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van der Putten, Frans-Paul. "Small Powers and Imperialism The Netherlands in China, 1886–1905." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021562.
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Ever since its publication in 1966, Tussen Neutraliteit en Imperialisme (‘Between Neutrality and Imperialism’) has been the standard work on Dutch policy towards China between 1863 and 1901. In this study the author, F. van Dongen, stresses the adherence to neutrality towards the strong European neighbour states as the fundamental guideline for Dutch foreign policy, not only within Europe but also in the Far East. This policy stemmed from the fact that the European balance-of-power system had been extended to China in the late nineteenth century, through the participation of most European states in imperialist policies concerning that country. According to Van Dongen this adherence to neutrality slowed down imperialist tendencies, as the Netherlands were anxious to avoid entering in conflicts between the great powers, but at the same time the Dutch were forced to ‘play a modest part in the common Western policy towards China’. Whenever the great powers took a united stand the Netherlands must follow suit. So as a result of its European policy the Netherlands joined the imperialist powers in China, although usually careful not to take the initiative. The Netherlands were, therefore, classified by Van Dongen as a reluctant and generally passive element of imperialism in China: ‘the Dutch were at worst accessories after the fact’. Finally he concluded that whenever Dutch actions concerning China ‘savoured of imperialism, this was not the result of a deliberate policy to exercise control over the empire or to obtain Chinese territory, but an almost accidental by-product of the general aim of promoting the Netherlands’ economic interest'.
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Šmigelskytė-Stukienė, Ramunė. "Politinės ir geopolitinės Augustino Midletono refleksijos (1790–1792)." XVIII amžiaus studijos T. 6: Personalijos. Idėjos. Refleksijos, T. 6 (January 2, 2020): 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/23516968-006013.
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POLITICAL AND GEOPOLITICAL REFLECTIONS BY AUGUSTYN MIDDLETON (1790–1792) The article presents personality and activities of Augustyn Middleton, nobleman from Kaunas powiat, with the main focus on assessing this person in the light of political events in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the geopolitical situation. At the centre of this research is the period from the reinstatement of the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in The Hague on 14 April 1790 to the end of activities of the Four-Year Sejm. The article reveals that Augustyn Middleton, assigned by Stanislaw August to the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in the United Provinces of the Netherlands, was the agent of the King, who had to inform the King’s cabinet on activities of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary Mihał Kleofas Ogiński and to promote the reforms by the Four-Year Sejm in the foreign press thus shaping a positive public opinion in Western Europe regarding changes in Poland and Lithuania. Due to benevolent circumstances A. Middleton was able to reach the rank of embassy resident, however the horizons of his diplomatic career were limited by available finances. Political views of A. Middleton reflected aims declared by the fraction of Stanislaw August’s court: to create a strong and prospering monarchy, hoping that the state will be able to regain its glorious past. A. Middleton promoted constitutional monarchy, inheritable throne, regulation of activities of the Sejm and the dietines (sejmiki), granting of political rights to townspeople, and economic development of the country. While supporting the idea of a centralized state, A. Middleton did not reflect on the rights of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania or the topic of a binary state. In assessing economic changes in Europe A. Middleton opposed the physiocrats, emphasizing that the most powerful form of capital comes not from agriculture but from banking. However, he was not afraid to admit that his knowledge of economics was not sufficient to explain the processes of financial capital. Ideas of religious tolerance, promoted by A. Middleton, his cosmopolite view of collaboration between states and nations, active interest in political and social transformations in Europe through anonymous polemical publications in foreign press on the topics of revolution allow for bringing the nobleman from Kaunas powiat A. Middleton into the circle of yet unknown people of the Enlightenment. Keywords: reforms of the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792), diplomatic service, international relations, diplomatic mission of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Augustyn Middleton.
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Vuković, Ivan. "Development of European Union and joining perspective of Croatia." Tourism and hospitality management 13, no. 2 (June 2007): 507–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.13.2.7.
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In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
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Rosenthal, Glenda G. "Review: Europe: Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 47, no. 1 (March 1992): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209204700113.
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Dauderstädt, Michael. "Options in foreign economic relations for Central and Eastern Europe." Intereconomics 29, no. 1 (January 1994): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02929807.
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Makarov, A. I., E. A. Rubinchik, and M. A. Kladkin. "Trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands: formation and development." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 4 (December 26, 2020): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-4-5-22.
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Successful development of mutual trade and economic ties between Russia and the Netherlands has been lasting for centuries. In ancient times, when both states were actively developing, vessels loaded with various goods were already cruising between their shores; while national leaders were building bilateral trade policy. The development of cooperation reached its peak during the time of Peter the Great, when the Russian Empire carried out industrialization by entering into a full-scale international industrial cooperation with its historical partner. Participation of the Russian state in the development of trade and economic relations with the Netherlands took different shapes depending on the current needs and capabilities of the country. However, specially authorized envoys who carried out their functions on the territory of the Netherlands played exclusively important role in it, whether they were representatives of the Ministry of Trade and Industry of Tsarist Russia in Rotterdam or the People's Commissariat for Foreign Trade in the pre-war years. October 1945, when the Trade Representation opened its doors in Amsterdam, marked the new chapter in the history of trade relations between two countries. Historical review of the activities conducted by the Trade Mission in one of the world's TOP economically developed countries of the world over the 75-year period is demanded for providing advice in respect to setting up of strategic plans for the development of foreign trade in terms of exports, deepening international industrial cooperation and faster adaptation to the requirements by foreign markets.
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Volkov, A. M. "Contemporary Foreign Economic Relations of Russia with the Countries of Northern Europe." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-10.
