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Makarov, A. I., E. A. Rubinchik, and M. A. Kladkin. "Trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands: formation and development." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 4 (December 26, 2020): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-4-5-22.
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Successful development of mutual trade and economic ties between Russia and the Netherlands has been lasting for centuries. In ancient times, when both states were actively developing, vessels loaded with various goods were already cruising between their shores; while national leaders were building bilateral trade policy. The development of cooperation reached its peak during the time of Peter the Great, when the Russian Empire carried out industrialization by entering into a full-scale international industrial cooperation with its historical partner. Participation of the Russian state in the development of trade and economic relations with the Netherlands took different shapes depending on the current needs and capabilities of the country. However, specially authorized envoys who carried out their functions on the territory of the Netherlands played exclusively important role in it, whether they were representatives of the Ministry of Trade and Industry of Tsarist Russia in Rotterdam or the People's Commissariat for Foreign Trade in the pre-war years. October 1945, when the Trade Representation opened its doors in Amsterdam, marked the new chapter in the history of trade relations between two countries. Historical review of the activities conducted by the Trade Mission in one of the world's TOP economically developed countries of the world over the 75-year period is demanded for providing advice in respect to setting up of strategic plans for the development of foreign trade in terms of exports, deepening international industrial cooperation and faster adaptation to the requirements by foreign markets.
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Wesseling, H. L. "Gabriel Hanotaux: A Historian in Politics." Itinerario 25, no. 1 (March 2001): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530000557x.
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The 1944–1945 Yearbook of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences in Amsterdam includes a commemorative article written byjohan Huizinga in honour of the French historian Gabriel Hanotaux, who was a foreign member of the Academy from 1913 to 1944. Hanotaux was born on November 19, 1853, and died on April 11, 1944, a few months after his ninetieth birthday. In his commemoration of Hanotaux, Huizinga briefly sketched the life, work and achievements of Hanotaux who was, at that time, a wellknown French historian and politician. Huizinga was very impressed, as becomes apparent from his words: ‘Truly, it is almost unbelievable what this representative of all that is noble and pure in the French has created.’ He concluded his commemoration with a brief consideration of what he called his ‘temporary personal relationship with Hanotaux’.
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Lindblad, J. Thomas. "Computer Applications in Expansion History: Foreign Trade of the Outer Provinces of the Netherlands Indies, 1900–1940." Itinerario 12, no. 2 (July 1988): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004721.
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The computer is rapidly gaining ground in the history of European overseas expansion. Vast amounts of systematic data are being processed with the aid of a whole host of automatic routines and programming devices. Use of modern computer technology may allow expansion historians to tackle problems on a larger scale and to furnish arguments with a more solid empirical foundation than was possible in previous days. Yet the road towards computerization is one full of pitfalls. The variety of available software options is truly bewildering and the accumulated knowhow in the field is not easily accessible. On the level of the individual researcher, there is a constant trade-off between investments in new skills and the actual processing of data and reporting of results. There is no single optimal path leading to maximal sophistication with a minimum of effort.
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Van Hees, Pieter. "Twee vertegenwoodigers (Pieter Geyl en Hendrik van der Wal) van het Nationaal Bureau voor Documentatie over Nederland berichten in juni 1922 over de Belgisch-Vlaamse politieke verhoudingen." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 70, no. 1 (March 24, 2011): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v70i1.12333.
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Het Nationaal Bureau voor Documentatie over Nederland, opgericht in 1918 door invloedrijke figuren uit het bedrijfsleven en het departement van Buitenlandse Zaken, verzamelde informatie in het buitenland over Nederland. De neutraliteit van Nederland tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog had met name bij de Entente mogendheden negatieve gevoelens opgewekt. Dit gold zeker voor België, waar zelfs aan annexatie van delen van Nederland gedacht werd. Het Bureau wenste door eigen informatie de positie van Nederland te verbeteren.Twee vertegenwoordigers berichtten regelmatig over de politieke verhoudingen in België. In die berichtgeving was er ook grote aandacht voor de positie van Vlaanderen en de plaats van de Nederlandse taal in België. Er leefden in radicale Vlaams- nationalistische kringen gedachten over een verandering van de unitaire staatsstructuur en zelfs aansluiting van Vlaanderen bij Nederland (Groot-Nederland). Pieter Geyl, formeel vertegenwoordiger van het Bureau in Londen, had contacten met de radicale groepen in Vlaanderen en wilde ook wel een politiek Groot-Nederland. Uit de berichtgeving van beide correspondenten blijkt de betrekkelijke zwakte van de radicale stromingen in Vlaanderen.________Two representatives (Pieter Geyl and Hendrik van der Wal) of the National Bureau for Documentatio about the Netherlands report in June 1922 about the Belgian-Flemish political relationsThe National Bureau for Documentation about the Netherlands founded in 1918 by influential individuals from the business community and the department of Foreign Affairs, collected information abroad about the Netherlands. The neutrality of the Netherlands during the First World War had provoked negative feedback particularly among the Entente Powers. This was certainly true for Belgium, which even considered the annexation of parts of the Netherlands. The Bureau wished to improve the position of the Netherlands by means of its own information. Two representatives provided regular reports about the political relations in Belgium. In their reports they paid a great deal of attention to the position of Flanders and the place of the Dutch language in Belgium. Radical Flemish-Nationalistic groups were thinking about a change in the unitary structure of the state and even about the unification of Flanders and the Netherlands (Greater Netherlands). Pieter Geyl, formal representative of the Bureau in London had contacts with the radical groups in Flanders and was also in favour of a political Greater Netherlands. The reports of both these correspondents demonstrate the relative weakness of the radical movements in Flanders.
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Erlandsson, Susanna, and Rimko van der Maar. "Trouw aan Buitenlandse Zaken." Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 134, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 361–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvg2021.3.002.erla.
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Abstract Faithful to Foreign Affairs. Margaret van Kleffens, Anne van Roijen, the Embassy in Washington, and the Significance of the Diplomatic Partnership for Post-War Dutch Foreign Relations This article argues that more attention for the role of diplomats’ partners, who in the studied period were almost exclusively female, offers new insights into the daily practices of Dutch twentieth-century diplomacy. It begins with a short overview of research on diplomats’ wives from other countries. The authors then examine the state of our knowledge about Dutch diplomats’ wives, discussing why there is so little attention for this subject in the Netherlands. Finally, a case study highlights the activities of the wives of two central figures in Dutch diplomacy at the Washington embassy in 1947-1964: Margaret van Kleffens-Horstmann and Anne van Roijen-Snouck Hurgronje. The study shows that daily diplomatic work was in practice a job for two people, with tasks divided along gendered lines. Wives made women’s networks available to male diplomats and did representative, social, and informal work that was considered crucial to diplomatic success.
