manifestations: military bases and energy security. The selection of these themes was justified by the frequent centralisation of the abovementioned topics in political discussions and their role in underpinning the securitisation of political leaders. The analysis of government strategy papers, and politicians’ statements and press releases, which included the views of three international relations experts, revealed diverse interstate relations. Each of the four Central European countries claims to be a responsible and reliable member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization; however, not all of them place the same emphasis on this partnership. Regarding the energy sector, we came to the same conclusion. The countries declare their independence, but the RF continues to have a significant or dominant influence. The geographical position of the four surveyed countries is probably an important factor in this situation and the great powers generally adapt their foreign policy towards them accordingly, as evidenced by the selected topics. The results of the analyses confirmed the importance of this region from a geopolitical perspective.
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Robbins, Keith. "Britain and Europe: Devolution and Foreign Policy." International Affairs 74, no. 1 (January 1998): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.00007.
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Desrosiers, Marie-Eve, and Haley J. Swedlund. "Rwanda’s post-genocide foreign aid relations: Revisiting notions of exceptionalism." African Affairs 118, no. 472 (August 15, 2018): 435–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady032.
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Abstract This article studies donor–government relations in Rwanda since the end of the 1994 genocide. The notion that Rwanda enjoyed or enjoys exceptional relations with donors because of guilt regarding their inaction during the genocide is widespread in the literature and in policy circles. To assess this myth, the article first looks at aid trends for Rwanda and comparable countries, and then takes an in-depth look at aid relations with two average-size donors: Canada and the Netherlands. It demonstrates that Rwanda is not as exceptional as claimed, but instead should be considered one amongst a group of exceptional cooperation partners. The article further highlights that donors operated informally immediately following the genocide, but soon renormalized aid relations, and that there has always been a complex set of rationales determining donor behaviour regarding Rwanda.
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Cope, Kevin L., Pierre-Hugues Verdier, and Mila Versteeg. "The Global Evolution of Foreign Relations Law." American Journal of International Law 116, no. 1 (October 11, 2021): 1–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2021.58.
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AbstractThe constitutional rules that govern how states engage with international law have profound implications for foreign affairs, yet we lack comprehensive data on the choices countries make and their motivations. We draw on an original dataset that covers 108 countries over a nearly two-hundred-year period to map countries’ foreign relations law choices and trace their evolution. We find that legal origins and colonial legacies continue to account for most foreign relations law choices. A small number of models emerged in the nineteenth and early twentieth century in Western Europe, subsequently spread through colonial channels, and usually survived decolonization. Departures from received models are rare and usually associated with major political shifts. Prominent political science accounts that emphasize how states design their foreign relations law strategically to enhance their international credibility or entrench democracy or human rights appear to have limited explanatory power over the bulk of foreign relations law today.
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Pilipenko, Gleb. "Multilingualism in Enlightenment Europe." Slovene 9, no. 1 (2019): 543–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2019.8.1.21.
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[Rev. of: Rjéoutski V., Frijhoff W., eds., Language Choice in Enlightenment Europe: Education, Sociability, and Governance, Amsterdam, 2018, 233 pp.] The book under review is an English-language collective monograph called “Language Choice in Enlightenment Europe: Education, Sociability, and Governance”, written by authors from the Netherlands, Italy, Russia, Estonia, and Croatia (edited by Vladislav Rjéoutski and Willem Frijhoff). The subject of the monograph is the language choice in the European countries of the 18th century. This is the sixth book in the Languages and Cultures in History series, and it includes an introduction, eight articles by the international team of authors, and an alphabetical index of names and places mentioned. The Enlightenment was marked in Europe by the gradual abandonment of Latin in education and public administration and its replacement by vernaculars. At the same time, there are peculiarities in every country, particularly in the Russian Empire and Croatia. Archival materials (private letters, memoirs, official questionnaires, statistics) make this book extremely valuable. The authors analyse the linguistic situation in France, the Netherlands, Central Germany, the Estonian Governorate, Croatia, the Hungarian Kingdom, and the Russian Empire. Language choice is discussed at the micro-level (e.g. within one family) as well as at the macro-level (e.g., in education, public administration, among the nobility or clergy). The book will be of great interest to historians, linguists, sociologists, anthropologists, as well as to specialists in international relations.