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Recently new problems have arisen that have complicated Russia’s foreign economic relations with foreign countries. The countries of Northern Europe were no exception. The economic situation in many countries was far from optimal. Problems with economy took place in the euro area. A significant drop in oil prices led to a slowdown in economic growth in the Russian Federation and a sharp decline of ruble exchange rate. Since 2014, various Western sanctions have emerged, followed by retaliatory sanctions from Russia. Against this background, the analysis of the dynamics of Russian economic relations with the Nordic countries is of particular interest. A sharp decline in foreign economic indicators occurred in 2015–2016. Subsequent development has shown different dynamics. On the one hand, by the end of the 2010s foreign trade with Finland and Sweden did not reach the level of 2013–2014 (primarily due to the decline in oil prices), but on the other, foreign trade indicators with Denmark and Norway were exceeded (due to Russian exports). Year 2020 brought new problems – the coronavirus pandemic and the associated restrictions on the movement of goods, services and people, as well as the rupture of production chains, which had an impact on foreign economic relations – and exacerbated the old ones: a new sharp drop in oil prices and a new depreciation of ruble. The article reveals the features of the general dynamics and commodity structure of foreign trade with each of the observed countries. The significant dependence of Russian exports, primarily on energy supplies, is considered in detail. Special attention is given to the general dynamics of foreign direct investment in Russia. The problems of modern development of Russian export and import were analyzed.
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Hossain, Mohammad Belayet, Asmah Laili Bt Yeon, and Ahmad Shamsul Bin Abd Aziz. "Sovereignty, National Interest & Security and the Bilateral Investment Treaties of Bangladesh and the Netherlands: a Comparison." African Journal of Legal Studies 12, no. 2 (December 19, 2019): 183–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340049.
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Abstract In absence of any global treaty, the bilateral investment treaties are playing the important role of regulating foreign investments in the host countries. The primary purpose of economic globalization is the economic development of the developing and least-developed countries as well as to facilitate benefits of the home states. Bangladesh and the Netherlands also signed bilateral investment treaties to facilitate trade. Bangladesh foreign investment laws and bilateral investment treaties mainly protect foreign investors; however, neither include any specific provisions of protecting sovereignty, national interest, and security. The Netherlands generally follows EU foreign investment policies. This paper addresses two questions: (a) do the bilateral investment treaties of Bangladesh and the Netherlands include any specific provisions to protect the sovereignty, national interest, and security, and (b) should the sovereignty, national interest, and security be considered during the entry of foreign direct investment in Bangladesh and the Netherlands? Using doctrinal research method, a total of 25 bilateral investment treaties have been analysed in order to explore whether they protect the sovereignty, national interest, and security of Bangladesh and the Netherlands. Based on the findings, this study will recommend that the government of Bangladesh should consider this important factor as an entry condition, either through amending the existing laws or through the bilateral investment treaties.
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Nötel, Rudolf. "Reforms in foreign economic relations of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union." International Affairs 67, no. 4 (October 1991): 814. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622519.
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Dangerfield, M. V. "The economic opening of central and Eastern Europe: Continuity and change in foreign economic relations." Journal of European Integration 19, no. 1 (September 1995): 5–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036339508429027.
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Biffl, Gudrun. "The Role of Migration in Economic Relations between Europe and Turkey." European Review 21, no. 3 (July 2013): 372–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000331.
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Turkey and Europe are closely interlinked through migration, trade and investment flows. In the year 2000, the interrelationships entered a new phase. Return migration of Turkish migrants to Turkey set in, of often well-educated second-generation migrants, triggered by the fast economic growth and shortages of skilled labour in Turkey. At the same time continued family migration to Europe and Turkish business start-ups in Europe promote trade between Turkey and Europe due to preference and network channels. While economic growth in Turkey is dynamic, it is also volatile, depending on foreign capital. The major challenge for stable and sustainable economic growth is, however, the low labour force participation rate of women and the slow progress in the educational attainment level of its workforce.
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Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, and Hodan Osman Abdi. "Sustaining China-Africa relations." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.
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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the focus of China’s foreign policy since 2013. A study on the implementation of OBOR in Africa will allow for a better understanding of contemporary China-Africa relations, while hopefully providing answers to some of the questions surrounding the issue. In this article, we carefully examine the economic drivers, challenges – with suggestions on ways to navigate those challenges – and opportunities of the OBOR initiative.
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de Haan, Arjan. "Development Cooperation as Economic Diplomacy?" Hague Journal of Diplomacy 6, no. 1-2 (2011): 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119111x564113.
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AbstractThis article explores the role of international development cooperation — or aid — in foreign policy and diplomacy. Based on his experience as a practitioner, Arjan de Haan makes the observation that the development debate, and in particular the search for effective aid, has neglected the political role of aid. Moreover, the high political symbolism that aid has obtained, particularly in the last decade, has received relatively little attention. A political perspective on aid is now rapidly becoming more important, especially because of the enhanced importance of global security in setting an aid agenda, and because the old ways of working are — or seem to be — challenged by the rise of China and other countries that were recently (and still are) recipients of aid. An understanding of the diverse political motives behind aid should inform the way that aid effectiveness is measured. The changing politics in which aid is embedded are illustrated with reference to the Netherlands, which used to have one of the most respected aid programmes because of its multilateral emphasis and ‘untying’ of aid, and because Dutch strategic interests have now been made one of the cornerstones of the Netherlands’ new policy. The article hypothesizes that reinforcing progressive principles around international development can be a supportive element of a strengthened diplomacy in the globalized world beyond 2010.
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Terry, Sarah Meiklejohn. "Poland's foreign policy since 1989: the challenges of independence." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 7–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00024-0.
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In its first decade of post-communist independence, Poland achieved far more than most dared believe in 1989. Despite domestic political and economic turmoil, it has joined Europe as a new member of NATO and a prospective member of the EU. This article traces the evolution of Polish foreign policy since 1989 over four time periods: First, the early uncertainties from 1989 to 1992 when Warsaw — caught between a reunifying Germany and a collapsing USSR — was intent on solidifying its relations with Central European neighbors. Second, the watershed year of 1993, which witnessed changes in every aspect of Poland's external relations — the demise of Visegrad, first moves toward NATO and EU enlargement, the emergence of serious tensions in Warsaw's relations with the East, especially Russia. Third, the years in the anterooms of Europe from 1994 to 1996, when Poland and its central European neighbors lobbied for early accession to the EU and NATO, while relations with Russia remained in the deep freeze. And fourth, the period since 1997, in which Warsaw has been negotiating its “return to Europe”, joining NATO in 1999 and actively pursuing membership in the EU. These gains have not come quickly or easily; rather, they demonstrate a hard earned consistency in Poland's foreign policy agenda, despite numerous changes in domestic politics, as well as an increasingly realistic vision of the country's place in post-Cold War Europe.
