Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Netherlands – Foreign relations – 1948-'

This thesis examines the interplay of public opinion, national identity and foreign policy during the period 1785-1815, focusing on three consistently interconnected countries: the Netherlands, France and Great Britain. The Netherlands provides the centrepiece to the study, which considers how the Dutch were perceived as a nation, a people and as a political entity, at both governmental and popular levels, in the three countries throughout the period. Public opinion is theorised as a two-part phenomenon. Active public opinion represents the collated thoughts and responses of a certain public to an event or set of circumstances. Latent public opinion represents the sum of generally-accepted underlying social norms, stereotypes or preconceptions; the perceptions and representations latently present in unconscious mentalités. The thesis examines how perceptions and representations of the Netherlands in all three countries fed into public opinion and, ultimately, into national identity either of the self or the ‘other’. It then investigates the extent to which the triangular policies of Britain, France and the various incarnations of the Dutch state were shaped by popular perceptions, identities and opinion. While active opinion is shown to have generally been of negligible importance to the policy-making process, it is argued that the underlying themes of latent opinion often provided the conceptual background that politicians from all three countries used to make policy. The influence of latent opinion was often as much unconscious as deliberate. Latent opinion was rarely the inspiration for foreign policy, but it frequently provided the boundaries of expectation within which policy was formed.

This thesis is concerned with determining the effect of the establishment of a Jewish state on Anglo-American relations and the policies of their governments. This work covers the period from the awarding of the Palestine Mandate to Great Britain, through World War II, and concentrates on the post-war events up to the foundation of the state of Israel. It uses major governmental documents, as well as those of the United Nations, the archival materials at the Harry S. Truman Library, and the memoirs of the major participants in the Palestine drama. This study concludes that, while the Palestine problem presented ample opportunities for disunity, the Anglo-American relationship suffered no permanently damaging effects.

This study examines human rights in the North-South relations of three internationalist countries: Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway. It pays special attention to the integration of human rights in development aid policy, particularly the use of political conditionality. The theoretical framework examines the explanatory power of political Realism. A hypothesis linking policy assertiveness with the perceived costs to other national interests is tested by selecting Western states most likely to disprove Realist assumptions, and by choosing at least two Third World cases for each aid donor: one where economic, political and strategic interests are high, and another where the same interests are minimal or low. Three frameworks to (1) document human rights abuses; (2) evaluate national human rights performance; and (3) gauge foreign policy assertiveness serve as the methodological lenses to analyze Western statecraft and test the hypothesis.
Each donor's search for moral opportunity is visible in an emerging agenda to promote human rights and democratic development. However, if the resolve to defend human rights beyond national borders is gauged by a state's willingness to incur harm to other important national interests, then Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway are seldom disposed to let human rights trump more self-serving national interests. The potential for consistent and principled human rights statecraft is frequently undermined by Realism's cost-benefit rationality.

Abstract Perceptions of Finland and Finns held by Canadian government decision-makers underscore the relations between the two countries. The individuals involved had definite views of what Finland and Finns were like and these images were at times openly expressed or inferred from the archived government departmental files. Using an analysis of images, the evolving bilateral relations between Canada and Finland from the recognition of Finnish independence in 1919 until the early Cold War in 1948 can be understood from the Canadian perspective. The images are analyzed on a scale in terms of their positive or negative connotations. Positive images regarded Finland as a friendly, Northern, country, a borderland, cultured, Western, modern, progressive, liberal, and democratic. When these images were applied to Finns they were seen as honest, hardworking, reliable and the payers of debts. On the opposite end of the spectrum, Finland was an enemy and a trade competitor. The Finnish people could also be seen with negative images as dangerous and radical. These images existed before the establishment of diplomatic relations and carried over to interactions involving immigration, the League of Nations, trade, and scientific exchanges. They are also evident in relations between the two countries during the Winter War, in the decision to declare war against Finland during the Continuation War, during the armistice period, the peace process, and the during the early Cold War when normalized relations were established. The findings suggest that relations between Canada and Finland were most often impacted by events in Europe. The images of Finland and Finns did not directly impact relations as such, since the policies and actions taken were based on what decision-makers considered realistic assessments of the situation, as well as Canada’s national interests and capabilities. However, the images appear frequently as a means to narrow the range of acceptable options, rationalizations for specific polices, and justification for particular actions
Tiivistelmä Kanadan hallituksen päätöksentekijöiden näkemykset Suomesta ja suomalaisista korostavat maiden välisiä suhteita. Hallituksen arkistot paljastavat, että päättäjillä oli selvä näkökuva Suomesta ja suomalaisista, ja siihen viitattiin joko avoimesti tai peitetysti. Kanadan ja Suomen suhteet Suomen itsenäisyyden tunnustamisesta vuonna 1919 aina kylmän sodan alkuun saakka vuonna 1948 ovat ymmärrettävissä Kanadan näkökulmasta käyttämällä näkökuva-analyysia. Näkökuvat analysoidaan joko positiivisella tai negatiivisella asteikolla. Positiiviset näkökuvat Suomesta kuvaavat sitä ystävällisenä, pohjoisena rajamaana, joka oli sivistynyt, länsimainen, nykyaikainen, edistynyt, suvaitsevainen ja demokraattinen. Suomalaiset nähtiin rehellisinä, ahkerina, luotettavina ja velkansa maksajina. Asteikon toisessa päässä Suomi nähtiin vihollisena ja kauppakilpailijana. Suomalaiset voitiin myös nähdä negatiivisesti vaarallisina ja radikaaleina. Nämä näkökuvat olivat läsnä ennen maitten välisten diplomaattisuhteiden perustamista, ja jatkuivat vuorovaikutuksissa koskien siirtolaisuutta, Kansojen liittoa, kauppaa ja tieteellistä vaihtoa. Ne ovat myös nähtävissä suhteissa talvisodan aikana, päätöksessä julistaa sota Suomea vastaan jatkosodan aikana, aserauhan aikana, rauhanteon aikana sekä paluussa normaaleihin suhteisiin kylmän sodan alussa. Euroopan tapahtumilla näytti olevan myös suuri vaikutus Suomen ja Kanadan suhteisiin. Näkökuvat Suomesta ja suomalaisista eivät suoranaisesti vaikuttaneet maitten suhteisiin, koska käytännöt ja toiminnat perustuivat päättäjien mielestä realistiseen arvioon tilanteista sekä Kanadan kansallisista eduista ja kyvyistä. Tästä huolimatta näitä näkökuvia käytettiin usein rajoittamaan hyväksyttävien vaihtoehtojen valikoimaa, järkeistämään tiettyjä käytäntöjä sekä oikeuttamaan joitakin toimintoja

When Yugoslavia was expelled from the Cominform in 1948, the Western Powers (Britain, the USA, France) were taking action to counter a perceived Soviet threat. This included the policy of liberating Eastern Europe from Communist domination. Tito's expulsion was misinterpreted by the Western Powers: assuming that Tito had initiated it, the Western Powers hoped for similar "defections" by other Communis regimes. The sowing of discord between the Satellite leaders (including Mao) and Stalin became a new facet of the Liberation policy. Yugoslavia was treated as show-case to demonstrate to Satellite leaders that they could obtain aid from the West if they ceased to support Stalin. In the case of the European Satellite leaders, this policy was a miscalculation: they had no intention of breaking with Stalin and the alternative of obtaining help from the Western Powers had little credibility in view of their anti-Communist propaganda and subversive secret operations. The Americans for other reasons failed to encourage existing emancipatory trends among the Chinese Communist leaders. British recognition of Mao's regime was not enough to draw Mao away from Stalin. Yugoslavia's other role was strategic and it gained particular importance for the West in the context of increased defensive measures after the outbreak of the Korean War. The Western Powers gave Yugoslavia arms and economic aid to strengthen her as a shield for the defence of NATO territory. Yet Yugoslavia was discouraged from committing herself to the West by Western reluctance to give away NATO information. Italo- Yugoslav defence co-ordination would have been necessary but was made impossible by disagreements about Trieste, also involving the Western Powers. The Trieste crisis of late 1953 set back Western-Yugoslav relations significantly, perhaps irretrievably. The ephemeral Balkan defence pact of 1954 between Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey was no substitute, and with the waning of the Soviet threat for Yugoslavia after Stalin's death in 1953 Tito became less interested in defence-cooperation with the Western Powers.