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Carley, Mark. "Board-level employee representation in Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 4, no. 2 (May 1998): 281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899800400209.
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This article examines briefly the nature of employee representation on company boards, its extent in western Europe and the revival of the European Company Statute which has once again brought this form of indirect worker participation to the fore. The article goes on to outline some of the main findings of recent research by the author into board-level representation in five countries (Finland, Germany, Greece, Ireland and the Netherlands), highlighting areas of diversity and of convergence.
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Hampson, Fen. "Review: Atlantic Foreign Policies: The Conventional Defense of Europe." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 42, no. 1 (March 1987): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208704200120.
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Laitin, David. "Rational Islamophobia in Europe." European Journal of Sociology 51, no. 3 (December 2010): 429–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975610000202.
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Social and political relations between Europe and the Muslim world are politically fractious. Attacks in Madrid (March 2004) and London (July 2005), and the riots in suburban Paris in November 2005 and November 2007, have all been attributed to “Muslims”. Political parties in Europe (for example the Front National in France, which placed second in the presidential elections of 2002), have mobilized opinion against a Muslim threat to Europe. Relations between the countries and societies of the European Union and the Muslim World have therefore become politically consequential on a number of dimensions – foreign policy in regard to the Middle East; new membership into the EU; and the vast migration of Muslim populations into EU states.
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OYEN, MEREDITH. "Immigration Forum Comment: Foreign Relations and Migration." Journal of American Studies 50, no. 2 (March 31, 2016): 459–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816000384.
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In the fall of 2015, a great debate began taking shape internationally and in the United States over how to reconcile foreign-policy interests, national security concerns, and a response to a profound refugee crisis emerging in Europe as a result of the conflict in Syria. World leaders vacillated, demagogues pontificated, and social media memes employed bad historical analogies to shame fellow citizens into action. Despite the sudden urgency, the arguments blasting from twenty-four-hour news stations and ill-drawn cartoons depicting seventeenth-century pilgrims as forlorn refugees given safe harbor by Native Americans at Plymouth Rock did not represent a new line of thinking in the longer history of international migration management. The public is once again debating how to balance humanitarianism against fear, and which sentiment should play the greater role in governing the decision to admit new migrants. As the papers in this forum ably show, policies, procedures, and perspectives on migration have always had an international-relations component that can trump the local concerns that often dominate domestic debates.
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RUSMAN, Paul. "The Netherlands selling submarines to Taiwan: how to judge government action?" Journal of European Integration History 25, no. 1 (2019): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-111.
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The Dutch sale of major weapons to Taiwan in 1980 ran counter to the Netherlands’ recent recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the sole representative of China. This led to a rupture of diplomatic relations, an outcome seemingly unexpected in spite of the Dutch Foreign Ministry’s strong opposition to the deal. A few years later a new government composed of the same parties turned down a follow-up order. Why did the Dutch government sail so close to the wind and what made it change course? Such questions are tackled using approaches from international relations theory, such as politico-military strategy, good judgment in foreign policy, and (international) political economy. Yet in this case the analyst cannot be satisfied with easy explanations. Might not a fruitful angle be to consider the Netherlands as a highly competent but small state, driven by the high stakes involved to explore to the limit what little manoeuvring room it had vis-a-vis China?
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Domagała, Joanna. "LINKS BETWEEN SMP PRICES IN POLAND AND SELECTED FOREIGN MARKETS." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XXII, no. 4 (November 7, 2020): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.4930.
