Journal articles on the topic 'Netball Australia'

A new professional netball competition in 2017 was part of a long-awaited boost for women’s sport in Australia. Netball has a significant footprint across the country, being the nation’s largest female participation team sport, and the national team is the reigning world champion. However, the sport has traditionally been underrepresented in both sports media and academic research. The new league was scheduled on free-to-air television after a landmark broadcast deal and the rise in media coverage reflected the growing commercial and public interest in female sport. As an example of this changing environment, it is important to examine what the coverage of women’s netball involves. This descriptive study utilises a content analysis to explore the newspaper sports reporting of the first season of the Super Netball League. Specifically, it measures the amount and tone of coverage, the types of stories and descriptions employed in articles, including mentions of men’s sport. Data have been collected from 703 articles from 15,335 stories in newspaper sports sections of nine national, metropolitan and regional publications. While newspaper coverage of netball was comparable with other sports in terms of professionalism and content, there was still only a small amount of stories.

This article generalizes the well-known negative binomial distribution (NBD) theory to attendance behavior at sporting events. Using data from a large national survey across a range of sporting events in Australia, including Australian football, rugby league, soccer (outdoor), horse racing, motor sports, rugby union, cricket (outdoor), netball (indoor and outdoor), basketball (indoor and outdoor), harness racing, and dog racing, we show that the NBD is very robust in describing sporting event attendance behavior. This result has implications for sporting event marketing activities, such as which attendee segments should be targeted, how to increase ticket sales, as well as predicting future attendance behavior.

Purpose:Prevention of the female athlete triad is essential to protect female athletes’ health. The aim of this study was to investigate the knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors of regularly exercising adult women in Australia toward eating patterns, menstrual cycles, and bone health.Methods:A total of 191 female exercisers, age 18–40 yr, engaging in ≥2 hr/wk of strenuous activity, completed a survey. After 11 surveys were excluded (due to incomplete answers), the 180 participants were categorized into lean-build sports (n = 82; running/athletics, triathlon, swimming, cycling, dancing, rowing), non-lean-build sports (n = 94; basketball, netball, soccer, hockey, volleyball, tennis, trampoline, squash, Australian football), or gym/fitness activities (n = 4).Results:Mean (± SD) training volume was 9.0 ± 5.5 hr/wk, with participants competing from local up to international level. Only 10% of respondents could name the 3 components of the female athlete triad. Regardless of reported history of stress fracture, 45% of the respondents did not think that amenorrhea (absence of menses for ≥3 months) could affect bone health, and 22% of those involved in lean-build sports would do nothing if experiencing amenorrhea (vs. 3.2% in non-lean-build sports, p = .005). Lean-build sports, history of amenorrhea, and history of stress fracture were all significantly associated with not taking action in the presence of amenorrhea (all p < .005).Conclusions:Few active Australian women are aware of the detrimental effects of menstrual dysfunction on bone health. Education programs are needed to prevent the female athlete triad and ensure that appropriate actions are taken by athletes when experiencing amenorrhea.

AbstractObjective:To systematically audit the extent of unhealthy sponsorship within junior community sporting clubs and ascertain whether differences exist across geographical areas and sport types.Design:Club sponsorship data were assessed to determine the extent of unhealthy food/beverage, alcohol and gambling sponsorship using a cross-sectional design. Differences across geographical areas were assessed using logistic regressions.Setting:A stratified random sampling procedure was used to select thirty communities across the state of Victoria, Australia. Within each community, local clubs across the top eight participating junior sports were selected for audit.Participants:Sponsorship data were collected from 191 club websites and Facebook pages in September–November 2019.Results:Unhealthy sponsorships represented 8·9 % of all identified sponsorship arrangements. A quarter of all clubs accepted alcohol (25·6 %) and unhealthy food sponsors (25·9 %), and one-fifth of all clubs accepted high-risk food (unhealthy brands with large market share) (18·1 %) and gambling sponsors (20·4 %). Acceptance of unhealthy sponsorship differed across sport types with football, netball, cricket and soccer clubs having the greatest numbers. Compared with metro areas, a significantly greater proportion of sporting clubs in regional areas were affiliated with unhealthy food (32·7 % v. 19·6 %) and high-risk food sponsors (26·9 % v. 9·8 %). A higher proportion of clubs in low socio-economic status (SES), compared with the high SES areas, were affiliated with alcohol (33·9 % v. 16·5 %) and gambling sponsors (27·4 % v. 12·6 %).Conclusion:Victorian children participating in community junior sports are being exposed to marketing of unhealthy brands and products. Public health intervention is necessary to protect children from this exposure.