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Sabaydash, Marina Vladislavovna. "Retrospective analysis of the USSR sea trade ports operation in conditions of new economic policy (1921-1928)." Vestnik of Astrakhan State Technical University. Series: Economics 2020, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24143/2073-5537-2020-1-78-90.
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The article highlights the specific features of implementing the new economic policy in the seaports of the USSR. The general laws of economic development of the commercial sea ports during the NEP period have been formulated. Statistical data on port capacity from the UK, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the USA, and France were used for the first time, and an assessment of the economic development of domestic sea ports was made in comparison with the above countries. It was stated that the drop in cargo turnover of the Soviet ports in relation to 1913 was the most significant, and the post-war restoration was slower in comparison with European ports, with the railway and inland water transport of the USSR. It was proved that the decrease in port turnover in the USSR was a consequence of a decrease in the foreign trade volume and short sea shipping. Maintaining the state monopoly of foreign trade, which in the NEP period transformed into the state capitalism, negatively affected outward and inward trade. The intensity of coastal shipping service grew slowly due to the low specialization of the regions. The seaport management system was studied; its centralization and similarity with the port management system of the Russian Empire were stated. There have been presented the study results of property relations in seaports. It was determined that the landowners in the ports were state departments represented by central ministries (people's commissariats), the owners of other property were state and sectorial governmental bodies, joint-stock companies with a predominance of state ownership. Sea trade ports were funded from the budget of the People's Commissariat of Communication Means. Port financing was ten times less than financing of railways and several times less than inland water transport financing
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Tibbe, Lieske. "ARTISTIEKE VERSUS POLITIEKE AVANT-GARDE." De Moderne Tijd 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 70–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2018.1.004.tibb.
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ARTISTIC VERSUS POLITICAL AVANT-GARDISM: THE VISUAL ARTS IN AND AROUND THE MAGAZINE ‘NIEUW RUSLAND’/‘CULTUUR DER U.D.S.S.R.’ (NEW RUSSIA/CULTURE OF THE USSR), 1928-1934 This article concentrates on the position of the visual arts in Russia as presented in Nieuw Rusland (New Russia), organ of the Netherlands – New Russia Society. This Society was initiated by VOKS, the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, established to coordinate international cultural contacts with artists and intellectuals in other countries in order to help lending the Soviet Union a positive and civilised image. The Netherlands – New Russia Society was suspected to be a communist umbrella organization, and indeed some of its members were moles. At the time, visual arts in Russia were in transition: the abstract avant-gardism of the first years after the Revolution was making way for moderately modern, figurative, and politically engaged painting. Easel painting in general had to yield to the graphic arts, photography and composite picture, especially as applied in posters, children’s books and magazines. Dutch editors of Nieuw Rusland had to communicate and explain or soften the often staunch political art theories of their Russian authors. From around 1932, Nieuw Rusland made a change of course from cultural information towards explicit political propaganda. In combination with a ban on membership of left-wing organizations for all public servants, this meant the end of the magazine.
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Kulali, YELIZ. "The Role of Iceland in the International System as a Small State and the Issue of European Union Membership." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v8i1.p104-113.
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This study discusses the role of Iceland -which declared its independence from Denmark in 1944- in the international system and the causes that led the country to withdraw its European Union candidacy in 2015. This country, considered as one of the Scandinavian countries, has in fact its own unique structure. This unique structure has its roots in Iceland’s history, its determination about protecting the elements of national identity, geographical-climatic characteristics and economic factors such as the fishing industry. Iceland, which is the only NATO member without an army, has been through Cod Fish crisis’ with England, and the Ice-Save crisis with England and the Netherlands. The country, which had an important economic crisis in 2008, has shown a more positive attitude about EU as the government has also changed, however with the end of the crisis and another change of government, it has once again opted for a self-sufficient strategy. The country, which became member of the European Economic Area (EEA) in 1994 and of European Free Trade Area (EFTA) in 1970, aims to conduct political and economic relations through territorialisation or bilateral relations instead of participating to a big integration model or developing multilateral relations. Iceland’s primary foreign policy objectives throughout the new century seem to secure full control over its territory (land and waters), improve market access for its fisheries products and guarantee its defense. Although the governments varied from time to time, all political parties subscribed to the same goals though they differ on how to achieve them. Arctic issue seems to gain importance also for this country in 2010s
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Jones, Matthew. "Frances Goudawith Thijs Brocades Zaalberg, American Visions of the Netherlands East Indies/Indonesia: U.S. Foreign Policy and Indonesian Nationalism, 1920–1949. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2002.382 pp.$37.00." Journal of Cold War Studies 5, no. 3 (July 2003): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2003.5.3.128.
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Lindblad, J. Thomas. "British Business and the Uncertainties of Early Independence in Indonesia." Itinerario 37, no. 2 (August 2013): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000508.
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British private investors were not inclined to view the leaders of newly independent Indonesia with much confidence. In 1949, when the transfer of sovereignty from the Netherlands to the Republic of Indonesia was imminent, the chairman of the United Serdang (Sumatra) Rubber Plantations disclosed the following opinion to the firm's shareholders at a gathering in London's Great Tower Street: “The Republican leaders are mainly ambitious men, whose records are well known, striving for personal aggrandizement. The measure of their interest in the welfare of the country is to be gauged by their policy of wanton destruction of life and physical assets, such as estate factories and ancillary buildings, which are essential for the restoration of the economy of the country once the political problem has been settled.” This article is about how a British enterprise dealt with the significant uncertainties prevailing in the business environment of Indonesia during the early independence period, in particular the 1950s.The economic situation in newly independent Indonesia was a peculiar one. As a major exporter of primary products in high demand such as oil and rubber, prospects were generally bright for the Indonesian economy during and after the Korean War. Just as under colonialism, a modern, large-scale sector accounting for almost 25 per cent of GDP (gross domestic product) was still dominated by Dutch firms and British and American multinationals. Eight large Dutch trading companies handled 60 per cent of consumer goods imports. Nevertheless, the business climate had changed dramatically for foreign firms operating in Indonesia. The 1950s saw a gradual shift away from moderate policy-makers towards an increasingly vocal economic nationalism. The former were acutely aware of the country's dependence on foreign capital and know-how, whereas the latter relentlessly pushed for full decolonisation, that is not only in political but in economic terms. Nationalist sentiments gained the upper hand during the first cabinet of Ali Sastroamidjojo (July 1953–July 1955), culminating with the takeover of virtually all remaining Dutch-owned enterprises in Indonesia from December 1957 onwards, eventually followed by formal nationalisation in 1959. Although economic nationalism in the 1950s primarily targeted Dutch enterprises, British foreign firms were affected as well. At a later stage, in the context of the Indonesian military confrontation with Malaysia (1963–6), they were also seized, albeit not nationalised.