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The aim of the paper was to determine the links between SMP prices in Poland and SMP prices in selected countries. The article uses secondary data for the monthly price of butter at a level of countries collected by the Milk Market Observatory and the Italian Dairy Economic Consulting portal for 2000-2016. The analyzed period was divided into two periods: 2000-2004 and 2005-2016. The article uses Johansen cointegration tests, and Granger’s causality analysis. The analyzes in the first stage concerned the links between SMP prices in Poland and SMP prices in Western Europe, the USA and Oceania. In the second stage, the links between SMP prices in Poland and selected EU countries were identified. The results of the study confirmed a stronger link between SMP prices in Poland and SMP prices in Western Europe and Oceania. It is worth noting that these links mainly occurred in the period following Poland’s accession to the EU. Within EU countries, SMP prices in Belgium, the Czech Republic, Germany, Ireland and the Netherlands were related to prices in Poland.
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Burgess, Geoffrey P., Timothy McIver, Philippe Tenglemann, Rosanne Lariven, Andrea Pomana, Jan Schoberwalter, and Edoardo Troina. "Foreign direct investment rules in selected European countries – an overview." Journal of Investment Compliance 22, no. 1 (April 8, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/joic-07-2020-0009.
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Purpose To provide an overview of the national foreign direct investment (“FDI”) screening mechanisms in place across Europe including in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain and the UK. Design/methodology/approach This article summarizes the key elements of the national FDI screening regimes of some of the leading European economies. This includes setting out the relevant investment thresholds, protected sectors, lengths of review periods, standstill obligations and potential sanctions in each jurisdiction. Findings Many of Europe’s leading economies are following the wider global trend towards stricter reviews of foreign investment ahead of the EU Screening Regulation coming into force in October 2020. However, the approach taken to FDI screening can vary significantly at a country level in terms of both process and substance and the applicable laws are evolving rapidly, not least as a response to concerns related to the impact of COVID-19. Practical implications Investors looking to make acquisitions in Europe will need to consider whether national FDI screening will apply to their proposed investments. Depending on the jurisdiction, FDI screening can introduce lengthy review periods and require detailed information gathering as well as uncertainty as to the final outcome. Potential investors also need to consider the risk of sanctions, including criminal sanctions, for non-compliance with the screening regimes. Originality/value This article offers a summary and comparison of national FDI screening regimes across Europe.
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Oppermann, Kai, Ryan Beasley, and Juliet Kaarbo. "British foreign policy after Brexit: losing Europe and finding a role." International Relations 34, no. 2 (July 17, 2019): 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117819864421.
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British foreign policy stands at a turning point following the 2016 ‘Brexit’ referendum. Drawing on role theory, we trace the United Kingdom’s efforts to establish new foreign policy roles as it interacts with the concerned international actors. We find that the pro-Brexit desire to ‘take back control’ has not yet translated into a cogent foreign policy direction. In its efforts to avoid adopting the role of isolate, the United Kingdom has projected a disoriented foreign policy containing elements of partially incompatible roles such as great power, global trading state, leader of the Commonwealth, regional partner to the European Union (EU) and faithful ally to the United States. The international community has, through processes of socialisation and alter-casting, largely rejected these efforts. These role conflicts between the United Kingdom and international actors, as well as conflicts among its different role aspirations, have pressed UK policies towards its unwanted isolationist role, potentially shaping its long-term foreign policy orientation post-Brexit.
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Apostolov, Mico. "The Role of Foreign Direct Investments in Southeastern Europe." Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest N° 47, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 45–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/receo.473.0045.
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Nötel, Rudolf. "Reforms in foreign economic relations of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union." International Affairs 67, no. 4 (October 1991): 814. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622519.
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Woldendorp, Jaap. "Good governance and local autonomy in the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Europe and the Caribbean: An uneasy relationship." Tocqueville Review 35, no. 2 (January 2014): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.35.2.11.