This study examined the changes in the physiological profile of children engaged in organized sporting activity compared to a group of normally active children. Eight children (mean age 11.4 yrs) from each of four popular sports in Australia (badminton, basketball, netball, and tennis) and an equal number of nontraining children were monitored over a 12-week season. Very few differences occurred between the sporting groups and the control group. No change was reported between groups in peak oxygen uptake at the start and completion of the season. Changes occurring within each group did not consistently reflect any sport-specific characteristics over the season. Flexibility improved significantly, with an average gain of 3.76 cm in all groups except basketball players, who gained only 0.69 cm for the 12 weeks. Anaerobic power demonstrated significant improvement only within those sporting groups whose training specifically included explosive based activity. It is suggested that the active nature of the control children and use of only 12 weeks of data collection could have contributed to the limited physiological differences observed between active sporting and nonsporting children.

During the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, Australian professional sport leagues were impacted by temporary league shutdowns. One example is the Suncorp Super Netball, the world’s premier netball competition. This commentary paper explores the Suncorp Super Netball league shutdown from the perspective of the players. Our commentary has emerged from an ongoing ethnographic study supported by interviews with two players (a representative on the players association and a club captain) conducted during the league shutdown. Such a shutdown was the first in the history of the league, and it required an unprecedented response, coordinated by interdependent stakeholders. The authors outlined the importance of stakeholder communication in effectively navigating this extraordinary situation. In addition, the authors discussed the usefulness of technology-as-context for teamwork and leadership, given the limitations on physical interaction and geographical separation. In conclusion, the authors proposed recommendations for sport practitioners and potential research directions resulting from the coronavirus-related league shutdown.

Abstract In netball, analysis of the movement of players and the ball across different court locations can provide information about trends otherwise hidden. This study aimed to develop a method to discover latent passing patterns in women’s netball. Data for both pass location and playing position were collected from centre passes during selected games in the 2016 Trans-Tasman Netball Championship season and 2017 Australian National Netball League. A motif analysis was used to characterise passing-sequence observations. This revealed that the most frequent, sequential passing style from a centre pass was the “ABCD” motif in an alphabetical system, or in a positional system “Centre–Goal Attack–Wing Attack–Goal Shooter” and rarely was the ball passed back to the player it was received from. An association rule mining was used to identify frequent ball movement sequences from a centre pass play. The most confident rule flowed down the right-hand side of the court, however seven of the ten most confident rules demonstrated a preference for ball movement down the left-hand side of the court. These results can offer objective insight into passing sequences, and potentially inform team strategy and tactics. This method can also be generalised to other invasion sports.

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in English; abstract also in Chinese. This study sought to document the physical characteristics of top Malaysian netball players by their playing skill. The variables measured were age, height, body mass, body fat and somototype. Thirty-two national players (mean age 18.19 ± 3.86 years) were assessed, divided into three groups by their playing skill (senior/elite, junior and reserve). The body fat content was determined by the skinfold method and their somatotype using the Heath Carter Somatotyping method. There were no significant differences in the physical characteristics between the players by playing skill. The players were predominantly ecto-endomorphic with a mean somatotype of 6.12±1.42 - 2.38±1.05 - 2.71±1.38. Their height and body mass were 170.80±4.61 cm and 64.44±7.46 kg, respectively. Female national Australian and English netball players had a body fat of 28.90±3.50% (Wither & Roberts, 1981) and 24.50±3.90% (Bale & Hunt, 1986) respectively, while the Malaysian players in this study 24.50 ± 5.13%. 本文旨在探討馬來西亞女子投球選手的身體特徵與技術，並與同類研究進行比較及分析。