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Hiep, Tran Xuan, Nguyen Tuan Binh, Tran Hoang Long, Duong Quang Tra, and Nguyen Quang Son. "India - Myanmar Relations (1948 - 1992): From “Idealism” to “Realism” in India’s Foreign Policy towards Myanmar." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 3 (May 10, 2021): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0073.
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India and Myanmar are two neighboring countries that share the border of nearly 1.500km and have the relationship on history, politics, culture, ethnic... from over 2.000 years to present. India officially established diplomatic relations with Myanmar, just after this Southeast Asian country gained independence (1948). From 1948 to 1992, the bilateral relationship was influenced by India’s foreign policy towards Myanmar, especially the impact of “idealism” and “realism” in India’s policy. “Idealism” succeeded in India’s foreign policy towards Myanmar from 1948 to 1962; however, it was not effective in the period 1962 - 1988, which made India’s position severely decrease, contrary to the rise of China’s position in Myanmar. For this reason, India must innovate the foreign thought, moving from “idealism” to “realism”, which have more pragmatic quality to Myanmar in the years 1988 - 1992 when the international and regional contexts have many changes. On the basis of the reference sources, this research’s aim focuses on analyzing the foreign policy adjustment of India, especially this study will focus on the issue of India - Myanmar relationship (1948 - 1992) was dominated by the “idealism” and “realism” in the planning of foreign policy of India towards Myanmar. The scope of this research is the relationship between India and Myanmar from 1948 to 1992 under the influence of “idealism” and “realism” in India’s foreign policy. From the early 90s of the 20th century, India’s foreign policy towards Myanmar has been more realistic than in the previous period, especially since 1992, when India implemented its new foreign policy, the Look East Policy.
Received: 4 February 2021 / Accepted: 9 April 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021
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Sabaydash, Marina Vladislavovna. "Retrospective analysis of commercial sea ports operation during first five-year plans and their role in USSR economic industrialization (1928-1940)." Vestnik of Astrakhan State Technical University. Series: Economics 2020, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24143/2073-5537-2020-4-83-97.
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The article highlights the general regularities of the economic development of commercial sea ports in the USSR and defines their role in industrialization of the country. For the first time there has been carried out a comparative analysis of sea port cargo turnover dynamics in relation to the ports of Great Britain, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the USA and France. The rates of port cargo turnover growth are investigated in comparison with the rates of industrial production growth, the volume of railway and inland water transport. The changes in the main cargo flows connected to the industrialization of the economy in all sea basins of the USSR have been studied. The dynamics of different types of cargo transshipment has been investigated. There has been stated the increasing rate of coastal cargo transshipment against the significant decrease in the export-import cargo transshipment due to the policy of self-reliance. The structure of foreign commercial cargos has been studied, a significant excess of exports over imports has been revealed. It has been found that the high growth rates of cargo turnover in the Soviet ports were due to the increase in the volume of oil cargo transshipment in the ports of the Caspian Sea. There have been calculated the average age and deadweight of Soviet ships in 1939, compared to the similar average international parameters and figures of the previous years. It was determined how the port's technical characteristics and lack of funding influenced these parameters. Investments to the seaports were hundreds of times less than investments to heavy industry and railway transport, and dozens of times less in inland waterways, since the seaports were not the priority objects in the program of economic industrialization. As a result, plans were not fulfilled, ships were idling in the ports, and labor productivity was low. It has been inferred that the activity of seaports during the first five-year plans was not profitable. There have been studied the specific features of the state system of seaports management during the first five-year plans.
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Fogg, Kevin W. "Islam in Indonesia’s Foreign Policy, 1945-1949." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 53, no. 2 (December 10, 2015): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2015.532.303-305.
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Although most policy studies argue there has been no influence of Islam on Indonesia's foreign policy, the foreign relations of the Republic of Indonesia during the revolution for independence provide a counter-example. Because of the greater role for society in conducting, rather than just influencing, foreign relations, Islam was used as a key element in Indonesia's diplomatic efforts in the Arab world between 1945 and 1949. This led to several key, early successes for Indonesia on the world stage, but changing circumstances meant that relations with the Arab world and thus the place of Islam in foreign policy were no longer prominent from 1948.[Meskipun sebagian besar studi mengenai kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia menyatakan tidak adanya pengaruh Islam dalam hal tersebut, kebijakan pada zaman revolusi kemerdekaan memperlihatkan adanya pengaruh itu. Karena adanya peran yang lebih besar bagi masyarakat dalam membentuk dan menjalankan kebijakan pada saat itu, Islam digunakan sebagai sebuah elemen pokok dalam menjalankan hubungan diplomatik Indonesia dengan dunia Arab dari tahun 1945 hingga 1949. Hal ini mengarah ke beberapa keberhasilan awal yang menonjol bagi Indonesia di pentas internasional. Namun, sesuai dengan perubahan keadaan dunia sesudah tahun 1948, hubungan dengan dunia Arab menjadi tidak sepenting sebelumnya serta peranan Islam semakin memudar dan tidak lagi menjadi elemen kebijakan luar negeri.]
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Priambodo, Gabriella Dewa. "Analysis of Indonesia-Netherlands Diplomatic and Consular Relations." Journal of ASEAN Dynamics and Beyond 2, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/aseandynamics.v2i2.52146.
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<p>In order to improve the quality of international cooperation, the Indonesian nation must be able to improve the quality and performance of foreign officials so that they are able to carry out proactive diplomacy in all fields to build a positive image of Indonesia in the international world. Through this article, the diplomatic relations between Indonesia and the Netherlands will be analyzed specifically, both diplomatic and consular relations. The result,diplomatic relations between the governments of Indonesia and the Netherlands have been in accordance with Law Number 37 of 1999, but in practice it has not been implemented properly in accordance with the applicable laws and regulations, so on this occasion I will discuss further about diplomatic relations between Indonesia and the Netherlands which had temporarily interrupted by several influencing factors including the revocation of the Dutch embassy in Indonesia named Rob Swartbol due to protests against the execution by the Indonesian government against a Dutch citizen named Ang Kim Soe or vice versa the revocation of the Indonesian embassy in the Netherlands because it will be held consultations by their respective countries, both the Netherlands and Indonesia, on their embassies.</p>
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McDougall, John N., and Stephen J. Randall. "United States Foreign Oil Policy 1919-1948: For Profits and Security." International Journal 41, no. 1 (1985): 258. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202362.
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Tlustý, Tomáš. "Orel – the Catholic gymnastics organization and its foreign relations between 1929 and 1948." Sport i Turystyka. Środkowoeuropejskie Czasopismo Naukowe 5, no. 1 (2022): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/sit.2022.01.02.