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Stanciu, Cezar. "Scandinavian Perspectives. Overcoming the Cold War Pressures in Romania’s Policy towards Northern Europe." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no. 1 (November 15, 2009): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_4.
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During the first years of the Cold War, Romania was isolated in terms of foreign policy, and forced to develop relations mainly with the USSR and other socialist states. During the de-Stalinization period, the East-West relations improved and Romania started to rebuilt its relations with the West, especially economic relations. This article briefly presents the re-establishment of Romania's relations with the Scandinavian states, in the context of the improved Romanian-West relations.
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Domagała, Joanna. "LINKS BETWEEN SMP PRICES IN POLAND AND SELECTED FOREIGN MARKETS." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XXII, no. 4 (November 7, 2020): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.4930.
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The aim of the paper was to determine the links between SMP prices in Poland and SMP prices in selected countries. The article uses secondary data for the monthly price of butter at a level of countries collected by the Milk Market Observatory and the Italian Dairy Economic Consulting portal for 2000-2016. The analyzed period was divided into two periods: 2000-2004 and 2005-2016. The article uses Johansen cointegration tests, and Granger’s causality analysis. The analyzes in the first stage concerned the links between SMP prices in Poland and SMP prices in Western Europe, the USA and Oceania. In the second stage, the links between SMP prices in Poland and selected EU countries were identified. The results of the study confirmed a stronger link between SMP prices in Poland and SMP prices in Western Europe and Oceania. It is worth noting that these links mainly occurred in the period following Poland’s accession to the EU. Within EU countries, SMP prices in Belgium, the Czech Republic, Germany, Ireland and the Netherlands were related to prices in Poland.
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Chetverikova, A. "Central Europe in the Pandemic Era: First Economic Results." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-92-101.
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The article analyzes the response of the Visegrad Group countries to the 2020 pandemic. Measures are outlined that were taken by Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic to support their economies, including efforts to stabilize labour markets and measures for several most affected sectors. The author assesses the main economic indicators of the Visegrad countries during the first half of 2020 in the light of the consequences of imposed restrictive measures. The reaction of the Visegrad economies to the pandemic correlates with the pan-European reaction. Special attention is paid to the condition of the foreign trade sector of the “four” members, which plays an important role in their economies. The dynamic of foreign trade relations of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic with the European Union and Russia during the pandemic is analyzed. Mutual trade flows within the Visegrad Group are evaluated in the light of opportunities to compensate downturns in other markets. Possible prospects for the development of the Visegrad Group after the pandemic are considered. The existing forecasts of the Group’s countries development are analyzed. The factors influencing the recovery process in the Visegrad countries are given. The consequences of COVID 19 will affect many sectors of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, which will not be able to cope with them without the EU support. Realization of opportunities including the emergence of more innovative elements in their economies that meet the challenges of the 21st century, will also depend on the members of the Visegrad Group themselves. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).
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Ćurčić, Mihailo, Radan Kostić, and Ivica Matejić. "Foreign trade of Serbia and Africa." Odrzivi razvoj 3, no. 2 (2021): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/odrraz2102007c.
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When it comes to defining the foreign trade relations between Africa and the Republic of Serbia, it should be pointed out that our country achieves the least international trade cooperation with the countries of this continent. According to the data of the Parliamentary Budget Office (2018), Serbian foreign trade is mostly focused on Europe, given that as much as 93% of total exports were directed to European countries, and 80% of imports of goods from Europe. The exchange with African countries is almost negligible: on both the import and import side, Africa took part in less than 1% of the total Serbian foreign trade. Infrastructure development accelerates the pace of economic progress, by strengthening more productive activities, and leads to lower costs for conducting internal and external trade.
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Pape, Ulla, Rafael Chaves-Ávila, Joachim Benedikt Pahl, Francesca Petrella, Bartosz Pieliński, and Teresa Savall-Morera. "Working under pressure: economic recession and third sector development in Europe." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 7/8 (July 11, 2016): 547–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-01-2016-0010.
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Purpose – The context conditions for third sector organizations (TSOs) in Europe have significantly changed as a result of the global economic crisis, including decreasing levels of public funding and changing modes of relations with the state. The effect of economic recession, however, varies across Europe. The purpose of this paper is to understand why this is the case. It analyses the impact of economic recession and related policy changes on third sector development in Europe. The economic effects on TSOs are thereby placed into a broader context of changing third sector policies and welfare state restructuring. Design/methodology/approach – The paper focusses on two research questions: how has the changing policy environment affected the development of the third sector? And what kind of strategies have TSOs adopted to respond to these changes? The paper first investigates general trends in Europe, based on a conceptual model that focusses on economic recession and austerity policies with regard to the third sector. In a second step of analysis, the paper provides five country case studies that exemplify policy changes and responses from the third sector in France, Germany, the Netherlands, Poland and Spain. Findings – The paper argues that three different development paths can be identified across Europe. In some countries (France and Spain), TSOs face a strong effect of economic recession. In other countries (Germany and Poland) the development of the third sector remains largely stable, albeit at different levels, whereas in the Netherlands, TSOs rather experience changes in the policy environment than a direct impact of economic decline. The paper also shows that response strategies of the third sector in Europe depend on the context conditions. The paper is based on the European project “Third Sector Impact.” It combines an analysis of statistical information with qualitative data from interviews with third sector representatives. Originality/value – The paper contributes to our understanding of the interrelation between economic recession, long-term policy changes and third sector development in Europe.