Sports participation in the military is important for physical fitness and building morale and camaraderie. However, injuries caused by sports are detrimental to military capability. The purpose of this study was to investigate patterns of injury from sports participation in Australian Regular Army personnel. Injury data spanning a two-year period were obtained from the Department of Defence Workplace Health, Safety, Compensation, and Reporting (WHSCAR) database. Data were extracted for the top five sporting activities causing injuries. The most common body sites, natures, and mechanisms of injuries across these five sports were then determined. Sports participation accounted for 11% (n = 1092) of reported injuries (n = 9828). Soccer presented with the greatest number of injuries (23.3%), followed by rugby union/league (22.9%), touch football (18.6%), Australian rules football (12.0%), and basketball/netball (11.9%). The ankle, knee, and shoulder were the most injured body sites (21.9%; 17.2%; 11.6% respectively) across these five sports, with soft tissue injury, dislocation, and fractures being the most common natures of injury (55.1%; 12.7%; 11.9% respectively). The most common mechanisms of injuries were contact with objects (35.1%) and falls (27.4%). The current injury rates, locations, and mechanisms are similar to historical rates suggesting little impact by injury mitigation strategies.

This study investigated the properties of the Athens Insomnia Scale (Soldatos et al., 2000), the Fatigue Severity Scale (Krupp et al., 1989), and subscales of the SLEEP-50 Questionnaire (Spoormaker et al., 2005) in elite Australian athletes, to determine their appropriateness for this population. Fifty-nine athletes (29 male, 30 female, M = 21.86 yrs, SD = 7.44) from elite basketball, rowing, netball, beach volleyball, and sailing squads completed measures. A subset (n= 20) completed measures again at a 1-month interval, and a further subset (n= 5) were interviewed about their thoughts regarding the measures and their understanding of sleep. All scales and subscales displayed high internal consistency, apart from that which contained items not theoretically related, and all displayed good 1-month test-retest reliability. All measures were significantly correlated, demonstrating convergent validity. Athletes reported few sleep problems, but moderate fatigue. Athletes stated the measures produced accurate reflections of their sleep and fatigue, but also suggested improvements. Research limitations and implications are discussed.

Global LNG pricing outlook Liquidity in the global LNG spot market is increasing and the industry is seeking price diversification in its supply contracts. The rationale for oil linkage is being challenged. Short-term trade now accounts for a quarter of the total market, and the US’ Henry Hub, the UK’s NBP, and global LNG spot indices are all used in LNG price indexation. Growth in LNG supplies, short-term trade, and operational flexibility will drive global price connectivity and increase transparency. The US will begin exporting LNG, tightening the price differential between Atlantic and Pacific basins. The LNG industry will continue to question the validity of oil-price linkage as it seeks a reliable reference capable of reflecting supply and demand fundamentals in the gas markets themselves. It is, however, important to recognise that gas-to-gas pricing will not automatically deliver cheaper LNG than equivalent oil-index formulas. East coast Australia gas pricing outlook Dynamics in Australian east coast gas markets are changing rapidly, with LNG at the heart of this revolution. The east coast gas industry seeks a deeper, more liquid and transparent market, while looking to international gas hubs for lessons in boosting market efficiency. The industry must address challenges such as gas storage and pipeline capacity if it is to have the flexibility needed to build a vibrant market. Oil-indexed LNG netback pricing is starting to work its way into east coast gas supply contracts; however, as the European gas industry moves away from oil indexation, Australia’s domestic gas market needs to look at alternative pricing structures.

From record high prices, a decade ago, to record low prices more recently, Australia’s west coast gas market is heading towards a structural shakeup that will challenge the status quo for producers, buyers and policymakers. The Western Australian (WA) gas market has been soft recently but is poorly understood, and prices may materially tighten this decade in wake of uncertain new supply timing, liquefied natural gas (LNG) producer recalcitrance towards domestic market, lack of new discoveries (outside Perth Basin), upward pressure on US gas pricing and government policy flexibility towards the emergence of LNG ullage. We believe a bifurcated WA gas market could emerge, whereby policy targets cheap gas to underpin new manufacturing, while existing gas buyers are left to compete against much higher LNG netback parity pricing.