This study has presented an overview of the significant impact the Balkan Federation attempts had upon the 1948 Soviet-Yugoslav split. Furthermore, this thesis argues that Yugoslav Communist leader Josip Broz-Tito's intentions to create a federation of Balkan countries and East European bloc states challenged Joseph Stalin's monolithic dominance. United under Tito, this federation could have provided resistance to Stalin's plans to subjugate Communist Europe under his command. Furthermore, for Tito, the Balkan Federation represented the opportunity to maintain control over Yugoslavian affairs while enhancing his influence in the region. Such a demonstration of independence by Tito could cause other Soviet dominated areas to question Stalin's authority. It is this scenario of a Balkan Federation inside Stalin's Communist realm that became the immediate factor in the Moscow-Belgrade break.
Department of History

This thesis concentrates on two discrete contexts in which Jewish and imperial concerns converged: the Boer War and the British Mandate for Palestine. For Britain's Jews, the Boer War represented a rare and uncomfortable moment in which the Jewish Question achieved relative prominence. However the war also generated a different set of 'Jewish questions', leading the Anglo-Jewish establishment to refine its own understanding of patriotic and imperial duty. The case of Palestine, by contrast produced less straightforward and predictable outcomes. Ottoman entry into World War I, which prompted both British and Zionist considerations into the merits of a Jewish homeland as part of the imperial system, created an acute conflict for British Jewry's communal leadership. Although not negating the advantages of a British-Jewish Palestine either to the Empire or to Jews in need of refuge, its decision to oppose the Balfour Declaration privileged at some cost a distinctive reading of Jewish interests over a more obvious synthesis of national and sectarian goals. Despite continued objections to Zionism's ideological outlook and its pursuit of statehood, the Anglo-Jewish establishment located in the interwar development of a British-Jewish Palestine a means to advance both Jewish communal and imperial agendas. As the alliance between the Zionists and Britain unravelled in the final decade of the Mandate, British Jews eager to safeguard their position as well as their vision of Palestine's future would persist in defending this relationship. In its exploration of the evolution of Anglo-Jewish attitudes towards Britain, the Empire and Mandatory Palestine, this thesis aims to address both thematic and chronological gaps in the historiography of Anglo-Jewry. By drawing attention to the uniqueness of Anglo-Jewry's imperial connection to Palestine and to the domestic impact of British involvement, my work also contributes to scholarship on Zionism and the Mandate Finally, it offers a framework for considering the impact of, and relationship to, Empire of minority groups residing in Britain.

This paper will rather seek to uncover and emphasize Cold War imperatives that served as significant guiding factors in shaping the Canadian response to the Suez Crisis. The success of Canadian diplomacy in the 1956 Suez Crisis was in the ability of Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester B. Pearson and his Canadian colleagues to protect Western interests in the context of the Cold War. Suez threatened Anglo-American unity, and the future of the North Atlantic alliance. It also presented the Soviets an opportunity to gain influence in the Middle East. The United Nations Emergency Force ensured that Britain and France had a means to extricate themselves from the Crisis. Canada wished to further protect Western credibility in the eyes of the non-white Commonwealth and Afro-Asian bloc. It was, therefore, important to focus international attention on Soviet aggression in Hungary, and not Anglo-French intervention in Egypt.

An analysis of American Presbyterian (Presbyterian Church in the United States of America, PCUSA) missionary activities in Korea from 1931 to 1948 allows a better understanding of critical shifts in Korean-American relations. As the largest Protestant missionary denomination in Korea under the Japanese colonial rule (1910-45), the Presbyterian Chosen (Korea) Mission maintained eight mission stations. Four of the eight maintained eight secondary schools. By the mid-1930’s, the colonial government had granted "designated schools" status to the seven schools, thus making them equivalent to government schools. In collaboration with other missionary groups, the Chosen Mission even managed institutions of higher education such as Union Christian (Soongsil) College, Pyungyang Theological Seminary, Chosen Christian (Yeonhi) College, and Severance Medical College. As Protestant missionaries had been active in the areas of education and medical care since the 1880’s, the Japanese Government-General of Korea was inclined to acknowledge their special roles. The fact that the United States, as well as the United Kingdom, had condoned the Japanese take-over of Korea also assured that the colonial regime had no issues with the missionaries. The 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria had an adverse effect on their relations. Not only was Japan unable to enlist Western support for its action, worshipping at Shinto shrines was to become a key feature of wartime mobilization, both in mind and body. The Government-General increasingly enforced the worship to commemorate the war dead and to pacify unstable Korean peninsula. Adjacent to Manchuria, the initial target region was none other than Korea’s northwest, the Protestant stronghold where conservative missionaries had already prohibited ancestor worship as an idolatry and viewed the government’s Shinto-related policy with suspicion. All the same, even after beginning to formally require schools to comply, the colonial government did not seek immediate enforcement, though Japanese veteran associations agitated pro-worship demonstrations. In fact, in an effort to maintain good relations with the Chosen Mission, the Government-General did not force any mission school to obey. Seeing no serious problem, the U. S. State Department did not intervene. As the Japanese consolidation of the emperor system shaped colonial policies in the 1930’s in Taiwan and Korea, tension escalated over the worship issue. In November 1935 when the principals of Presbyterian schools in Pyungyang—George S. McCune of Soongsil Boy’s Academy and College and Velma L. Snook of Soongeui Girl’s Academy—refused to comply with the provincial governor’s order concerning the worship, they suffered eviction. The incident effectively marked the end of good relations between the colonial government and the Chosen Mission. At this juncture, the Pyungyang mission station decided to withdraw from educational ministry as the Shinto shrine worship requirement applied to the overall education system in colonial Korea. The 1936 annual meeting of the Chosen Mission backed the decision, but holding on to school properties aroused criticism among Korean Presbyterians. To them, rejecting the Shinto shrine worship was one thing, not offering education to Koreans another. Forming the committees for taking over mission schools from the missionaries, they rushed to effect the transfer, and what resulted was a conflict between Koreans and the Chosen Mission. Similar committees sprang up in Cheolla and South Kyeongsang regions where, respectively, Southern Presbyterians and Australian Presbyterians maintained a mission. Southern Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions even dispatched its Secretary to Korea to resolve the matter, and this precipitated the withdrawal of missionaries in spite of vehement Korean protests. In contrast, Methodists and Canadian Presbyterians obeyed the Government-General on the Shinto shrine worship issue, and no serious trouble arose. While the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions concurred with the 1936 decision by the Chosen Mission, educational missionaries in Seoul, Daegu, and Seoncheon dissented. To be sure, they and other missionaries who advocated continuing missionary schools were in the minority in the Chosen Mission. Led by Horace H. Underwood and Edwin W. Koons, the minority group appealed to the Board of Foreign Missions and argued for the necessity of missionary-managed secondary schools and institutions of higher education in Korea. The American missionaries and diplomats in Japan supported this position, according to which the Shinto shrine worship requirement was a matter of patriotic obligation. After several conferences, the Board of Foreign Missions decided to transfer the mission schools in Korea to Koreans except the schools in Pyungyang—a concession to the minority view. The Chosen Mission’s majority dissented, and some left the denomination for a more "conservative" one. After Korea’s liberation in 1945, some of them would support Koryeo Theological seminary in South Kyeongsang Province. Eventually, Presbyterian mission schools in Pyungyang were closed, and those in other regions were taken by Korean Presbyteries and school boards. Upon commencing its attack on mainland China in 1937, Japan began mobilizing Korea for war. The Government-General found that increasing the Korean people’s access to basic education will be good for securing Korean cooperation. In this milieu, it allowed Koreans to continue running the mission schools as well as even allowing Japanese schools to absorb them. Thus even before the commencement of the Pacific War (1941-45) with the U. S., American missionaries had withdrawn from the area of education in colonial Korea. With bitterness and anger, they returned to America except for a small number that remained in Korea. The latter eventually suffered internment upon the outbreak of the war, but in June 1942 Japan returned them to the U. S. in exchange for interned Japanese nationals. Repatriated Americans produced vivid reports on the conditions in wartime Korea. During the early stage of the war when the Japanese advancement continued and the Republic of Korea Provisional Government (ROKPG) in China sought recognition by Allied powers, Korea-related information from the returning Americans was invaluable to the U. S. government. In spite of the reports stressing Korean zeal for independence, however, returned Americans generally deemed mobilizing Koreans for anti-Japanese activity virtually impossible. And pessimism expressed in the reports about Korean independence and descriptions of divisions among Korean independence activists further strengthened the State Department’s skepticism. Most repatriated missionaries actively cooperated with the American government, and some worked for intelligence agencies. Among them, a new generation of Americans wanted the U. S. government to support the ROKPG and various Korean coalitions in the U. S.—a stance different from that of old Asia hand’s. Even among the older missionaries that had spent decades in Korea, some formed an organization to help the Korean independence movement under Syngman Rhee. The Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions recognized that the post-war missionary activity in Korea will require Korean cooperation, and the Board’s stance foreshadowed power shift in the Protestant leadership in post-liberation Korea. Horace. H. Underwood in particular wielded strong influence on the Board’s post-war plans for Korea. Upon the end of the war and Korea’s liberation, many missionaries joined the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK, 1945-48) which, otherwise without adequate information on Korea, found their service valuable. The missionaries returning to Korea collaborated with the USAMGIK in various ways. As exemplified by Underwood who served as a special advisor to the American Military Governor and the Minister of Education, most missionaries did not differentiate "democracy" and Christianity. Throughout this period, the Board of Foreign Missions considered the missionaries’ participation in the USAMGIK as a part of their normal work. Most missionaries did not explicitly criticize the American occupation authority and the U. S. policy toward Korea, but a small number were outspoken advocates of political and economic reforms necessary for turning Korea into a strong bulwark against Communism. They were to lose ground, however, with the emergence of rival regimes on the peninsula and ensuing hostility between the two. After Korea’s liberation from Japan, missionaries gradually returned to Korea and by 1947 most missions were reestablished. Missions again managed schools and hospitals where Koreans served as principals. Missionaries secured their position of influence by providing increasingly large financial support. Not only did they expand their activity sphere to include radio broadcasting and vocational education, their cooperation with the American occupation authority also facilitated Protestant Korean participation in the governing process, wherein the graduates of mission schools and American universities became especially conspicuous. Unlike the colonial era, now the Protestant elite of Korea enthusiastically welcomed the opportunity to increase their presence in the government, be it the American military government or the succeeding Republic of Korea (1948-present) government. With its Protestant elite regarding government service as an important mission for Christians, Korea faced a new challenge: defining proper relationship between the state and religion.