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Tubilewicz, Czeslaw. "Affordable Ally: Taiwan's Diplomatic Venture in Macedonia." Politics 22, no. 1 (February 2002): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00156.
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This article examines foreign policy of the Republic of China (ROC) towards East Central Europe (ECE) through the prism of Taipei's diplomatic strategies vis-à-vis Macedonia. Specifically, it identifies and explains the broad goals and rationale behind Taipei's increased interest in ECE after the Cold War. The study concludes that the Taiwanese interest in East Central Europe was motivated by its wish to capitalise on ECE's anti-communist euphoria and need for foreign capital, hoping that promises of generous economic assistance would convince some ECE states to extend diplomatic recognition to the ROC.
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Zadorozhnyi, Oleksiі. "Development of Trade and Economic Relations Between Ukraine and the Kingdom of the Netherlands: Dynamics and Prospects." Modern Economics 31, no. 1 (February 20, 2022): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31521/modecon.v31(2022)-06.
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Abstract. Introduction. In this article, based on the analysis of the development of trade and economic relations between Ukraine and the Netherlands, was found that the Netherlands is one of the largest investors in Ukraine in recent years. According to the results of the analysis, it is found that metallurgy, agro-industrial complex, mechanical engineering, IT industry, oil and fat industry are the most popular industries in trade and economic cooperation between the countries today. Purpose. The aim of the work is to identify the effectiveness of trade and economic relations between Ukraine and the Netherlands based on a study of the dynamics of the impact of economic indicators on the structure of Ukraine's economy. Results. The dynamics of trade and economic cooperation between Ukraine and the Netherlands for the period 2014- 2021 is studied. The existing volumes of trade between countries and attracting foreign direct investment as of 2020-2021, as well as export and import structures are analyzed. Examples of qualitatively new content of cooperation between Kyiv and Amsterdam are given, in particular, the establishment of agreements on a number of reclamation measures in Ukraine with the assistance of the Kingdom, which will generally help to improve the environmental situation. Potentially attractive sectors of Ukraine's economy for European investors have been identified, among which are the agro-industrial complex, metallurgy, oil and fat industry, IT sector, mechanical engineering, mining, etc. The key principles on which cooperation with the Netherlands should be based are outlined and the priority areas of relations with the EU countries are described. We have suggested the ways to increase the competitiveness of domestic products in European markets based on the experience of partner countries, including the creation of an effective system for certification of export products in Ukraine and a temporary reduction in value added tax. In this research were used general scientific methods of induction, deduction, dynamics, statistics, etc. Conclusions. Conclusions are made on the current state of Ukrainian-Dutch relations. Opportunities and prospects for the development of bilateral relations in the near and long term are outlined. Promising areas of trade and economic cooperation between Ukraine and the Netherlands have been found, such as: mining and development of the machine-building industry with the investment participation of the Kingdom.
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Lymar, Margaryta. "European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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Timakova, Olga A. "China’s Relations with the Mediterranean States: Military and Political Aspects." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 700–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-700-711.
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China is one of the most influential non-regional actors in the Mediterranean. As of 2021, it is ranked among the top three trading partners of almost all Mediterranean states. Chinese foreign policy in the Mediterranean reflects the growing importance of geoeconomics and, in particular, economic instruments of foreign policy in Chinas foreign policy strategy. The intersection of the routes of the Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century and the Silk Road Economic Belt in the Mediterranean basin indicates the regions high potential for the development of new logistics routes, economic corridors and supply chains. Despite significant impact of the coronavirus restrictions on the global economy and the deepest economic crisis seen in recent years, China has not reduced its global activity. Actually, it is the pandemic that can become an incentive for the development of new formats of cooperation within the Belt and Road in the Mediterranean. Chinas traditional foreign policy paradigm presupposes emphasis exclusively on economic interaction and non-involvement in political issues. De facto Chinas economic relations with the countries of the region are increasingly complicated by military and political issues. The article categorizes the main political and security issues that arise between China and partner countries in the Mediterranean region. While the discourse of human rights and sustainable development prevails in relations with Europe, the issues of ensuring security and managing regional instability come to the fore when dealing with the states of North Africa and the Middle East. Given Chinas growing economic needs, it is likely that in the medium term there will be a doctrinal formalization of Chinas role in the political process in the Mediterranean region.
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Baev, Jordan. "The Establishment of Bulgarian–West German Diplomatic Relations within the Coordinating Framework of the Warsaw Pact." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 3 (July 2016): 158–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00656.
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Bulgarian–West German relations played a crucial role in Bulgarian foreign policy in Europe from the time the FRG became a leading West European political and economic power and a key member of both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Economic Community. The normalization of official relations between Bulgaria and the FRG was significantly influenced by two major factors: the policy of closer coordination and multilateral interaction within the Warsaw Pact and the somewhat slower, though increasing, process of East-West détente and security negotiations in Europe through CSCE and the Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction talks. This case study of the establishment of diplomatic relations between a powerful European state and a smaller one with opposite political orientation amid the East-West détente in the 1970s contributes to scholars’ understanding of the complex nature of international relations in Europe during the Cold War.
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Drelich-Skulska, Bogusława, Sebastian Bobowski, Anna H. Jankowiak, and Przemysław Skulski. "China’s Trade Policy Towards Central and Eastern Europe in the 21St Century, Example of Poland." Folia Oeconomica Stetinensia 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 149–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/foli-2014-0111.
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Abstract The aim of this paper is to present China’s economic model and discuss, in this context, bilateral trade and investment relations between China and Poland. The analysis presented herein is based on the strategy of cooperation with countries of Central and Eastern Europe, as presented by China’s Prime Minister, and on the growing importance of Poland as a main partner of China in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The paper describes main premises of the Chinese economic model, followed by a diagnosis of Chinese economy. The authors analyze the main directions of China’s foreign cooperation, placing the emphasis on relations with Poland.
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Dassonneville, Ruth, and Michael S. Lewis-Beck. "A changing economic vote in Western Europe? Long-term vs. short-term forces." European Political Science Review 11, no. 1 (November 21, 2018): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000231.