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This paper looks at the history of the Czechoslovak Orel, the Catholic gymnastics organization and its foreign relations between 1929 and 1948. The Orel had begun to establish its first foreign contacts before the First World War, at a time when the organization had not yet become fully independent. The Czechoslovak Orel was given independence after the First World War had come to an end – a time when it began to expand and establish an increasing number of foreign contacts. However, the Czechoslovak organization did not experience major expansion until the 1920s, the decade when it became a member of the Catholic gymnastics union, UIOCEP, and when it organized two large-scale international festivals. The festival held in 1929 was of particular significance, increasing the popularity of the Czechoslovak Orel and its physical education philosophy abroad. The Czechoslovak Orel was gradually to become one of the most significant UIOCEP members. Due to its large membership numbers, it actually became one of the largest organizations in the union and was later honorably awarded presidency. However, the Orel suffered a major setback following the outbreak of the Second World War and the ensuing totalitarian regime that was introduced in Czechoslovakia in 1948. A planned third festival, where Czechoslovak Orel officials again predicted large numbers of participants from abroad, was never held. The Orel was not reestablished until the early 1990s. However, it was never to develop and grow in the way it had been known to.
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Hossain, Mohammad Belayet, Asmah Laili Bt Yeon, and Ahmad Shamsul Bin Abd Aziz. "Sovereignty, National Interest & Security and the Bilateral Investment Treaties of Bangladesh and the Netherlands: a Comparison." African Journal of Legal Studies 12, no. 2 (December 19, 2019): 183–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340049.
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Abstract In absence of any global treaty, the bilateral investment treaties are playing the important role of regulating foreign investments in the host countries. The primary purpose of economic globalization is the economic development of the developing and least-developed countries as well as to facilitate benefits of the home states. Bangladesh and the Netherlands also signed bilateral investment treaties to facilitate trade. Bangladesh foreign investment laws and bilateral investment treaties mainly protect foreign investors; however, neither include any specific provisions of protecting sovereignty, national interest, and security. The Netherlands generally follows EU foreign investment policies. This paper addresses two questions: (a) do the bilateral investment treaties of Bangladesh and the Netherlands include any specific provisions to protect the sovereignty, national interest, and security, and (b) should the sovereignty, national interest, and security be considered during the entry of foreign direct investment in Bangladesh and the Netherlands? Using doctrinal research method, a total of 25 bilateral investment treaties have been analysed in order to explore whether they protect the sovereignty, national interest, and security of Bangladesh and the Netherlands. Based on the findings, this study will recommend that the government of Bangladesh should consider this important factor as an entry condition, either through amending the existing laws or through the bilateral investment treaties.
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Komarov, Alexey. "Finland’s Neutrality in Soviet Foreign Policy Perceptions." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016474-0.
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The article examines the evolution of the Soviet leadership’s attitudes regarding Finland’s desire to position itself as a neutral country. Finland’s efforts to promote the idea of its neutrality became especially active after World War II. In this way the representatives of the Finnish political class tried to enhance their profile on the international arena and distance themselves from the military clauses of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual assistance signed by the USSR and Finland in 1948. Both in Moscow and Helsinki it was understood that neutrality can play the role of an important foreign policy instrument. The Finns tried to use this instrument to weaken Soviet influence on the country, to facilitate rapprochement with other Nordic countries and, ultimately, with the West as a whole. The Soviet leadership regarded these activities negatively. However, within the framework of general deconstruction of the foreign policy priorities’ system created by Mikhail S. Gorbachev’s predecessors, the Soviet side in 1989 finally and unconditionally recognized Finland’s neutrality. After the collapse of the USSR the Soviet-Finnish Treaty of 1948 was substituted by another document, namely the Treaty on the Foundations of Relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Finland signed on January 20, 1992. During the elaboration of the new agreement the Russian side would have had no objection against recognizing Finland as a neutral state, but Helsinki, considering the transition from the bipolar system of international relations to the unipolar one, showed no interest to this.
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Nguyen, Tuan Binh, Xuan Hiep Tran, Hoang Long Tran, and Minh Hung Vo. "The Impacts of the Adjustment of India’s Foreign Policy for India — Myanmar Relations (1992–2014)." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 13, no. 3 (2021): 436–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2021.309.
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India and Myanmar are two neighboring countries that share a border of nearly 1500 kilometers and have a relationship based on history, politics, culture, and ethnicity from over 2000 years to the present. India officially established diplomatic relations with Myanmar after the Southeast Asian country gained independence in 1948. Since 1992, the implementation of India’s Look East Policy in addition to the strategic importance of Myanmar as a neighbor created a catalyst for new development in relations between the two countries. India — Myanmar relations have shifted from a cold and strained status (1962–1991) to improvement, consolidation and development in the years 1992–2014. Furthermore, the relationship between the two countries was developed on the basis of inheriting the achievements of the previous period (1948–1991) that were not only in the political sphere. There was a complete development in many aspects (politics — diplomacy, economy, security — defense, etc.) for two decades after the end of the Cold War. This article focuses on analyzing the adjustment of India’s foreign policy, especially the implementation of the Look East Policy and the “Act East” strategy, and the impact of this adjustment for the development of India — Myanmar relations during 1992–2014.
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Kılıçer, Aybars Arda. "The Changing Dynamics of Israel's Foreign Policy." Transatlantic Policy Quarterly 21, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.58867/xzdw1818.
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Israel, formally known as "The State of Israel," was established on 14 May 1948, and has since played a pivotal role in international affairs, particularly in the politics of the Middle East and North Africa. Israel's relations with its Arab neighbors have been tense for decades, and a lasting peace has never appeared more likely. Yet, we already live in a time of perpetual change, and naturally, the politics of Israel and the surrounding region of the Middle East and North Africa are not immune to this pattern. Realizing this, TPQ decided to focus on the Changing Dynamics of Israel's Foreign Policy in its upcoming Fall 2022 issue.
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Desrosiers, Marie-Eve, and Haley J. Swedlund. "Rwanda’s post-genocide foreign aid relations: Revisiting notions of exceptionalism." African Affairs 118, no. 472 (August 15, 2018): 435–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady032.
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Abstract This article studies donor–government relations in Rwanda since the end of the 1994 genocide. The notion that Rwanda enjoyed or enjoys exceptional relations with donors because of guilt regarding their inaction during the genocide is widespread in the literature and in policy circles. To assess this myth, the article first looks at aid trends for Rwanda and comparable countries, and then takes an in-depth look at aid relations with two average-size donors: Canada and the Netherlands. It demonstrates that Rwanda is not as exceptional as claimed, but instead should be considered one amongst a group of exceptional cooperation partners. The article further highlights that donors operated informally immediately following the genocide, but soon renormalized aid relations, and that there has always been a complex set of rationales determining donor behaviour regarding Rwanda.
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Taterová, Eva. "Proměny přístupu československé diplomacie k arabsko-izraelskému konfliktu v letech 1948–1967." Mezinárodní vztahy 57, no. 1 (April 7, 2022): 43–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1795.