This thesis examines the critical factors leading to the 1948 decision by the United States government to extend recognition to the newly declared State of Israel. In the first of five chapters the literature on the recognition of Israel is discussed. Chapter II presents the theoretical foundation of the thesis by tracing the development of Charles Kegley's decision regime framework. Also discussed is the applicability of bureaucratic structure theory and K. J. Holsti's hierarchy of objectives. Chapters III and IV present the empirical history of this case, each closing with a chapter summary. The final chapter demonstrates the relevance and validity of the theoretical framework to the case and closes with a call for further research into the processes of foreign policy decision-making.

The United Kingdom's postwar economic recovery and the usefulness of Marshall Plan aid depended heavily on a rapid increase in exports by the country's manufacturing industries. American aid administrators, however, shocked to discover the British industry's inability to respond to the country's urgent need, insisted on aggressive action to improve productivity. In partial response, a joint venture, called the Anglo-American Council on Productivity (AACP), arranged for sixty-six teams involving nearly one thousand people to visit U.S. factories and bring back productivity improvement ideas. Analyses of team recommendations, and a brief review of the country's industrial history, offer compelling insights into the problems of relative industrial decline. This dissertation attempts to assess the reasons for British industry's inability to respond to the country's economic emergency or to maintain its competitive position faced with the challenge of newer industrializing countries.

This thesis is devoted to an unsuccessful mission to Sofia undertaken in the fall of 1914 by Noel Buxton, a Liberal British M.P., who aimed to win Bulgaria over to the side of the Triple Entente. Although referred to on occasion in works having to do with the conduct of British foreign policy during the First World War, the affair has never before been described in full. Through a close examination of hitherto unexploited material from Buxton's own archive, it has been possible to reconstruct the evolution of the mission, analyze its contemporary significance, and suggest its relevance to current trends towards the moralization and democratization of diplomacy.

The thesis deals with Britain's early Cold War history and the political history of the Church of England. It mainly uses primary sources, and contributes to our growing understanding of the early Cold War, especially in its cultural/religious elements. It explores how the Church of England dealt with the development of the early Cold War in Britain. It argues that in order to understand better the Church of England's role, an account of its perspective on issues of state modernisation dating back to at least the 1930s is necessary. It was then, during a decade of authoritarianism, and especially at the Oxford Conference of 1937, that the Church' standpoint towards secularisation was established, while the transnational agenda of the ecumenical movement was also adopted and internalized by Church of England. The thesis also examines the agencies which it built and worked with: in particular the British Council of Churches and the World Council of Churches. As the Church is the Established Church, its relationship with specific government agencies, especially the British Foreign Office and the Ministry of Information also became increasingly important. The thesis reveals the Church of England's lack of autonomy in time of crisis and the importance of key individuals for the institutional leadership of the Church. Its ecumenical agenda had played an important role, but this was under pressure after the War, as a Europe-wide Christian community was increasingly challenged by 'Western Union' plans for a Cold War Western, Christian community and bloc. By 1948 the Church had been enrolled in the Cold War between East and West which was apparent in its alignment with British government policies and its withdrawn role in the ecumenical community. The thesis adds to our understanding of the Church of England's relationship to the state in these years, and contributes to the cultural dimension of the early Cold War in Britain.

La présente étude vise à appréhender en trois temps la public diplomacy des Etats-Unis, objet civilisationnel protéiforme. Notre premier chapitre a pour objectif la constitution d’un appareil théorique permettant de comprendre le fonctionnement de la projection d’une image extraterritoriale des Etats-Unis. La multiplicité d’acteurs, d’auteurs et de prescripteurs façonnant la public diplomacy américaine nécessite d’en dresser une taxonomie. Par ailleurs, les nombreux prismes disciplinaires par lesquels la public diplomacy est décrite font amplement varier son signifié. Pour donner du sens à cet ensemble hétérogène, nous choisissons d’étudier la public diplomacy des Etats-Unis sous l’angle de la propagande. Notre second chapitre est une étude pratique. Celle-ci révèle que la littérature consacrée à la public diplomacy est de nature quasi hagiographique. Présentée comme vertueuse par ses acteurs, la réalité est tout autre. Quatre cas d’étude – la « campagne de vérité » sous Truman, la « guerre du Vietnam » sous Johnson, l’Office of Public Diplomacy for Latin America and the Caribbean sous Reagan, ainsi que la « guerre contre la terreur » sous Bush fils – montrent que sa praxis est en contradiction avec sa rhétorique. Lors de l’ultime chapitre, on s’interrogera sur les différences entre effets annoncés et effets constatés. Le phénomène le plus notable est la constitution d’un maillage international de personnes influentes au sein d’instituts servant de relais au message américain. Cet effet fait-il des chercheurs en Etudes américaines des propagandistes à leur insu ?
This three-part dissertation considers U.S. public diplomacy as a protean American Studies object. Part one is the creation of a theoretical apparatus to assist readers in their comprehension of how America projects its image abroad. The (too) many actors, authors and policy-makers involved in the shaping of American public diplomacy require the creation of a taxonomy. What is more, depending on academic focus, the meaning of public diplomacy varies. To make sense of this heterogeneous set, we choose to use propaganda as the master signifier tying together the different facets of public diplomacy. Part two is a practical study. Quasi hagiographic literature massages the reader into believing public diplomacy is of a virtuous nature. Yet four case studies (Truman’s Campaign of truth, Johnson’s Vietnam War, Reagan’s Office of Public Diplomacy for Latin America and the Caribbean and Bush 43’s so-called “War on Terror”) reveal the width of the gap that separates rhetoric from practice. Part three ponders the difference between supposed and real effects of American public diplomacy. Its most tangible achievement being the creation of a network of influential people and institutions to relay the American message abroad, one may wonder whether American Studies specialists unknowingly become propagandists themselves