Recent government intervention in the East Australian Gas Market (EAGM) may have temporarily settled short-term supply availability concerns; however, gas prices in the EAGM now inevitably trend with the spot LNG Netback Price. Notwithstanding, supply remains tight, due to lack of upstream investment from overhang of some state government policies restricting exploration and development, and the lack of investment stemming from the recent period of low oil prices. Save further government intervention to retrospectively reserve already contractually committed export supply from the three Queensland LNG export projects, there is no ‘quick fix’ solution to fully address market tightness in the short to medium term from indigenous sources of gas supply. The only real solution to ensure security of supply over a reasonable tenure is to import LNG into the EAGM. However, the clear commercial reality of gas supply sourced from an LNG import terminal is that it can only be supported by high gas prices, albeit also providing other market benefits such as peaking capacity and storage. Without a solution to the EAGM supply–demand issue, there will be demand destruction as industrial users and electricity power generators seek alternatives to gas supply or simply cease operations. Most indigenous gas supply alternatives to LNG imports stem from the northern states and may provide solutions over the longer term (e.g. Beetaloo Basin), but do not solve the immediate need for gas supply in the southern states by 2020/21. New supply from the north is in any event physically pipeline-constrained over this timeframe.

Australia is poised to imminently become the world’s largest liquefied natural gas (LNG) producer. The prices realised for Australia’s natural gas, whether for export LNG or domestic consumption, dictate the level of revenues and, ultimately, the profitability and returns, of the gas producers. A rational producer will seek to maximise the price or return for the gas it supplies. A portion of a producer’s remuneration for its gas is then shared with the community via taxes and royalties. In Australia, these imposts are triggered at different taxing points, hence necessitating a determination of what the gas is worth at each point. Typically, for royalties, it is the wellhead value; for the petroleum resource rent tax, it is either the value at the domestic gas processing plant outlet or the value of feed gas just before liquefaction; and, for income tax, it is the proceeds or consideration for the gas when sold or exported. Wherever related party transactions occur, the price must be set at arm’s length and reflect market realism. Where gas must be valued at a point devoid of an actual sale, finding a suitable comparable price can be challenging. In such circumstances, pricing options include the cost-plus, the netback and the profit-split methods. Each has its own merits and limitations, and incorporates elements that are susceptible to disputation. Gas producers should consider engaging proactively with the revenue authorities to agree a gas pricing model upfront to mitigate latent tax liabilities if the pricing approach adopted is subsequently challenged.

Children aged 5 – 14 years Fitness level profile in Jakarta Timur, this research aims to determine the extent to which fitness level children age range 5 till 14 years old in Jakarta Timur. This research using a test and non test techniques with the survey method. A collection for the sample using a proportionate stratified random sampling techniques. As many as 121 children as sample. Tested using a MFT (Multistage Fitness Test) The multi-stage fitness test, also known as the bleep test, beep test, pacer test, Leger-test or 20-m shuttle run test, is a series of stages that have different tasks sometimes used by sports coaches and trainers to estimate an athlete’s VO2 max(maximum oxygen uptake). The pacer test is “progressive aerobic cardiovascular endurance test”. The test is especially useful for players of sports such as rugby, football, Australian rules football, Gaelic football, hurling, hockey, netball, handball,tennis, squash, and fitness testing in schools and colleges plus many other sports; employed by many international sporting teams as an accurate test of cardiovascular fitness, one of the more important components of Fitness. The existing data then processed and analyzed with a statistic deskriptif techniques. From measurements made it can be concluded that in general a children fitness level has a high point category, the district who has a high fitness level points in sub-district Makasar with ratio 31.98 points, and a lowest fitness level points located in sub-district Duren Sawit with 22.42 level points ratio. The survey result revealed is physical fitness related to a good activity perform and it will to conduce a better fitness level. Level of fitness predispose a learning achievement and all of activities who nature playing and requires a lot of energy because a children growth aged 5 – 14 years is phase of motor development and when directed with a better programe it will be a good potension in future.