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This study examines the evolution of Czechoslovak foreign policy towards selected actors of Arab-Israeli conflict in 1948–1967. Once very friendly relations of Czechoslovakia with Israel were soon replaced by a gradually developing cooperation with some Arab actors. However, even this partnership encountered several difficult moments. Despite long-term ideological disputes with Arab nationalist leaders, Czechoslovakia demonstrated unconditional support for the Arab coalition in the Six-Day War (1967), and the pro-Arab orientation had become the unquestionable line of Czechoslovak Middle East policy in the Cold War. Since the article is based on the New Cold War History approach, in addition to the previously unpublished information from the archival documents it also aims to offer a partial interpretation of Czechoslovakia’s diplomatic position as a satellite state of the Soviet Union with regard to its foreign policy strategies towards selected Middle Eastern Third world countries in the first two decades of the Cold War.
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Danielewski, Mateusz. "Polityka zagraniczna Związku Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich i Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec Koreańskiej Republiki Ludowo-Demokratycznej (1948–2016)." Poliarchia 5, no. 9 (January 25, 2019): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.05.2017.09.01.
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Foreign Policy of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Russian Federation toward the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (1948–2016) Foreign relations between the Soviet Union and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) during the Cold War were based on support of the North Korean regime and a distrustful attitude toward Kim Il‑sung, who remained neutral in the Soviet‑Chinese split. After the political transformation, the Russian Federation is pursuing pragmatic policy toward the DPRK. Moscow seeks to deepen economic cooperation in order to maintain security in Northeast Asia. The aim of this article is to analyse the USSR’s and Russia’s relations with the DPRK. The author describes events before, during and after the Cold War. The article draws attention to the extent to which national interests and the foreign policy of the Russian Federation coincide and differ from those pursued by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
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Olesen, Mikkel Runge. "To Balance or Not to Balance: How Denmark Almost Stayed out of NATO, 1948–1949." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 2 (June 2018): 63–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00818.
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This article proposes a theoretical model for understanding foreign policy formation and change, especially regarding alliances and what might be called “balancing” foreign policy behavior. The article combines a realist focus on power with the perceptions of actors based on their experiences and the lessons they draw from them. When uncertainty about threat level is high, the “lessons” that actors or groups draw from the past play an indispensable role in helping them make sense of the world. The model is applied to the case of Denmark's decision to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949, which was arguably the most significant shift in Danish foreign policy of the twentieth century. The model explains why Danish officials decided to joined NATO only after the Scandinavian Defense Union had failed.
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Weesjes, Elke. "Communist daughters : In the vanguard of feminism." Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies 22, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 339–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgn2019.4.002.wees.
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Abstract This article explores communists’ attitudes towards gender roles and sexuality in Britain and the Netherlands during the Cold War (ca. 1948‐1970). It looks at the changing roles of women in the communist movement in the public sphere, as well as the changes in practices of gender relations in the communist home—that is, the private sphere. This article, which is based on interviews with Dutch and British individuals raised in communist families, argues that communist children who were taught progressive theories while simultaneously witnessing traditional practices in the home were spurred to feminist thinking and so joined the movement in its early stages. In light of these findings, this article makes the case for the inclusion of communists in the vanguard of feminism in Britain and the Netherlands.
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RUSMAN, Paul. "The Netherlands selling submarines to Taiwan: how to judge government action?" Journal of European Integration History 25, no. 1 (2019): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-111.
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The Dutch sale of major weapons to Taiwan in 1980 ran counter to the Netherlands’ recent recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the sole representative of China. This led to a rupture of diplomatic relations, an outcome seemingly unexpected in spite of the Dutch Foreign Ministry’s strong opposition to the deal. A few years later a new government composed of the same parties turned down a follow-up order. Why did the Dutch government sail so close to the wind and what made it change course? Such questions are tackled using approaches from international relations theory, such as politico-military strategy, good judgment in foreign policy, and (international) political economy. Yet in this case the analyst cannot be satisfied with easy explanations. Might not a fruitful angle be to consider the Netherlands as a highly competent but small state, driven by the high stakes involved to explore to the limit what little manoeuvring room it had vis-a-vis China?
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Motzafi Haller, David, and Pnina Motzafi Haller. "The Mizrahi Era of Rebellion: Israel’s foreign civil rights struggle, 1948-1966." Journal of Israeli History 37, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531042.2019.1633798.
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Sprecher, Christopher, and Karl DeRouen. "The Domestic Determinants of Foreign Policy Behavior in Middle Eastern Enduring Rivals, 1948-1998." Foreign Policy Analysis 1, no. 1 (February 4, 2005): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-8594.2005.00006.x.
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Dye-Reeves, Amy. "The origins of the Cold War: Deciphering open access primary sources." College & Research Libraries News 79, no. 11 (December 5, 2018): 621. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.79.11.621.
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Avalon Project (Yale University)- Cold WarCold War International History ProjectCold War MuseumHarvard Project on the Soviet Social System OnlineNational Security ArchiveOrigins of the Cold WarPrelude to McCarthyism: The Making of a BlacklistThe Wilson Center Digital Archives- Cold War OriginsCold War IntelligenceCold War Politics (1945–1991)Documents Relating to American Foreign Policy: The Cold WarForeign Relations of the United StatesIdeological Foundations of the Cold War–Harry S. Truman Presidential Library and MuseumNational Security Achieve–Debriefing BooksAddress to Congress on the Yalta Conference (Franklin D. Roosevelt)Crimea (Yalta) Conference, 1945Berlin Airlift (Harry S. Truman Presidential Library)Berlin Blockade 1948-1949Berlin Blockade (June 24, 1948–May 12, 1949)The March Crisis and the Berlin AirliftGeorge C. Marshall (The Marshall Plan)Marshall Plan ExhibitPublicizing the Marshall Plan: Records of the U.S. Special Representative in Europe, 1948-1950Truman and the Marshall Plan
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Ungari, Andrea. "Umberto Zanotti Bianco and the Mogadishu events of 1948." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (May 2010): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532941003676454.
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Soon after the Second World War and the signing of the 1947 Peace Treaty, Italy was faced with the traumatic loss of its African colonial Empire, an Empire whose establishment had been one of the main objectives of the Fascist regime's foreign policy. This article analyses Anglo-Italian relations in the Somalian context, highlighting the contributions made by Fascism and by the anti-Italian policies of British troops to the tensions that were to lead to the tragic events of January 1948. Attention is focused on the diplomatic mission carried out by Umberto Zanotti Bianco, President of the Italian Red Cross, an important figure in Italian Liberalism. Zanotti Bianco was conscious of the need for Italy to rejoin the ‘club’ of democratic powers and, in accordance with the diplomatic strategy of Foreign Minister Carlo Sforza, he sought to reopen dialogue between Britain and Italy. The dispute between Italy and Britain brought about by the Mogadishu events and, more generally, by the Italian presence in Africa was soon brought to a close, due both to Zanotti Bianco's shrewd strategy and to the clear need for the Western Allies to strengthen De Gasperi's government on the eve of the decisive April 1948 elections.