Si la gestion de la crise de Berlin 1948-1949 est d’emblée une affaire anglo-américaine pouvant déboucher sur un affrontement avec les Soviétiques, l’observateur est très rapidement confronté à une littérature qui traite du sujet massivement du point de vue états-unien. Le point de départ de ce travail consiste à dissocier le front anglo-américain contre l’URSS en explorant la voix du Royaume-Uni dans la résolution de la crise de Berlin alors qu’un gouvernement travailliste, ayant obtenu pour la première fois une majorité confortable aux élections en juillet 1945, est au pouvoir. Pour ce faire, nous interrogeons ce cas d’étude selon deux axes. Le premier concerne la signification particulière des micro-débats dans les instances gouvernementales en charge de la gestion de la crise berlinoise. Ce cadre spécifique ne peut éluder un deuxième niveau d’analyse qui relève du contexte général dans lequel le processus décisionnel s’opère, renvoyant à la politique étrangère des années Attlee et à la politique d’occupation du Royaume-Uni en Allemagne après 1945. La thèse défendue est que l’étude micro-historique de la gestion britannique de la crise berlinoise prend tout son sens si celle-ci est appréhendée dans sa dimension duale, c’est-à-dire spécifique et globale. En effet, le problème berlinois est géré par une multitude d’instances gouvernementales, situées à Londres ou dans la zone d’occupation allemande, avec des acteurs qui ne sont pas tous au Parti travailliste. Dès lors, comment peut-on caractériser leur style décisionnel à l’aune des débats qui sont considérés comme des micro-récits d’un événement de la guerre froide naissante ? En outre, cette analyse micro-historique témoigne d’une politique britannique élaborée vis-à-vis de l’Allemagne depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale avec la participation active de certaines figures travaillistes issues d’un parti qui a longuement œuvré pour des relations harmonieuses dans les affaires internationales. Dans ce cas, comment peut-on distinguer la perception britannique du problème allemand à partir de 1940 ? Ces deux niveaux de contextualisation globale permettent ainsi de comprendre les catégories notionnelles autour desquelles s’organisent les micro-récits de la gestion britannique de la crise de Berlin. Le cadre analytique de ce travail qui utilise l’approche interprétative de Mark Bevir donne également à voir des caractéristiques d’une conception et d’une pratique de la politique étrangère par le Parti travailliste qui héberge plusieurs courants en son sein
The Berlin crisis 1948-1949 has received some attention in scholary literature on the origins of the Cold War. But the British part has been poorly served compared to the American. This thesis examines the British decision-making process during the Berlin crisis considering that the Labour Party formed its majority government for the first time in July 1945. It offers a detailed examination of the Berlin crisis tackled as a specific case study through which it becomes possible to analyse the debates in a variety of governmental structures dealing with an issue which also pertained to the general context of the Attlee years’ foreign policy as well as to the British occupation policy in Germany after 1945. This thesis argues that the Berlin crisis can be properly understood if it is contextualised in its twofold dimension i.e. at specific and global levels. Firstly, the British decision-making process involved a variety of actors in London or in the occupied zone of Germany who were not all from the Labour Party. Thus, how can the decision-making process be characterised by studying the multi-faceted debates during this prominent 11-month event of the early Cold War? Secondly, the Berlin case also refers to the British policy towards Germany outlined during the Second World War with key Labour politicians’ active contribution. Considering that the Labour Party had long advocated harmonious international relations, what has the British perception of the German problem since 1940 highlighted? The dual contextualisation of the Berlin crisis within Labour foreign policy, on the one hand, and within the framework of British occupation policy in Germany, on the other hand, offers a better understanding of the story-telling of its decision-making process. Besides, using Mark Bevir’s interpretive method, this thesis helps evaluate British role during the Berlin crisis as well as the Labour Party’s approach to foreign policy in the early Cold War

The master thesis analyzes a development of Czech-Dutch relations from the first contacts in the Middle Ages till the present. The thesis is divided into chapters chronologically but the emphasis is placed on the 20th century also because of the number of sources. Bilateral relations of these two actors of the international relations are examined on the political, economic and cultural level. The master thesis is based first of all on the archival sources of the Ministry of Foreign Affaires of the Czech Republic and it is the first overview which is given on the mutual Czech-Dutch relations according to the three above mentioned levels.

Fondée en 1878 par le traité de San Stefano, mutilée par celui de Berlin, la principauté autonome de Bulgarie voit ses destinées confiées en 1887 à Ferdinand de Saxe-Cobourg et Gotha. Le nouveau knyaz est contraint dès son avènement à imposer sa personne et les ambitions de son pays dans l’arène internationale. Après une lutte de longue haleine pour obtenir la reconnaissance de son titre par le concert européen, il s’évertue à mener les Bulgares vers la réalisation de leurs idéaux nationaux. Il se heurte aux blocages dus aux liens unissant Sofia à Constantinople, à la rivalité des États environnants et aux politiques balkaniques contradictoires des puissances. Le prince aiguise au fil des ans son sens de la diplomatie et déploie une politique extérieure visant à tirer profit à la fois de la position stratégique de son pays et des rivalités des forces en présence, tout en exploitant à bon escient les circonstances successives. Sa politique de bascule aux ressorts progressivement définis est mise en œuvre, et à l’épreuve, au cours des secousses qui rythment les deux premières décennies du XXe siècle. Si elle permet à la Bulgarie d’accéder à l’indépendance, et au statut de royaume, dans le sillage de la crise bosniaque de 1908, ses revers sont patents pendant les Guerres balkaniques et le premier conflit mondial. Pourtant, force est de constater que ses échecs ne sont pas imputables au seul Ferdinand dont l’examen des faits tend à atténuer les responsabilités dans les « Catastrophes nationales », les deux défaites vécues par les Bulgares en 1913 et 1918, conséquences d’un écheveau de causes d’une grande complexité
The boundaries of an autonomous Bulgarian principality established by the provision of the San Stefano Treaty in 1878 were substantially reduced by the Great Powers at Berlin. Many unresolved problems between Sofia and Saint-Petersburg led to suspension of the bilateral relations and the abdication of Alexander of Battenberg. Ferdinand of Saxe-Cobourg and Gotha was elected Prince in 1887. After a “controversial” accession to the Bulgarian throne, the young knyaz was committed to impose himself and his country’s national interests to the international scene. After a long-term efforts aimed at recognition of his title of king amongst European chancelleries, he tried hard to realise Bulgarian national ideas. However, it undermined relationship between Sofia and Constantinople but also contributed to the rivalry between surrounding States and the Great Powers in the Balkans. Due to his diplomatic experience, Ferdinand opted for a new foreign policy strategy designed to benefit both from the Bulgaria’s strategic position and the rivalry between powers. Thus, the first two decades of the 20th century were marked by the tumult of Balkan politics. However, it allowed Bulgaria to gain independence, the status of the Kingdom in the wake of the Bosnian crisis in 1908, and the defeats during the Balkan Wars and the First World War. The defeats are not attributable entirely to Ferdinand who was the most responsible for the “National Catastrophes” in 1913 and 1918. This research has shown that fact-based analysis provides a more nuanced picture of Ferdinand’s reign which was effected by a complexity of contributing factors that inevitably plunged the country into international isolation and defeat in the Great War