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AbstractConsiderable research shows the presence of an economic vote, with governments rewarded or punished by voters, depending on the state of the economy. But how stable is this economic vote? A current argument holds its effect has increased over time, because of weakening long-term social and political forces. Under these conditions, short-term forces, foremostly the economic issue, can come to the fore. A counter-argument, however, sees the economic vote effect in decline, due to globalization. Against these rival hypotheses rests the status-quo argument: the economic vote effect remains unchanged. To test these claims, we estimate carefully specified models of the incumbent vote, at both the individual and aggregate levels. Western European elections provide the data, with particular attention to Denmark, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, The Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. Perhaps surprisingly, we find the economic vote to be stable over time, a ‘standing decision’ rule that voters follow in national elections.
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LeoGrande, William M. "From Havana to Miami: U.S. Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 1 (1998): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166301.
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For thirty years, Cuba was a focal point of the Cold War. Before the demise of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s close ideological and military partnership with the communist superpower posed a challenge to U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Third World (see, e.g., Domínguez 1989). With the end of the Cold War, Cuba retrenched, ending its aid programs for foreign revolutionaries and regimes. Without the Soviet Union’s sponsorship, Cuba could no longer afford the luxury of a global foreign policy exporting revolution. Instead, its diplomats focused on reorienting Cuba’s international economic relations toward Latin America and Europe, building friendly relations with former adversaries.
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Shabanova, Lyudmila Borisovna, and Irina Gennadievna Morozova. "Prospects for investment development in Russia and the Muslim world." Национальная безопасность / nota bene, no. 6 (June 2022): 194–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0668.2022.6.38433.
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Ensuring investment attractiveness is one of the most important aspects of a country's economic activity in modern international relations. Foreign investments make it possible not only to ensure expanded social reproduction in the country, but also expand the possibilities of technological and economic development of the state.The purpose of the work is to analyze foreign direct investment in the Russian Federation in general and the Republic of Tatarstan in particular. The analysis and evaluation of statistical data revealed a reduction in the number of projects involving foreign direct investment in Russia in 2017-2020. In modern conditions, it is necessary to recognize the decline in the investment attractiveness of Russia from investors in the United States and Europe, which may lead to an even greater compression of foreign investment flows. An alternative to foreign investments from the United States of America and Europe can be foreign investments from the countries of the Muslim world. Already today, Russia has friendly relations with the countries of the Muslim world, in addition, there are entire regions with a high density of Muslim population living on the territory of the Russian Federation. Thus, the Republic of Tatarstan, which is already one of the most investment-attractive regions of the Russian Federation and occupies the 3rd place in the list of regions of the Russian Federation most in demand among foreign investors, could play an important role in increasing the number of foreign direct investment.
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Jiang, Congcong, and Christoph Lattemann. "Chinese OFDI in Europe under the Guidance of BRI — A Focus on China–CEE Economic Relations." China and the World 01, no. 04 (December 2018): 1850022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2591729318500220.
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China has been actively integrating itself in the global economy through Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and increasing trade flows. In order to further expand its foreign market ambition and reinforce itself as a leader in the world economic system, China unleashed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). One of the main economic incentives behind this initiative is to strengthen China’s integration with Central and Eastern European (CEE) markets. In recent years, an emerging trend for Chinese investors to invest in CEE countries such as Poland can be observed. The aim of this research is to analyze the changing patterns and motives of Chinese Outbound FDI (OFDI) to Europe during the period of 2009–2017 under the guidance of BRI. To explore the heterogeneity of Chinese investments behavior within Europe, this paper summarizes the apparent characteristics of Chinese investment patterns in Western Europe and the CEE region. We show that BRI has — against all expectations — no impact on Chinese investment in the CEE region but — in line with expectations — Chinese investors have changed their motives to invest in CEE countries with a shift towards the service sector. To investigate the impact of BRI on Chinese investors, the period of study is divided into two phases: (1) 2009–2013: period before the proposal of BRI and (2) 2014–2017: period after the initiation of BRI. Then the rationale behind the observed differences is examined in detail.
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Perez-Lopez, Jorge F. "Swimming Against the Tide: Implications for Cuba of Soviet and Eastern European Reforms in Foreign Economic Relations." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 2 (1991): 81–140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165832.
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Since mid-1989, remarkable political and economic changes have occurred in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Although the countries differ with regard to the scope, speed, and sequence of these changes, in the economic arena the objective is, in all cases, to abandon traditional central planning and replace it with a market economy. An integral component of these efforts to establish markets is the reform of foreign economic relations and greater involvement in the world economy.While a tide of political and economic change has swept the East, Cuba has adamantly held on to a one-party political system and to orthodox central planning.
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Moravcsik, Andrew. "Charles de Gaulle and Europe: The New Revisionism." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 1 (January 2012): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00192.
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Four distinguished analysts of French foreign policy under Charles de Gaulle provide in-depth assessments of the new book edited by Christian Nuenlist, Anna Locher, and Garret Martin, Globalizing de Gaulle: International Perspectives on French Foreign Policies, 1958–1969, published by Lexington Books. The commentators praise the book's wide scope and many of its essays and broad themes, but they raise questions about Garret Martin's contention (shared by a few, though not all, of the other contributors to the volume) that de Gaulle had a coherent if ultimately unsuccessful strategy to overcome the Cold War and move toward the unification of Germany and Europe. In article-length commentaries, both Andrew Moravcsik and Marc Trachtenberg take issue with Martin's view, arguing that de Gaulle's foreign policy involved more bluff and bluster than any genuine attempt to bring about the reunification of Germany or to end the Cold War. Moravcsik also provides a spirited defense of the “revisionist” conception of de Gaulle's policy toward Europe, which sees the general as having been guided mostly by his domestic economic and political interests—a conception that Trachtenberg has also come to accept. The forum ends with a reply by Nuenlist, Locher, and Martin to the four commentaries.