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The existence of a specific ministry for overseas territories in the Netherlands — Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties (Interior Affairs and Relations within the Realm or Kingdom) — is the outcome of a few hundred years of (post) colonial history. In the 1970s and 1980s Dutch governments pushed for independence of the Netherlands Antilles and Suriname in order to get rid of the colonial stigma. In 1975, Suriname became an independent state. However, subsequently a combination of factors made decolonization of the Netherlands Antilles unfeasible. The first factor was the experience with the negative developments in Suriname after its independence.
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Hyman, Richard. "What future for industrial relations in Europe?" Employee Relations 40, no. 4 (June 4, 2018): 569–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-02-2018-0056.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to perform a systematic cross-country comparison of key features of industrial relations in Europe in a context where consolidated post-war institutions are under attack on many fronts. The author discusses a number of key similarities and differences across the countries of Europe, and end by considering whether progressive alternatives still exist. Design/methodology/approach This paper draws upon academic literature and compares the contributions to this special issue in the light of common problems and challenges. Findings The trend towards the erosion of nationally based employment protection and collective bargaining institutions is widely confirmed. In most of Central and Eastern Europe, where systems of organised industrial relations were at best only partially established after the collapse of the Soviet regime, the scope for unilateral dominance by (in particular foreign-owned) employers has been further enlarged. It is also clear that the European Union, far from acting as a force for harmonisation of regulatory standards and a strengthening of the “social dimension” of employment regulation, is encouraging the erosion of nationally based employment protections and provoking a growing divergence of outcomes. However, the trends are contradictory and uneven. Originality/value This paper contributes to an updated cross-country comparative analysis of the ongoing transformations in European industrial relations and discusses still existing progressive alternatives.
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Paulussen, Christophe, and Eva Entenmann. "Addressing Europe’s Foreign Fighter Issue." Security and Human Rights 25, no. 1 (January 14, 2014): 86–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02501010.
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Since its beginning, the Syrian civil war has been marked by atrocities on both sides of the conflict and as diplomatic efforts fail to bring the various fighting factions to one table, there seems to be no end in sight for the increasingly sectarian conflict. The Syrian crisis has drawn in a range of outside factions and there are reports of some 11,000 non-Syrians fighting alongside government troops, opposition forces and other, often religiously-inspired groups. While most of these so-called foreign fighters come from neighbouring states, around 20 percent of them are estimated to come from Europe. Authorities at the national and international level try to counter these worrying developments via a plethora of means. This article focusses on the question of what legal tools and measures legislators can and should utilise to prevent potential fighters from travelling to Syria and/or prosecuting individuals upon their return, for example for acts committed while abroad or the possible preparation of terrorism-related acts. It analyses the legal avenues available on the international and domestic levels for addressing the issue of foreign fighters. As concerns the national level, the article focuses on the European states that appear to have the highest percentage of departed foreign fighters: Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom (uk). The authors conclude, among other things, that rule of law responses to the foreign fighter phenomenon in the countries investigated remains fragmented. Although at the European level, the attacks in Belgium in May 2014 have meant that calls for a comprehensive approach to the foreign fighter phenomenon have become more urgent, it is doubtful whether Europe will soon have a Union-wide response to this increasingly challenging problem.
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Emmer, Pieter. "Turkey and Europe: The Role of Migration." European Review 21, no. 3 (July 2013): 394–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000355.
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In spite of the fact that negotiations have been going on for years, the chances that Turkey will eventually become a full member of the European Union are slim. At present, a political majority among the EU-member states headed by Germany seems to oppose Turkey entering the EU. In the Netherlands, however, most political parties are still in favour of Turkey's membership. That difference coincides with the difference in the position of Turkish immigrants in German and Dutch societies.
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Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, and Hodan Osman Abdi. "Sustaining China-Africa relations." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.
Full textAbstract:
China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the focus of China’s foreign policy since 2013. A study on the implementation of OBOR in Africa will allow for a better understanding of contemporary China-Africa relations, while hopefully providing answers to some of the questions surrounding the issue. In this article, we carefully examine the economic drivers, challenges – with suggestions on ways to navigate those challenges – and opportunities of the OBOR initiative.