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the claim that Great Power Wars are a necessary condition for successful hegemonic ascent in the modern world-system, primarily from the standpoint of World- Systems Analysis. This study advances the conception of hegemony primarily in economic and state terms, and it was investigated, by way of a historical case study, how the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) impacted the economic domains of agro-industrial production, commerce, and finance of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and its main rival for systemic leadership, Hapsburg Spain. The variables utilised in the study were Great Power War, and the ‘material base’ of the state involved (both independent), the three abovementioned economic domains (intervening), and hegemony or defeat (dependent). The case study was primarily descriptive and explanatory, with the use of process-tracing in its compilation, and a method of within-case structured, focused comparison was utilised with the aim of tentatively producing standardised, generalised knowledge concerning the wider link between Great Power War and hegemony beyond the Dutch case. The findings of the study, although derived from only one historical case of hegemonic ascent in the modern world-system, strongly support the argument that Great Power War is necessary to secure the hegemony of the leading insular core state, which is physically removed from the fighting during the conflict, since the full mobilisation of its economy is effected, while the economies of most other core states are impaired, especially the main continental rival for hegemony. However, the ascending hegemon must also possess the requisite favourable ‘material base’. Further research on this topic is called for, given the potential destructiveness of a future Great Power War, and its role in establishing hegemony in the modern world-system.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die bewering dat Groot Moontheid Oorloë ‘n noodsaaklike vereiste is vir suksesvolle hegemoniese bestyging in die moderne wêreld-sisteem, hoofsaaklik vanaf die standpunt van Wêreld-Sisteem Analise. Hierdie studie bevorder die konsepsie van hegemonie hoofsaaklik in ekonomiese en staat terme, en dit het ondersoek, deur middel van ‘n historiese gevallestudie, hoe die Dertig Jaar Oorlog (1618-1648) ingewerk het op die ekonomiese arenas van agri-industriële produksie, handel, and finansies van die Verenigde Provinsies van Nederland, en hul mededinger vir sistemiese leierskap, Spanje. Die veranderlikes wat in die studie ingespan was, was Groot Moontheid Oorlog, en die ‘materiële basis’ van die state in kwessie (onafhanlik), die drie bogenoemde ekonomiese arenas (albei tussenkomend), en hegemonie of nederlaag (afhanklik). Die gevallestudie was hoofsaaklik beskrywend en verduidelikend, en proses-nasporing (oftewel ‘process-tracing’) is in die samestelling daarvan benut, en ‘n metode van gestruktureerde, gefokusde vergelyking (oftewel ‘structured, focused comparison’) is gebruik binne die gevallestudie met die doel om tentatiewe gestandardiseerde en veralgemeende kennis te genereer wat bydra tot die verduideliking van die wyer skakel tussen Groot Moontheid Oorlog en hegemonie buite die geval van die Verenigde Provinsies. Die bevindinge van die studie, hoewel gegenereer aan die hand van slegs een historiese geval van hegemoniese bestyging in the moderne wêreld-sisteem, het sterk steun verleen aan die argument dat Groot Moontheid Oorloë nodig is om die hegemonie van die vernaamste insulêre kern staat te bewerkstellig, wat fisies verwyderd van die gevegte is tydends die oorlog, aangesien die volle mobilisasie van die ekonomie van hierdie staat bewerkstellig word, terwyl die ekonomieë van die meerderheid van die ander kernstate benadeel word, veral die vernaamste kontinentale mededinger om hegemonie. Die opkomende hegemoon moet egter ook oor die vereiste gunstige ‘materiële basis’ beskik. Verdere navorsing in hierdie veld word benodig, gegewe die waarskynlike vernietiging wat gesaai kan word deur ‘n toekomstige Groot Moontheid Oorlog, en die rol daarvan in die daarstelling van hegemonie in die moderne wêreld-sisteem.

La "Faith-based" diplomatie américaine et les ambiguïtés du plan Marshall : le cas de la France dans l’après-guerre. Le Président Harry S. Truman (1945-1953) affirme dès 1946 que les E.U. doivent s’armer d'une « diplomatie fondée sur la foi » pour encourager la reconstruction spirituelle d'une Europe « déchristianisée » face au communisme. Pour faire barrage au marxisme de l’Union Soviétique, il fallait commencer par la France, vue comme la pierre de voûte spirituelle. Plus que toute autre nation, elle bénéficie avec le plan Marshall d'un puissant soutien financier militaire, économique et d'une conquête des cœurs et des esprits. De multiples agences interviennent dans cette période alors que les Églises américaines redécouvrent cette terre de mission. Généralement articulées autour de la conviction religieuse des Présidents, les initiatives sont relayées sur le terrain par l’engagement d’acteurs privés. Officialisée en 1998 par le président Clinton dans la promulgation de l’Acte international sur la liberté religieuse, cette approche a justifié la ténacité des missionnaires de 1945 à nos jours dans une France catholique religieusement peu diverse. Encouragées par le quatrième Réveil la plupart des missions américaines, églises protestantes historiques, nouvelles religions ou NMR (mormons, adventistes, témoins de Jéhovah etc...) et Évangéliques ont bien accueilli cette opportunité, phase d’introduction pour certaines ou de redémarrage pour d’autres déjà présentes dès le 19ème siècle. Bien que l'entreprise de « nation building » économique et culturelle de la France ait été perçue par l’opinion américaine de l’époque comme l'une des plus décevantes de l’après-guerre, les résultats de la transformation de la société française sont apparus avec un décalage dans le temps. Pouvons-nous alors retracer les sources des mutations transatlantiques des religions d'origine américaine et l’évolution du paysage religieux français aux activités gouvernementales et missionnaires en ce début de la Guerre froide ?
President Harry S. Truman (1945-1953) claims in 1946 that the U.S. should advance a "faith-based" diplomacy to encourage the spiritual reconstruction of a “dechristianized” Europe .To stand in the way of a Marxist and Godless Soviet Union, it has to begin with France, seen as the spiritual stone arch. More than in any other nation, the Marshall Plan brings a financial, economic and military support, willing to conquer hearts and minds. Many key governmental agencies are involved in this time period, while American churches engaged in aid relief are rediscovering France as a new mission territory. Usually strongly influenced by the religious conviction of the Presidents, "Faith-based policies” supporting Foreign policies are reinforced on the ground by the engagement of private voluntary organizations (PVOs). Formalized in 1998 by President Clinton as a tool in Foreign policy in the enactment of the Act on International Religious Freedom, this approach justifies the tenacity of missionaries from 1945 to the present day in a secular and catholic France. Encouraged by the Fourth Awakening, most American missions, mainstream Protestant churches, new religions like NRM (Mormonism, Adventists, Jehovah's Witnesses, etc...) and Evangelicals, welcome this mixed opportunity: a comeback for a few denominations already presents in the 19th century and for others a chance for a fresh beginning. Although the business of "nation building”, the reshaping of the economic and cultural life of France, is perceived by the American public opinion as one of the most disappointing of the post-war, a deeply transformed French society will later emerge. The overlapping of American public and private organizations, of American churches and missionaries lay the groundwork for the radical transformation of a French monolithic religious landscape. Without doubt this can be traced to this short and critical experimental period of the Early Cold War