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Gupta, Sonika. "Frontiers in Flux: Indo-Tibetan Border: 1946–1948." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 1 (February 10, 2021): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420983095.
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On the eve of Indian Independence, as Britain prepared to devolve the Crown’s treaties with Tibet to the Indian government, the Tibetan government was debating its future treaty relationship with India under the 1914 Simla Convention and associated Indo-Tibetan Trade Regulations. Soon after Indian independence, Tibetan government made an expansive demand for return of Tibetan territory along the McMahon Line and beyond. This led to a long diplomatic exchange between Lhasa, New Delhi and London as India deliberated its response to the Tibetan demand. This article decodes the voluminous correspondence between February 1947 and January 1948 that flowed between the British/Indian Mission in Lhasa, the Political Officer in Sikkim, External Affairs Ministry in Delhi and the Foreign Office in London, on the Simla Convention and the ensuing Tibetan territorial demand. Housed at the National Archives in New Delhi, this declassified confidential communication provides crucial context for newly independent Indian state’s relationship with Tibet. It also reveals the intricacies of Tibetan elite politics that affected decision-making in Lhasa translating to a fragmented and often contradictory policy in forging its new relationship with India. Most importantly, this Tibetan territorial demand undermined the diplomatic efficacy of Tibet’s 1947 Trade Mission to India entangling its outcome with the resolution of this issue. This was a lost opportunity for both India and Tibet in building an agreement on the frontier which worked to their mutual disadvantage in the future.
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Perović, Jeronim. "The Tito-Stalin Split: A Reassessment in Light of New Evidence." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 2 (April 2007): 32–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.2.32.
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This article reassesses the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 based on findings from former East-bloc archives. In particular, it shows that the version propagated in the official Yugoslav historiography, suggesting that the break with Moscow arose because of Yugoslavia's distinct path toward socialism, is incorrect. Instead, Josip Broz Tito's unwillingness to give up on his territorial and political ambitions in the Balkans, especially Albania, despite Moscow's objections is the main factor that ultimately sparked the conflict in 1948. Yugoslavia fell afoul of Moscow's policy of enforced Sovietization of the socialist camp, though not because of a long-term Soviet plan or because of particular animosity toward the Yugoslav leadership. Rather, Tito's independent foreign policy provided a welcome pretext to clamp down on Yugoslavia and thereby tighten Soviet control over the other East European states.
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Goodman, Giora. "Film Censorship in Israel and the Cold War, 1948-1967." IYUNIM Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 37 (July 15, 2022): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-37a135.
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The article examines the impact of the Cold War on film censorship in Israel during the first two decades of the state and sheds light on the Israeli Film Censorship Board’s collaboration with other government bodies, above all the Foreign Ministry in the censorship of western anti-communist films, and to a lesser extent, Soviet anti-American films. Such Cold War-related film censorship was carried out in response to domestic criticism but also to prevent any possible damage to Israel's diplomatic relations, particularly with the Soviet Bloc, owing to the large number of films imported from the United States. In addition to discussing film censorship policies and practices, the article demonstrates the crucial impact of Cold War culture on the political world in Israel, particularly during the early years of the state. The article's main argument is that the diplomatic impetus for censoring Cold War films attests to Israel’s insecurity vis-à-vis its international status prior to the 1967 War as well as to the ultimately unsuccessful attempt by the government to preserve what was left of its deteriorating relations with the Soviet Bloc.
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MacMullen, Andrew. "Controversies at home: domestic factors in the foreign policy of the Netherlands." International Affairs 62, no. 2 (1986): 316–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618411.
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Farquet, Christophe. "In the Shadow of the Golden Calf." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 63, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 233–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2022-0009.
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Abstract The article offers the first comprehensive account of relations between Germany and Switzerland in the years 1919 to 1931 based on archival sources from both countries. Emphasising the interaction between finance and diplomacy, it provides new insights into the role played by the Swiss offshore centre for the German Reich after the First World War. During the inflationist period of 1919‒1923, as well as in the crisis of 1929‒1931, Switzerland, like the Netherlands, welcomed a huge amount of wealth from Germany while at the same time becoming an important creditor of the Reich. These developments had a significant impact on German internal and foreign policies at the time. Nevertheless, the article article argues that, despite the intensity of financial flows, Switzerland pursued a diplomatic course that was more plurilateral than the Netherlands. Even during the second part of the 1920s, when Swiss capital was placed on the German market in massive dimensions, there was no German orientation in Swiss foreign policy similar to what had happened in the years before the First World War. Switzerland’s foreign relations became more neutral during the 1920s. This article consequently proposes a nuanced perspective on the role of the small European countries in German foreign policy, highlighting the need to differentiate between them in spite of their common features and to consider, in a non-deterministic way, the interaction between finance and diplomacy.
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Flinterman, C., and Y. S. Klerk. "The Advisory Committee on Human Rights and Foreign Policy in the Netherlands." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 11, no. 3 (September 1993): 283–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934419301100304.
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In this article an overview is given of the functioning of the Dutch Advisory Committee on Human Rights and Foreign Policy. First, the history of the Advisory Committee and its institutional aspects is described. Subsequently, a survey of the advisory reports which the Advisory Committee has published so far and of their effects is given. Finally, the authors say a few words about the usefulness of a commission like the Advisory Committee and look into its future.
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de Keizer, Madelon. "Memory as Rite de Passage. Towards a Postmoralistic Historiography of the Second World War." Itinerario 20, no. 2 (July 1996): 118–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300007026.
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As a native of the Netherlands, I have been imbued with an awareness of the history of the Second World War in both Europe and the Pacific ever since I was a child, though I must admit that the Japanese occupation of the Dutch colony in the Dutch East Indies from 1942 to 1945 plays a less important part in my imagination than thefiveyears of German occupation of the Netherlands. My parents and brothers can directly recollect the latter dark period, and I see it vividly in my mind's eye, born (in 1948) and bred as I was in Rotterdam, the city whose centre was razed to the ground by the German air raid in May 1940. The effects of the bombs were still clearly visible during the years in which I was growing up there. Given this double Dutch memory – memory of the hostilities in Europe, and memory of South-East Asia – it hardly seems fortuitous that the Dutch scholar Ian Buruma chose the German and Japanese memory of the Second World War and of the War in the Pacific as the theme for his 1994 publication The Wages of Guilt.
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Busby, Joshua W., and Jonathan Monten. "Without Heirs? Assessing the Decline of Establishment Internationalism in U.S. Foreign Policy." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 3 (August 18, 2008): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759270808122x.