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Alexander, Kern. "The Economic and Social Dimension of US Foreign Policy: The Challenge of Europe and Multilateralism." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 19, no. 1 (March 2006): 63–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557570500501770.
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De Ceuster, Koen. "Pride and Prejudice in South Korea's Foreign Policy." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 21 (March 10, 2005): 64–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v21i0.40.
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On the last frontier of the Cold War, nothing is what it seems any more. On the surface, the old alliances still hold, but underneath a new order is gradually taking shape. This article analyses the various historical processes that have contributed to Seoul’s redefinition of its international role. As the international political and economic context changed following the end of the Cold War in Europe, new challenges and opportunities also appeared on the horizon on the Korean peninsula. These were met by a revitalized Korean nation, where a tainted elite was gradually driven from political and economic power. Proud of its democratic institutions and content with its economic success, Seoul engages the world with dignity, looking towards the future with confidence, but sensitive over historical legacies.
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Kulikov, Aleksey, P. Pavlov, and A. Kulikov. "SCIENTIFIC AND PRACTICAL MECHANISM OF ECONOMIC EVALUATION OF THE APPLICATION OF TECHNOLOGICAL SCHEMES IN LOGISTICS MULTIMODAL SYSTEMS." Actual directions of scientific researches of the XXI century: theory and practice 10, no. 4 (December 28, 2022): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.34220/2308-8877-2022-10-4-147-163.
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The industrial sector of Russia is the most important segment of the country's economy. The modern chemical industry has well-established technologies for the production of high-quality caustic soda. Caustic soda is widely used in various production segments, including: chemistry and petrochemistry, metallurgy, gas, food, textile, pulp and paper industry. The unstable economic situation in the world has stopped the action of freight traffic flows in the logistics systems and led to an increase in prices for raw materials. Many countries have started searching for import substitution of raw materials and goods against the background of a sharp break in import supplies. The "leading chemical enterprise" in the Volgograd region is engaged in the production of chemical products. The main volumes of the company's foreign supplies accounted for Europe and Asia. The paper studies the unevenness of foreign supplies in recent years (2020-2021). The characteristic of the links of the logistics system for the transportation of chemical products along the routes "Volgograd – Bishkek" and "Volgograd – Netherlands" is obtained. The time economic costs in the links of multimodal logistics systems are calculated. International routes for the transportation of chemical products to Kyrgyzstan and the Netherlands have been compiled. The effective modes of operation of drivers of automobile transport are determined. Technological schemes for the transportation of caustic soda from Volgograd to Bishkek, using reverse loading of motor transport, have been developed, ensuring a reduction in transport costs.
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Kruizinga, Samuël. "Struggling to Fit in. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936–1939." Journal of Modern European History 16, no. 2 (May 2018): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-2-183.
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Struggling to Fit In. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936-1939 The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) possessed a transnational resonance that echoed far beyond the borders of the country in which it was fought. It drew thousands of foreign fighters to Spain where, as many believed, the future of Europe would be decided. Most of them fought on the side of the embattled Republican government against an uprising supported by international Fascism. Given the foreign fighters’ similar socio-economic backgrounds and shared anti-Fascist sentiment, historians have suggested that the «International Brigades», formed out of these foreign fighters, constitute a true transnational army. This article suggests, however, that many of these foreign fighters had real trouble forging a transnational connection with their fellow fighters. Focusing on Dutch Interbrigadiers, it further highlights how the specificities of Dutch political culture and the legal regime created in the Netherlands combined to create a unique set of circumstances that impeded Dutch foreign fighters’ abilities to effectively work together with their German colleagues in Spain and their post-Spanish Civil War efforts to resist the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands. This article suggests, therefore, that the International Brigades do not possess a single, distinctive and collectively transnational identity. Rather, they are made up of different identity layers that can, but need not, be mutually exclusive, and are linked to elements of different national and/or military cultures.
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Lobanov, M. M., J. Zvezdanovic Lobanova, and M. Zvezdanovic. "Typologization of industrial systems in the countries of Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe." Journal of the New Economic Association 56, no. 4 (2022): 92–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.31737/2221-2264-2022-56-4-5.
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The differences between the countries of Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe in terms of socio-economic and, in particular, industrial development suggests the use of complex approach to their study. At the same time, the formation of industrial potential takes place in similar, but not identical institutional conditions, which allows the development of typologies and classifi cations as a result of qualitative and quantitative data generalization. We analyzed intraregional differences in indicators of industrial production dynamics, its role in the economic development, the supply and cost of labor resources, foreign trade diversifi cation and the level of foreign capital penetration, structural rationalization and the effi ciency of enterprises. In addition, on the example of the countries of the region, the relationship between labor productivity and the share of foreign companies in the production structure was studied. The proposed typology of industrial systems in CEE and SEE countries is based on a comparison of two groups of indicators characterizing 1) the main trend in the industrial development and its contribution to economic growth (reindustrialization, recurrent / repeated deindustrialization, persistent deindustrialization, secondary / market industrialization); 2) the effi ciency of factors of production, the extent of involvement in global economic relations, the focus on the products with high added-value (intensive, extensive and transitional industrial development).
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Tsvyk, Anatoly V., and Konstantin P. Kurylev. "The Idea of a “Greater Europe” in Russian Foreign Policy: Past and Present." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 438–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-2-438-447.
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This article examines the notion of a Greater Europe in Russian foreign policy from the 1990s to the present. The idea developed as the Russian government sought to establish its national and civilizational identy in the wake of the USSRs dissolution. At the turn of the 21st century, Moscow embraced the idea of a rapprochement with the rest of Europe. Pursuing the notion of Greater Europe, to create a single continental economic, political and cultural space, became a major diplomatic objective as it developed a strategic partnership with the European Union. However, in more recent years its outlook on the world has changed. Furthermore, after relations with Brussels deteriorated in the wake of the Ukrainian crisis and the latters imposition of sanctions has also affected Russian foreign policy. This article considers the emergence and evolution of the idea of a Greater Europe, and examines possible ways to realize this ambition. It argues that a EAEU-EU combination could become a basis for implementing this concept. However, any potential rapprochement can only be possible when the political barriers the EU established in its relations with Russia and the EAEU are removed.