Defence date: 1 February 1988
Examining Board: Prof. A. S. Milward (supervisor), London School of Economics and Political Science ; Prof. R.T. Griffiths, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam ; Prof. Prof. A. Kersten, Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden ; Prof. Dr. W. Loth, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster ; Prof. R. Poidevin, Université de Strasbourg III
First made available online 21 March 2019

Defence date: 2 April 2007
Examining Board: Prof. P. Winand (EUI) ; Prof. B. Stråth (EUI) ; Prof. A. Kersten (University of Leyden) ; Prof. W. Loth (University of Essen)
First made available online 2 August 2018

梁炳華.
據稿本複印
論文(博士)--香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部中國歷史學,1993.
附參考文獻
Liang Binghua.
論文撮要 --- p.a
導 論 --- p.1
Chapter 第一章 --- 九龍城寨的興築 --- p.20
Chapter 第一節 --- 興建九龍城寨的背景 --- p.20
Chapter 第二節 --- 城寨的興建與完成 --- p.27
Chapter 第三節 --- 小 结 --- p.42
Chapter 第二章 --- 一八九八-一九〇〇年城寨治權爭拗的產生 --- p.45
Chapter 第一節 --- 中國保留城寨治權的背景 --- p.46
Chapter 第二節 --- 英國朝野對中國保留城寨治權的反應 --- p.50
Chapter 第三節 --- 英國接管新界前的準備 --- p.57
Chapter 第四節 --- 英國佔領九龍城寨及深圳的背景 --- p.63
Chapter 第五節 --- 中英對九龍城寨治權持續兩年的交涉 --- p.87
Chapter 第六節 --- 小 结 --- p.103
Chapter 第三章 --- 一九三〇年代´ؤ´ؤ中英持續四年的九龍城寨治權之爭 --- p.109
Chapter 第一節 --- 中英兩國捍衛城寨治權的背景 --- p.109
Chapter 第二節 --- 貝璐時期´ؤ´ؤ英國對城寨拆遷立場的確立 --- p.118
Chapter 第三節 --- 署理港督時期´ؤ´ؤ拆遷城寨導致的誤解與衝擊 --- p.141
Chapter 第四節 --- 郝德傑時期´ؤ´ؤ由激烈歸於沈寂的城寨治權之爭 --- p.151
Chapter 第五節 --- 小 结 --- p.176
Chapter 第四章 --- 二次大戰後中港兩地的反英情緒與收回港九的呼聲 --- p.179
Chapter 第一節 --- 華人之反英心態及「中國反英情緒備忘錄」 --- p.130
Chapter 第二節 --- 寶安縣計剷城寨設治´ؤ´ؤ中英爭議再起風雲 --- p.187
Chapter 第三節 --- 牽涉香港軍警的兩宗慘案´ؤ´ؤ收回港九高唱入雲 --- p.201
Chapter 第四節 --- 小 論 --- p.212
Chapter 第五章 --- 港府拆遷城寨與瀰漫中國的反英浪潮 --- p.215
Chapter 第一節 --- 城寨由戰時至戰後的變遷 --- p.215
Chapter 第二節 --- 港府宣佈拆遷城寨及中方的初步反應 --- p.218
Chapter 第三節 --- 港府武力拆遷城寨及對居民代表的審訊 --- p.225
Chapter 第四節 --- 中國各地爆發的反英帝國主義浪潮 --- p.236
Chapter 第五節 --- 中文報章與城寨事件促成反英運動的關係 --- p.265
Chapter 第六節 --- 小 结 --- p.271
Chapter 第六章 --- 一九四七至四八年間中英對城寨治權之交涉及解決方案 --- p.274
Chapter 第一節 --- 中英兩國對城寨拆遷所持之立場 --- p.274
Chapter 第二節 --- 兩國對城寨問題所提之解決方荼 --- p.287
Chapter 第三節 --- 一波三折的中英交涉 --- p.298
Chapter 第四節 --- 小 结 --- p.311
结論 --- p.314
註釋 --- p.一
參考資料 --- p.A
附錄 --- p.I
銘 謝

The focus of this research is on the analysis of relations between Israel and India from 1948 to 2005. The State of Israel was established in 1948 but only on 18 September 1950 did India recognise Israel. Eventually, the two countries finally established full diplomatic relations on 29 January 1992. The research covers three specific timeframes and aims to clarify the factors that have affected and effected the relations between the two countries in terms of levels of analysis. The first timeframe (from 1948 to 1991) pertains to bilateral relations between the two countries before the establishment of diplomatic relations, including preindependence relations. India's foreign policy towards Israel reflected its selfinterest in the Middle East as well as its traditional sympathy with the Arabs and had been influenced by India's commitment to the Non-aligned Movement and the sentiments of the Indian Muslims. Eventually it was transformed into an anti- Israeli foreign policy. In the second timeframe, the change in bilateral relations between Israel and India in 1992 and the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries are analysed by the Aggregative Model of Bilateral Foreign Relations Strategic Change. This analysis deals with the operational environment within which the Indian systemic foreign policy changed towards Israel. In the third timeframe, the evolving bilateral relations between India and Israel from 1992 to 2005 are analysed in terms of the Oscillated Diplomacy Model. Consecutive Indian governments in power had an influence on the volume of Indian diplomacy towards Israel as well as the direction of the relations between the two countries. Furthermore, three types of mutual national strategic interests, namely, joint strategic interests, common strategic interests and discrepant strategic interests, influenced the operational diplomacy of both countries. In essence, Israeli-Indian relations from 1948 to 1991 were characterised by partial and consistent pro-Arab and anti-Israeli foreign policy. In 1992, a significant diplomatic change occurred when India and Israel established full diplomatic relations. Since then bilateral relations have evolved continually in a positive manner concentrating on the convergence of strategic interests of the two countries.
International Politics
D.Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

Defence date: 9 March 1998
Examining Board: Dr. Kirti N. Chaudhuri, Instituto Universitario Europeo (Director) ; Dr. Jaime Contreras, Universidad de Alcalá de Henares ; Dr. Gérard Delille, Instituto Universitario Europeo ; Dr. Jonathan I. Israel, University College London
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

To date, no in-depth analysis has been made of the diplomatic relations that existed between the Republic of South Africa (RSA) and the Republic of China on Taiwan (ROC) from 1976 to 1997. Current scholarly works on relations between the two countries tend to oversimplify the forces that drew the two countries into close association during the said period, and presume that ROC-RSA bilateral relations were merely the result on the mutual pariah status of both states. In addition, several common misconceptions regarding the nature of ROC-RSA relations are recurrent in the existing research. This thesis, therefore, examines the development of ROA-RSA relations and interactions from the eve of the ROC government’s relocation to Taiwan in 1948 to the severance of ROC-RSA diplomatic relations in 1998 against the background of the overall historical circumstances of both countries. This study argues that the factors in the formation of ROC-RSA ties are manifold and a result of the convergence of anti-communist ideologies and common interests. Pariah status and international ostracism are only part of the array of complex factors. Efforts are made to investigate the historical conditions, foreign policy objectives and national interests that helped cement diplomatic relations, as well as the extent of co-operation in the complete spectrum of ROC-RSA relations, including economic and cultural relations, and military and nuclear collaborations. These various aspects are explored in order to give a fuller picture of ROC-RSA tenses and limitations of these relations are analysed. Furthermore, the causes that led to South Africa’s switch of diplomatic recognition to the People’s Republic of China(PRC) and the prospects of future relations between the ROC and the RSA are also studied.
Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Pretoria, 2007.
Historical and Heritage Studies
Unrestricted