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Is establishment internationalism in decline? Conventional wisdom is becoming that structural shifts in the international environment along with generational, demographic, and cultural changes within the United States are inexorably leading to the decline of the broad, post-war internationalist consensus that dominated American foreign policy after 1945. Despite the frequent assertion that this change has taken place, very few studies have analyzed the extent to which establishment internationalism is in fact in decline. To answer this question, we first track trends in congressional foreign policy votes from the American Conservative Union (1970–2004) and Americans for Democratic Action (1948–2004). Our second set of indicators tracks the state of birth, educational profile, and formative international experience of a cross section of the U.S. foreign policy elite. Our third and fourth sets of indicators track elite attitudes as represented by presidential State of the Union addresses and major party platforms. We find support for increasing partisan polarization in Congress on foreign policy as well as increasing regional concentration of the parties. However, there is only mixed evidence to suggest that internationalism has experienced a secular decline overall. Support for international engagement and multilateral institutions remain important parts of elite foreign policy rhetoric. Moreover, we find that social backgrounds of U.S. foreign policy elites—save for military service—have not substantially changed from the height of the internationalist era.
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Vannucci, Albert P. "The Influence of Latin American Governments on the Shaping of United States Foreign Policy: The Case of U.S.–Argentine Relations, 1943–1948." Journal of Latin American Studies 18, no. 2 (November 1986): 355–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00012062.
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The subject of United States foreign policy towards Argentina in the years during and immediately after World War II continues to hold the attention of scholars. Their interest goes beyond the intrinsic importance which Argentina had then, or now. Rather, interest is fixed because this case provides the first post-War illustration of several serious problems which United States foreign policy in the hemisphere has demonstrated many times since, and currently in its relations with Nicaragua.
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Kyle, Keith. "The Libyan arena: the United States, Britain and the Council of Foreign Ministers, 1945–1948." International Affairs 71, no. 4 (October 1995): 865–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625153.
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Bongiorno, Frank. "H.V. Evatt, Australia and Ireland’s departure from the Commonwealth: a reassessment." Irish Historical Studies 32, no. 128 (November 2001): 537–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001525x.
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On 7 September 1948 the newly appointed Taoiseach, John A. Costello, the leader of a coalition government in which his party Fine Gael was the senior partner, announced in Ottawa that he intended to repeal Eire’s External Relations Act, and thus sever its final tenuous link with the crown. The External Relations Act ‘empowered the Executive Council of the Irish Free State to authorise the use of the king’s signature on the letters of credence to be presented to heads of foreign states by Irish diplomatic representatives’. Eamon de Valera, Costello’s predecessor, had introduced the External Relations Act in 1936, and had regarded it as a device that might help to end partition. The measure magnified Ireland’s constitutional ambiguity, but with its repeal the twenty-six counties would assuredly become a republic outside the Commonwealth.
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Scott-Smith, Giles. "The Ties that Bind: Dutch-American Relations, US Public Diplomacy and the Promotion of American Studies since the Second World War." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 2, no. 3 (2007): 283–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119007x240532.
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AbstractThis article examines the linkages between diplomacy and public diplomacy activities by tracing the promotion of American Studies in the Netherlands against the backdrop of US-Dutch diplomatic relations. The development of American Studies within the university systems of other nations has been a central part of US public diplomacy strategy since the Second World War. The belief has always been that this will contribute towards foreign publics being well-informed about the United States, its people and policies. By providing opportunities for research and teaching in the United States, and ultimately by establishing permanent positions, an academic community could be nurtured whose members would function as interpreters of all things American within their national environment. In this way a cross-border cultural affinity can be cultivated to provide a positive context for the practice of diplomatic relations. The case of the Netherlands demonstrates the interlinkage of short-term and long-term interests in pursuing this approach.
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Quinsaat, Sharon Madriaga. "LINKAGES AND STRATEGIES IN FILIPINO DIASPORA MOBILIZATION FOR REGIME CHANGE*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-24-2-221.
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Over the last century, the activities of migrants and refugees have been crucial in homeland democratization. How does the relationship between the homeland and hostland shape their strategies? Comparing the activism of Filipinos in the U.S. and in the Netherlands from 1972–1982 against the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos, this study shows that linkage influences the demands, arenas, and tactics of movement actors. Analysis of archival and interview data shows that activists in the U.S. pursued foreign policy lobbying due to strong linkage between the U.S. and the Philippines, which provided activists an accessible institutional target, channel, and resources for their claims making. In contrast, through transnational advocacy networks, Filipinos in the Netherlands engaged in naming and shaming in nongovernment tribunal due to weak Dutch-Philippine state relations. The article considers the relationship between two polities and societies as a shifting transnational field of relations that shapes the agency of actors in cross-border activism.
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Lammers, Johan G. "Judge Peter Kooijmans." Leiden Journal of International Law 10, no. 1 (March 1997): 122–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156597000113.
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In a small note which Peter Kooijmans wrote to me in answer to a letter in which I congratulated him with his election as Judge in the International Court of Justice – the first Netherlands Judge in the Court after World War II apart from Professor Riphagen who only served as a Judge ad hoc in the Barcelona Traction, Light and Power Company Ltd. case – he stated that he considered himself to be a privileged man. Privileged, because the new position would allow him to continue to remain active in the field of international law considerably beyond the retirement age of 65 which applies to professors of international law and most other people in The Netherlands. Privileged, I would like to add, also in another respect. Very rarely it will be given to one person in his lifetime to fulfil so many different honourable positions in the field of international law and international relations at such a high level of responsibility as has been the case with Peter Kooijmans: Professor of public international law, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture, State Secretary (Staatssecretaris) for Foreign Affairs, in particular disarmament matters (1973–1977), Minister for Foreign Affairs and, finally, Judge in the International Court of Justice.
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van der Putten, Frans-Paul. "Small Powers and Imperialism The Netherlands in China, 1886–1905." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021562.
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Ever since its publication in 1966, Tussen Neutraliteit en Imperialisme (‘Between Neutrality and Imperialism’) has been the standard work on Dutch policy towards China between 1863 and 1901. In this study the author, F. van Dongen, stresses the adherence to neutrality towards the strong European neighbour states as the fundamental guideline for Dutch foreign policy, not only within Europe but also in the Far East. This policy stemmed from the fact that the European balance-of-power system had been extended to China in the late nineteenth century, through the participation of most European states in imperialist policies concerning that country. According to Van Dongen this adherence to neutrality slowed down imperialist tendencies, as the Netherlands were anxious to avoid entering in conflicts between the great powers, but at the same time the Dutch were forced to ‘play a modest part in the common Western policy towards China’. Whenever the great powers took a united stand the Netherlands must follow suit. So as a result of its European policy the Netherlands joined the imperialist powers in China, although usually careful not to take the initiative. The Netherlands were, therefore, classified by Van Dongen as a reluctant and generally passive element of imperialism in China: ‘the Dutch were at worst accessories after the fact’. Finally he concluded that whenever Dutch actions concerning China ‘savoured of imperialism, this was not the result of a deliberate policy to exercise control over the empire or to obtain Chinese territory, but an almost accidental by-product of the general aim of promoting the Netherlands’ economic interest'.