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Pirro, Andrea LP, and Stijn van Kessel. "Populist Eurosceptic trajectories in Italy and the Netherlands during the European crises." Politics 38, no. 3 (April 17, 2018): 327–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718769511.
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Multiple crises shook the European Union (EU) during the past decade. First, the economic and financial crises that unfolded since 2008 shook the foundations of the European project and its monetary union. Then, the inflow of migrants and asylum seekers into Europe in 2015 questioned the EU’s ability to jointly respond to common political issues. More recently, Brexit came across as the corollary of a prolonged legitimacy crisis. These crises have not only affected the course of European integration but also provided novel issues for political competition within the EU member states. At the party-political level, populist anti-establishment parties have traditionally listed among the principal interpreters and drivers of criticism towards ‘Europe’. In this article, we empirically address the changing Eurosceptic frames adopted by populist parties during these crises and speculate on the reverberation of these frames in respective party systems. For this purpose, we focus on two cases: Italy and the Netherlands. Both countries present instances of populist parties of different ideological persuasions within traditionally Europhile contexts. At the same time, both countries have been affected to very different extents by the recent crises, allowing us to examine how populist parties have responded to different political opportunities.
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Frieden, Jeff. "Sectoral conflict and foreign economic policy, 1914–1940." International Organization 42, no. 1 (1988): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830000713x.
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The period from 1914 to 1940 is one of the most crucial and enigmatic in modern world history, and in the history of modern U.S. foreign policy. World War I catapulted the United States into international economic and political leadership, yet in the aftermath of the war, despite grandiose Wilsonian plans, the United States quickly lapsed into relative disregard for events abroad: it did not join the League of Nations, disavowed responsibility for European reconstruction, would not participate openly in many international economic conferences, and restored high levels of tariff protection for the domestic market. Only in the late 1930s and 1940s, after twenty years of bitter battles over foreign policy, did the United States move to center stage of world politics and economics: it built the United Nations and a string of regional alliances, underwrote the rebuilding of Western Europe, almost single-handedly constructed a global monetary and financial system, and led the world in commercial liberalization.
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Chizhmodii, Y. I., and P. V. Tokar. "Economic relations of the EU with the countries of Central Asia." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 134, no. 1 (2021): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2021-134-1-54-66.
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The international cooperation that takes place between the countries of the EU and Central Asia is important from both political and economic points of view. Central Asia is an important partner for the European Union due to its advantageous geographic location between Europe and Asia. Therefore, the EU, as well as the neighboring countries of Central Asia are striving to establishclose ties with this region. Based on the analysis of the data, the article argues that due to the presence of a powerful resource base, the subjects under consideration have all the opportunities for the development of the economy at a high level. Cooperation with foreign partners, well-chosen development priorities, projects to improve the transport infrastructure can make this macro-region one ofthe largest economic giants in the world.
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Kurkliński, Lech. "Historyczne podziały Europy a społeczno-gospodarcze uwarunkowania postaw kulturowych wobec bankowości w Polsce." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace 3, no. 3 (December 13, 2015): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2015.3.3.4.
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This paper is devoted to the presentation of the significance of the historicaldivisions in Europe for the formation of the socio-economic conditions for thedevelopment of the banking sector in Poland. The paper presents four main divisionsrelated to the functioning of the Roman Empire and Barbaricum, Latin andByzantine Europe, the dualism of the economic development of Europe fromthe sixteenth century and the creation of the capitalist and socialist blocks afterthe Second World War, and their relations to the position of Poland. Historicaloverview is juxtaposed with the current shape of the Polish banking sector, andespecially the dominance of banks controlled by foreign capital. This confrontationis primarily intended to indicate the importance of cultural factors for thedevelopment of the banking sector.
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Tsivatyi, V. "European Political and Diplomatic Dialogue in the Institutional Space of International Relations of Early New Age (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-2-4.
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The article deals with the analysis of the foreign policy and diplomacy of the European states of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries). Particular attention is given to the institutional development of public and political opinion as well as to the institutional and diplomatic practices in Western and Central Europe. The author defines the directions of the theoretical and practical development of diplomacy and foreign policy in Europe of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries) as well as their formation peculiarities in the leading countries of Europe.
The Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) as an important historical event for political, diplomatic and institutional development of Europe is analyzed. The attention is paid to the diplomatic tools, national peculiarities of negotiations at the Congress. The results of the Congress of Vienna served as an important stimulus for the further socio-economic, political and diplomatic development of Europe. Practical achievements of the Congress of Vienna and the experience gained by the European diplomacy of the late XVIII – early XIX century determined the future institutional development of world diplomacy and international law, having its relevance for today.
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Chetverikova, A. "Central Europe: Possible Scenarios." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 11 (2022): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-11-14-20.
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The article attempts to assess the possible prospects for the development of the Central European countries. For this purpose, the main economic trends of the Visegrad countries are analyzed, taking into account current forecasts of their future economic growth. Problems of inflation, unemployment, labor productivity are considered. Possible structural shifts in the “four” and the importance of the secondary sector as one of the foundations of its economy are assessed. The resource base of future development is analyzed taking into account demographic trends and investment resources, the foreign component of which is one of the key factors of the Visegrad countries economic growth. One of the most pressing issues of future development is meeting the needs for energy resources, which is still difficult to assess and will have a significant impact on the prospects of the region. The innovation sector is one of the weaknesses of the Central European countries, development dynamics of which indicates that the region is lagging behind and that the situation will continue in the future, which also determines its future development. For the comprehensive assessment of the region SWOT analysis is carries out, classifying the main external and internal conditions and development factors. The analysis made it possible to identify three generalized possible scenarios for the development of the region: “negative”, “basic” and “optimistic”. The base scenarios don’t exclude “mixed” options for the prospects of the Visegrad countries. In addition, for individual members of the “four” their own scenario is possible, which differs from other countries of the region due to the peculiarities of a particular state. Future scenarios influence the relation with Russia, ties with which are already changing significantly.