This work covering the period 1795 to 1948 has four main features. It firstly examines the role of international and domestic factors in determining regional interaction and cooperation between South Africa and Chile. Secondly, it documents the whims of the international community, and more particularly the world powers which was a motivating factor in Chilean and South African politics, economy, society and their bilateral relations. Thirdly it covers the period when Britain rose to world power status. Eventually, this gave way to her displacement by Germany and then ultimately the United States. This study's fourth feature is that it marks the first documented account of direct contact between the inhabitants at the Cape of Good Hope and Latin America. The period ends with a cornerstone in the history of South African-Chilean bilateral relations when direct diplomatic and consular relations were established by both South Africa and Chile in May 1948.
M.A. (History)

This dissertation analyzes the rise of conservatism in American politics from 1948 to 1968, paying special attention to the impact of the civil rights movement and race on postwar political realignments. Unlike previous studies, which have concentrated chiefly on domestic policy issues such as court-ordered desegregation, busing programs, welfare, and taxation, this work focuses on debates over U.S. foreign policy. It considers topics such as the development of an international human rights ideology, the growing force of revolutionary nationalism, and the progress of decolonization to than the emergence of a distinctively conservative vision for American power in the world. As the dissertation argues, a natural symmetry existed between political responses to the African American freedom struggle and views on U.S. foreign relations in a rapidly decolonizing world; civil rights opponents easily projected their beliefs about racial difference into the global arena, and, although many national conservative leaders worked to distance themselves from the open defenders of racial segregation, they unreservedly asserted that the Asian, Arabic, and African residents of newly decolonized states were not entitled to the same rights as Europeans or North Americans. The dissertation thus offers a new interpretation of the role of race in modern conservatism. This study contains three parts: Part I suggests that what traditionally has been called "massive resistance"---the white South's opposition to integration after the 1954 Brown decision---might be better understood as a broader dissent from the emerging global ideology of human rights. Part II uses the Cold War's arrival in Africa to suggest how decolonization fused the politics of race and the politics of U.S. foreign policy, creating common ground for segregationists and national-security conservatives. Part III describes the evolution of a conservative philosophy on American power in the world, which rejected calls to demonstrate sympathy with anticolonial movements and instead advocated unequivocal support for Western Europe and anticommunist states like South Africa. Throughout, the dissertation contends that ostensibly color-blind positions on U.S. foreign policy in reality rested on a narrow, exclusionary interpretation of democratic freedoms and human rights.

Defence date: 14 July 2017
Examining Board: Prof Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Pavel Kolář, European University Institute; Prof Josip Glaurdić, University of Luxembourg; Prof Tvrtko Jakovina, University of Zagreb
This thesis examines the origins and evolution of Yugoslav policy towards Western European integration from the early 1950s until the signing of the first Yugoslav–EEC Trade Agreement in 1970. It examines the emerging role of Western Europe in the Yugoslav foreign and internal politics within the larger context of the Cold War and development of European integration. Increased trade relations with the EEC and the domestic introduction of the 1965 Economic Reform proved vital in persuading Belgrade to become the first socialist country to establish diplomatic and trade relations with the Community in 1968. The thesis argues that these relations became of increasing relevance to the economic and, ultimately, political stability of Yugoslavia. Besides the basic foreign (trade) policy concepts towards the EEC, this study focuses on the perceptions of the Western European integration process among the political elite by addressing the following research questions: How did Yugoslav policymakers react to the Western European integration process? What impact did the success of the EEC have on Yugoslav foreign policy and internal differences among the political elite? In what way did the League of Communists of Yugoslavia rationalize their cooperation with the EEC? What did it mean for the internal coherence of the LCY and for Yugoslavia’s pronounced cooperation with the developing countries? The overarching question is how and why already in the 1960s the EEC became such an important external factor, crucial for the economic development and stability of Yugoslavia. By analysing the complex interaction between the external factors and internal dynamics of Yugoslavia and their impact on Belgrade´s policy towards the EEC, this study provides an explanation of the underlying long-term structural problems of the economy that determined the Yugoslav diplomatic and economic responses to the creation and evolution of the EEC until the breakup of the country.
Chapter ‘Conclusion' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'A troubled relationship : Yugoslavia and the European economic community in détente' (2014) in the journal ‘European review of history’

This paper examines events surrounding Canada's negotiations on the question of recognizing the People's Republic of China in 1949 and 1950, and the reasons why the negotiations failed. The focus is on the work of officials in the Canadian Embassy in Nanking and External Affairs in Ottawa, particularly External Affairs Minster Lester B. Pearson. Both Nanking and External Affairs, Ottawa, strove to promote recognition, which was approved in principal by the Canadian government but never actualized. Pearson and his department, spurred by Canadian officials on the ground in China, chiefly Ambassador T. C. Davis and his second-in-command, China specialist Chester Ronning, favoured early recognition, as a means of influencing the Communist government away from total dependence on the Soviet Union. The Canadian government weighed the desirability of recognition against what it saw as the necessity of solidarity of the North Atlantic alliance with the United Kingdom and the United States, in particular, against what they perceived as the machinations of the Soviet Union in its perceived drive for world domination. In the final analysis the Canadian government, fearful of alienating the United States, opted for solidarity of the Western Alliance on the recognition question. The focus of the essay, based in large measure on External Affairs documents and the Pearson Papers, is to look at the recognition question and how it played out, in Canadian domestic terms, rather than in terms of Great Power relationships, which is largely the preoccupation in the historiography. A brief window of opportunity occurred in late 1949 and early 1950, when Canada might have recognized without potentially serious repercussions on Canada-US relations. That moment passed quickly and the outbreak of the Korean War and China's entry in the conflict against UN forces, essentially destroyed any opportunity for Canada and Communist China to develop normal relations.

The Fourth Republic fell sort of expectations of French nation. The institutional system based on predominance of political parties could guarantee neither inner stability nor the return of France to the world political power. Weaknesses of French governments and their inability to cope with the serious political and economic issues resulted in collapse of the Fourth Republic in spring 1958. Some months later a new political system was established. It enabled to give France back its grandeur and independence. The first decade of the Fifth Republic, closely connected with the personality of President Charles de Gaulle, was greatly affected by the Algerian War of Independence in consequence of which all social and political spheres of the country were impacted. The Evian Agreements of March 1962 established an independent Algeria and enabled Charles de Gaulle to carry out his own political conception, including greater openness to the Soviet Union and its satellites. Czechoslovak-French diplomatic and cultural relations in the years 1948-1968 correspond to large extent extent to the evolution of international policy with its alternation of easing and tightening of the geopolitical tension and they also reflect the changes in domectic political situation in both countries. Since 1948 the Czechoslovak...

This diploma thesis examines the Czechoslovak-British relations between 1945 and 1948 primarily by analysing documents found in the Archive of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic. The thesis focuses on the politico-diplomatic relations and describes their evolution with regards to events of major importance to both involved countries; such as parliamentary elections, the question of German population transfer, or the attitude of Czechoslovakia and the United Kingdom towards the Marshall Plan. The thesis is divided into six chapters and spans the conception of the Czechoslovak foreign policy, based on cooperation with the East, as well as the West; the evolution of the bilateral relations, which were influenced by, inter alia, parliamentary elections in both countries; and the mutual foreign visits. The post-war period is being examined until February 1948 when the change in political regime resulted in deterioration of the bilateral relations between the two countries.