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Balcı, Ali, and Talha İsmail Duman. "Turkey’s Candidature to the UN Security Council Seat in 1948: Why the West’s ‘Favorite’ Candidate Lost." Turkish Historical Review 11, no. 2-3 (June 29, 2021): 284–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10017.
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Abstract Following the Second World War, Turkey vigorously pursued a policy of effective participation in international institutions. As part of this policy, Turkish diplomats campaigned for a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council in the year 1948. This article aims to provide descriptive information about this campaign and explain why Turkey lost the election in the UN General Assembly for the seat reserved for the Near East region. In doing so, the article primarily uses historical documents from the Foreign Relations of the United States (frus) series because they provide very detailed information about backstage diplomacy, motivations of candidate countries, and opinions of the US diplomats about candidates. The article concludes that it was the US Cold War policies that influenced the outcome of the 1948 election. Although it was publicly known that the US supported Turkey in this election, a closer examination of the American diplomatic documents reveals that the US voted for Egypt in order to keep it in the Western camp.
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Zorin, Artem. "The February 1948 Crisis in Czechoslovakia: Reaction, Assessments And Consequenses for the USA Foreign Policy." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.6.
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Introduction. The article examines the reaction of American diplomatic, political and media circles, who were involved in the development of the US political course and the formation of mass sentiments, to the crisis in Czechoslovakia in February 1948. It reveals connections between the perceptions of political processes in Eastern Europe by various segments of the American political elite and the nature of political decisions made by the US government. Methods. The research is based on archival documents and articles of leading American papers. Their analysis allows us to consider the transformation of the image of Czechoslovakia, perceptions of its domestic and foreign policy, the evolution of assessments of Czechoslovak realities in the US, depending on the domestic and international situation and changing world situation. Analysis. In February 1948, during the tense political crisis, a communist regime was established in Czechoslovakia. This event completed the creation of the Soviet bloc in Europe, and influenced the development of the US containment policy towards the USSR and the escalation of the Cold War. The February crisis caused a tangible reaction in the United States. It was considered in American media, diplomatic and political circles in general context of growing international tension and Soviet-American controversies. Results. The author concludes that the US government was convinced that the communists’ coup d’état was inspired by the Kremlin. The Americans were shocked by its suddenness and speed, the lack of resistance from democratic forces. This effect was used by the US government to whip up anti-Soviet sentiments and to adopt the Marshall Plan.
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Larson, Deborah Welch. "The Origins of Commitment: Truman and West Berlin." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 1 (January 2011): 180–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00074.
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Until the 1948–1949 Berlin blockade, the United States had not decided whether U.S. forces should remain in West Berlin after the establishment of a West German government. But after the Soviet Union closed off surface routes to West Berlin, the Truman administration embarked on a massive airlift and established a de facto commitment to preserve the western sectors' independence. The U.S. guarantee to West Berlin is difficult to explain from the standpoint of realist theories of foreign policymaking. Realism maintains that leaders should undertake commitments only if adequate power is available and that ends should be commensurate with means. West Berlin was indefensible, and its access routes could be restricted at any time. Only by analyzing the decision-making process from the standpoint of political psychology can scholars determine why U.S. policymakers acted as they did. President Harry Truman played a pivotal role in decision-making in Berlin, and he relied on his own judgment rather than policy analysis. Psychological research on intuitive judgment indicates that people sometimes make important decisions without deliberating when the problem is highly complex and the outcome uncertain—precisely the conditions Truman faced in 1948.
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Zadorozhnyi, Oleksiі. "Development of Trade and Economic Relations Between Ukraine and the Kingdom of the Netherlands: Dynamics and Prospects." Modern Economics 31, no. 1 (February 20, 2022): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31521/modecon.v31(2022)-06.
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Abstract. Introduction. In this article, based on the analysis of the development of trade and economic relations between Ukraine and the Netherlands, was found that the Netherlands is one of the largest investors in Ukraine in recent years. According to the results of the analysis, it is found that metallurgy, agro-industrial complex, mechanical engineering, IT industry, oil and fat industry are the most popular industries in trade and economic cooperation between the countries today. Purpose. The aim of the work is to identify the effectiveness of trade and economic relations between Ukraine and the Netherlands based on a study of the dynamics of the impact of economic indicators on the structure of Ukraine's economy. Results. The dynamics of trade and economic cooperation between Ukraine and the Netherlands for the period 2014- 2021 is studied. The existing volumes of trade between countries and attracting foreign direct investment as of 2020-2021, as well as export and import structures are analyzed. Examples of qualitatively new content of cooperation between Kyiv and Amsterdam are given, in particular, the establishment of agreements on a number of reclamation measures in Ukraine with the assistance of the Kingdom, which will generally help to improve the environmental situation. Potentially attractive sectors of Ukraine's economy for European investors have been identified, among which are the agro-industrial complex, metallurgy, oil and fat industry, IT sector, mechanical engineering, mining, etc. The key principles on which cooperation with the Netherlands should be based are outlined and the priority areas of relations with the EU countries are described. We have suggested the ways to increase the competitiveness of domestic products in European markets based on the experience of partner countries, including the creation of an effective system for certification of export products in Ukraine and a temporary reduction in value added tax. In this research were used general scientific methods of induction, deduction, dynamics, statistics, etc. Conclusions. Conclusions are made on the current state of Ukrainian-Dutch relations. Opportunities and prospects for the development of bilateral relations in the near and long term are outlined. Promising areas of trade and economic cooperation between Ukraine and the Netherlands have been found, such as: mining and development of the machine-building industry with the investment participation of the Kingdom.
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Collet, Steven. "Modernizing the Dutch Diplomatic Service: A Work in Progress." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 10, no. 4 (October 23, 2015): 440–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341324.
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A small country with a big international footprint, the Netherlands depends on the world around it for its future security, prosperity and well-being. Its wide diplomatic network is managed by the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which is responsible for policy in the areas of foreign relations and trade, European cooperation, development cooperation and consular services provided to Dutch nationals abroad. Responsibility for foreign trade was added to the ministry’s core tasks when the present Dutch government was formed in 2012. This article looks at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ major programme of reforms and spending cuts—‘Modernizing the Diplomatic Service’—which was started three years ago to ensure that the diplomatic service remains well placed to fulfil its roles. The article discusses the rationale behind the programme, the approach taken, and discusses the reforms that have been introduced and the lessons learned. Finally, the article considers elements for future reform.