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Richet, Xavier. "Geographical and Strategic Factors in Chinese Foreign Direct Investment in Europe." Asian Economic Papers 18, no. 2 (June 2019): 102–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00700.
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Recently, the volume of Chinese FDI made in Europe has reached the level of European FDI in China (now constrained by restrictions and risks). It equaled the level of FDI made by Chinese firms in the United States before they began to decline in the last two years. The Chinese economic presence in Europe is divided into three parts in terms of volume, destination, and type of acquisition: The heart of Europe is made up of the three major destinations (Germany, UK, France), where more capital-intensive investments are made, followed by other Western European countries (EU-15). New member states (NMS) that joined the EU in 2004, 2007, and 2013, and Western Balkan countries, in accession to the EU, are associated with China in the 16+1 Format (with the exception of Kosovo) and are another gateway to Europe. They receive less direct investment because of smaller market opportunities but China is building infrastructure (ports, highways, railways)—segments of the Silk Road that will bring Chinese products to the mature markets of the EU.
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YILMAZ, Samet. "ASIA-EUROPE MEETING AS AN INTERREGIONAL INTERACTION PATTERN IN THE EUROPEAN UNION’S RELATIONS WITH ASIA." Kafkas Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi 13, no. 25 (June 29, 2022): 602–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36543/kauiibfd.2022.025.
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As a regional organization, the European Union (EU) interacts with actors of international relations in various ways in conducting its foreign relations, including interregional interactions. The EU establishes interregional relations with regional organizations, states, and groups of states and participates in interregional interaction mechanisms. The Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) is among the interaction channels of the EU in its relations with Asia. ASEM, held in 1996 first, is an initiative to develop political, economic, social, and cultural relations between Asia and Europe and create awareness between the peoples of the two regions. In this framework, considering the concept of interregionalism, this study deals with the basic rationality and functioning of ASEM, an interregional interaction pattern in the EU’s relations with Asia, and makes statements on the dialogue process.
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Lewis, Tom. "What not to Wear: Religious Rights, the European Court, and the Margin of Appreciation." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no. 2 (April 2007): 395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei169.
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The issue of religious dress, specifically female Muslim religious dress, has been the subject of intense controversy within Europe over recent years. In the United Kingdom comments by Jack Straw MP, Leader of the House of Commons and a former Home and Foreign Secretary, that he felt uncomfortable talking to women at his constituency surgery who wore the Muslim veil sparked a storm of intense and, at times, acrimonious debate.1 In France the banning of headscarves in State schools has provoked major controversy.2 In the Netherlands the Dutch Parliament voted to ban the burka in public places3 and in five Belgian towns its wearing has been banned on pain of a fine.4
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Lefebvre, Bruno. "Posted workers in France." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 12, no. 2 (May 2006): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890601200207.
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This contribution presents ongoing research that sets out to assess for the first time the situation of the foreign workers, from Europe and beyond, who work in France, in various economic sectors, as a result of the operation of networks of subcontractors. It appears that neither the legal framework nor the obligations of the foreign firms employing these workers are clear, in terms either of relations with government departments or of the legal arguments that may legitimately be invoked for the settlement of disputes. Trade unions, citizens' associations, locally elected officials and civil servants alike are strikingly ill-prepared to deal with this new phenomenon of the movement of workers in Europe.
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Ludlow, N. Piers. "The Real Years of Europe? U.S.-West European Relations during the Ford Administration." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 3 (July 2013): 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00373.
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Little has been written about transatlantic relations during the presidency of Gerald R. Ford. This article shows that, contrary to what most of the recent historiography suggests, the brief period under Ford did make an important difference in U.S.-West European relations. During the Ford administration, the whole architecture of transatlantic relations was rearranged, creating structures and features that endured well after Ford and his secretary of state, Henry Kissinger, had left office. In particular, the Ford years witnessed the emergence of a pattern of quadripartite consultation between the United States, Britain, France, and West Germany on foreign policy issues; and the advent of multilateral economic summitry. Each of these innovations transformed the pattern of U.S.-West European dialogue.
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SNIDERMAN, PAUL M., LOUK HAGENDOORN, and MARKUS PRIOR. "Predisposing Factors and Situational Triggers: Exclusionary Reactions to Immigrant Minorities." American Political Science Review 98, no. 1 (February 2004): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540400098x.
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This paper examines the bases of opposition to immigrant minorities in Western Europe, focusing on The Netherlands. The specific aim of this study is to test the validity of predictions derived from two theories—realistic conflict, which emphasizes considerations of economic well-being, and social identity, which emphasizes considerations of identity based on group membership. The larger aim of this study is to investigate the interplay of predisposing factors and situational triggers in evoking political responses. The analysis is based on a series of three experiments embedded in a public opinion survey carried out in The Netherlands (n=2007) in 1997–98. The experiments, combined with parallel individual-level measures, allow measurement of the comparative impact of both dispositionally based and situationally triggered threats to economic well-being and to national identity at work. The results show, first, that considerations of national identity dominate those of economic advantage in evoking exclusionary reactions to immigrant minorities and, second, that the effect of situational triggers is to mobilize support for exclusionary policies above and beyond the core constituency already predisposed to support them.
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Baykov, Andrey A. "Economic Regionalism as a Planetary Phenomenon. Theory And Methodology of Comparison." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-38-53.
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Nowadays integration could be considered as worldwide-political phenomenon with its multielement structure. The growing integratedness allows the little and medium states to build a constructive conversation with important players, equalize the growth rates, life quality as well as to contribute to settlement of international conflicts. This article deals with the theory and methodology of Economic Integration in Europe. The author investigates the roots of integration processes in after-war period in Europe. With establishment of European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1951 the integration became a key element of international policy. The author revises the evolution of the Integration theory from implementing of “federalism” term till development of comparative integration area in international relations science. The author used original foreign and Russian sources for preparing the current article.