This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth. This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961.
History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

At the United Nations Conference on International Organization in April 1945 South Africa affirmed the principle of respect for human rights in a Preamble it proposed for inclusion in the Charter of the United Nations. The proposal was approved and the Preamble was accorded binding force. While South Africa participated in the earliest attempts of the United Nations to draft a bill of rights, it abstained on the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights because its municipal legislation was incompatible with some articles. Similarly, South Africa did not become a party to the international human rights instruments the declaration inspired, and avoided an active role in their elaboration. Subsidiary organs of the General Assembly undertook several studies on discrimination in the field of human rights. They provided evidence that racial discrimination in South Africa intensified after the National Party came to power in May 1948 on the platform of apartheid and diverged from global trends in humanitarian law. The gap between the Union and the United Nations widened. At the first General Assembly in 1946, India successfully asked that the treatment of persons of Indian origin in South Africa be inscribed on the agenda. The Indian question was later subsumed in the charge that South Africa's racial policies violated the Charter and in 1952 the General Assembly began to discuss apartheid. South Africa protested that these actions contravened Charter Article 2(7), which prohibited intervention in matters of domestic jurisdiction, and were ultra vires. Criticism of the Union increased in intensity, until in 1960 it culminated in calls for economic and diplomatic sanctions. Research shows that South Africa was the main architect of its growing isolation, since it refused to modify domestic policies that alienated even its potential allies. Moreover, it maintained a low profile in United Nations debates on human rights issues, abstaining on all substantive clauses in the two draft covenants on human rights. These actions were interpreted as lack of interest in global humanitarian affairs. South Africa had little influence on the development of customary international law in the field of human rights but was a catalyst in the evolution of international machinery to protect them.
Jurisprudence
(LL.D)

Przedmiotem rozprawy był przegląd oraz ocena metod, przy pomocy których systemy prawne regulują spółki zagraniczne. Przez spółkę zagraniczną rozumiano spółkę, która została utworzona przez obcy porządek prawny i do której taki obcy porządek prawny się przyznaje. W pracy przeprowadzono badania porównawcze, analizując systemy prawne wybranych państw angielskiego, niemieckiego oraz francuskiego kręgu językowego, jak również rozwiązania polskie oraz holenderskie.Kluczowe znaczenie w rozprawie odegrał podział na metodę kolizyjną oraz metodę merytoryczną, a zasadnicza teza rozprawy mówiła, że metoda kolizyjna jest nadużywana i powinna w niektórych przypadkach ustąpić miejsca metodzie merytorycznej.Wśród współczesnych kolizyjnych regulacji spółek zagranicznych można wyróżnić trzy grupy. Po pierwsze, rozwiązania, które poddają wszystkie zdarzenia i stosunki spółki rządom prawa, które niekoniecznie spółkę utworzyło. Najważniejszy przypadek tego typu regulacji stanowi teoria siedziby rzeczywistej. Potencjalnie usuwa ona spod rządów prawa inkorporacji również zdarzenia z udziałem aktów publicznych oraz stosunki organizacyjne - dla regulacji których nadaje się tylko porządek inkorporacji. Jedynie w tym systemie prawnym zostały wydane odpowiednie akty publicznego i wyłącznie do niego zostały dostosowane stosunki organizacyjne. Druga kategoria to rozwiązania kolizyjne, które zawsze kierują do porządku macierzystego spółki, w tym przede wszystkim teoria inkorporacji. Faktycznie powstrzymują się one od regulacji stosunków korporacyjnych zagranicznych spółek. Trzecią grupę stanowią ograniczone rozwiązania kolizyjne, które poddają własnemu prawu tylko niektóre stosunki spółek zagranicznych blisko związanych z własnym obszarem. Są one zorientowane praktycznie i zazwyczaj obejmują stosunki, które nadają się do skutecznej regulacji kolizyjnej.Dwie najważniejsze kategorie merytorycznych regulacji spółek zagranicznych to uznanie oraz przepisy nakładające dodatkowe obowiązki na podmioty stosunków korporacyjnych. Uznanie polega na rozciągnięciu na system uznający skutków prawnych powstałych pod rządami systemu obcego. Należy je stosować wobec zdarzeń prawnych, których elementem jest akt publiczny o charakterze konstytutywnym oraz do stosunków organizacyjnych. Przepisy nakładające dodatkowe obowiązki na spółkę zagraniczną lub podmioty w nią zaangażowane nie regulują bezpośrednio stosunków korporacyjnych. Przede wszystkim wymagają one od spółek zagranicznych ujawnienia określonych informacji w rejestrze państwa przyjmującego oraz ustanowienia na miejscu przedstawiciela i wskazania adresu. Mogą one jednak również nakładać na osoby zaangażowane w spółkę obowiązek określonego ułożenia jej stosunków korporacyjnych i w ten sposób pośrednio je normować. Sankcje za naruszenie tych przepisów mogą przypominać faktyczne konsekwencje zastosowania rozwiązań kolizyjnych, jednak ich wykorzystanie nie prowadzi do niedogodności, z jakimi wiąże się regulacja kolizyjna.Najważniejsze zagadnienie na tle polskiej ustawy o prawie prywatnym międzynarodowym to wykładnia pojęcia siedziby, którym posługuje się ona dla wyznaczenia prawa właściwego dla osób prawnych. Owa siedziba powinna być rozumiana jako siedziba statutowa, a nie jako siedziba rzeczywista. Taka konieczność wynika z orzecznictwa Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej, które nakazuje, by spółka, która przeniosła siedzibę rzeczywistą w ramach Europejskiej Wspólnoty Gospodarczej, była uznawana jako spółka państwa swojej inkorporacji. Polska ustawa stanowi co prawda, że przeniesienie siedziby w ramach EOG nie prowadzi do utraty podmiotowości prawnej, ale wyjątek wprowadzony przez ten przepis jest zbyt wąski, aby uczynić zadość wymogom prawa europejskiego. Za teorią siedziby statutowej przemawiają również liczne względy funkcjonalne.
The subject of the thesis was the assessment of methods with which legal systems regulate foreign companies. Foreign company was understood as a company which has been incorporated by a foreign legal system and which is recognized by this system as its own. A comparative research was carried out in the dissertation, covering legal systems of selected English, German and French speaking countries, as well as Polish and Dutch law.Crucial for the dissertation was the distinction between the conflict-of-laws and substantive methods and its main thesis was that the conflict-of-laws method is used too often and should yield precedence to the substantive method in some cases.Among modern conflict-of-laws regulations of foreign companies three groups can be distinguished. First, solutions which subject all legal events and legal relations of a company to substantial law which did not necessarily create the company. The most important instance of the regulations of this kind is the real seat theory. Potentially it removes from authority of the law of incorporation, among others, legal events which include public acts and organizational legal relations – whereas those can effectively be governed only by the law of incorporation. Only within the law of incorporation relevant public acts have been issued and only to this law organizational legal relations have been adjusted. The second category of the conflict-of-laws regulations consists in solutions which always indicate parent law of a company as applicable. They include especially the theory of incorporation. In fact, these solutions refrain from regulation of corporate relations of foreign companies. The third group consists in limited conflict-of-laws regulations which subject to their own substantive law only selected relations of foreign companies closely connected with their country. They are practically oriented and usually cover relations which are suitable for effective conflict-of-laws regulation.Two most important categories of substantive regulations of foreign companies are the recognition and provisions imposing additional obligations on parties of corporate relations. The recognition consists in extension of legal effects which arose under a foreign legal system to the recognizing system. It should be applied to legal events which include constitutive public acts and to organizational relations. Provisions imposing additional obligations on foreign companies or persons involved in them do not regulate directly corporate relations. Above all, they require from foreign companies disclosure of certain information in the register of the admitting country and appointment of a representative and indication of an address there. They may, however, impose on persons involved in a company an obligation to specifically arrange its corporate relations and in this manner indirectly regulate these relations. Legal sanctions for breach of these provisions may resemble actual consequences of use of the real seat theory, but their application does not result in problems associated with the conflict-of-laws regulation.The most important question with respect to the Polish Act on the Private International Law is interpretation of the term “seat”, which the Act uses to designate law applicable to legal entities. It should be understood as the seat set in articles of association and not as the real seat. This results from the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, which mandates that a company transferring its real seat within the European Economic Area be recognized as the company of the country of its incorporation. Although the Polish Act provides that transfer of the seat within the EEA does not result in loss of legal personality of the company, nevertheless this exception is not broad enough to satisfy requirements of the European law. Many functional arguments also speak in favour of the statutory seat theory.