Background: Although sleep has been identified as an important modifiable risk factor for sports injury, the effect of decreased sleep on sports injuries in adolescents is poorly studied. Purpose: To systematically review published literature to examine if a lack of sleep is associated with sports injuries in adolescents and to delineate the effects of chronic versus acute lack of sleep. Methods: PubMed and EMBASE databases were systematically searched for studies reporting statistics regarding the relationship between sleep and sports injury in adolescents aged <19 years published between 1/1/1997 and 12/21/2017. From included studies, the following information was extracted: bibliographic and demographic information, reported outcomes related to injury and sleep, and definitions of injury and decreased sleep. Additionally, a NOS (Newcastle-Ottawa Scale) assessment and an evaluation of the OCEM (Oxford Center for Evidence-Based Medicine) level of evidence for each study was conducted to assess each study’s individual risk of bias, and the risk of bias across all studies. Results: Of 907 identified articles, 7 met inclusion criteria. Five studies reported that adolescents who chronically slept poorly were at a significantly increased likelihood of experiencing a sports or musculoskeletal injury. Two studies reported on acute sleep behaviors. One reported a significant positive correlation between acutely poor sleep and injury, while the other study reported no significant correlation. In our random effects model, adolescents who chronically slept poorly were more likely to be injured than those who slept well (OR 1.58, 95% CI 1.05 to 2.37, p = 0.03). OCEM criteria assessment showed that all but one study (a case-series) were of 2b level of evidence—which is the highest level of evidence possible for studies which were not randomized control trials or systematic reviews. NOS assessment was conducted for all six cohort studies to investigate each study’s individual risk of bias. Five out of six of these studies received between 4 to 6 stars, categorizing them as having a moderate risk of bias. One study received 7 stars, categorizing it as having a low risk of bias. NOS assessment revealed that the most consistent source of bias was in ascertainment of exposure: all studies relied on self-reported data regarding sleep hours rather than a medical or lab record of sleep hours. Conclusions: Chronic lack of sleep in adolescents is associated with greater risk of sports and musculoskeletal injuries. Current evidence cannot yet definitively determine the effect of acute lack of sleep on injury rates. 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PurposeCompetitive balance is critical for the survival of athletic leagues. A relationship between “uncertainty of outcome” and fan interest has been found in many sports all over the world. This paper examines competitive balance in professional netball in Australia and New Zealand by contrasting two competitions: the ANZ Championship, an elite Australasian competition that began in 2008 but was disbanded in 2016 as there was a perception of dominance by the Australian teams over their New Zealand rivals; and its Australian domestic replacement, Suncorp Super Netball, which started in 2017.Design/methodology/approachCompetitive balance is gauged in three broad ways: match result concentration, which looks at the evenness of each season; team dominance, where comparisons are made across several seasons; and within game equality, which examines the results of individual games.FindingsSeveral methods are used under each heading, with the results surprisingly showing that measured competitive balance was similar in the two competitions.Originality/valueIn sports management, quantitative analysis or sports economics, there are few published papers on netball. This is the first research to examine competitive balance in netball, and the findings have important ramifications for this women-only game, as it competes against other purveyors of professional sport.

Abstract Background Sports should endeavour to provide inclusive opportunities for all people to participate. More evidence is required to understand who joins sports clubs and what keeps participants engaged throughout their lifetime. Little is known about who plays netball or what drives participation and retention of players in netball. This study aimed to identify the sociodemographic characteristics of Netball New South Wales (NSW) members, their odds of re-registering in the sport, and explore their motivations to play, experiences during participation and the perceived benefits of playing netball. Methods We used longitudinal sport registration data from all Netball NSW members in 2018 and 2019. A cross-sectional online survey was sent to all players registered during the two-year study period (n = 157,152). We used logistic regression to determine the odds of individuals returning to netball in 2019 after playing in 2018 and linked the sports registration data with the survey responses, calculating frequencies and proportions. Results Netball NSW members were mostly female (98 %) and aged less than 18 years old (69 %). Netball NSW retained 68 % of members in 2019 who played the previous year. Members who were male, aged 18–44 years old, lived in low SES areas, lived in regional/remote locations, identified as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander, spoke a language other than English at home or were born outside Australia had lower odds of returning to play from 2018 to 2019. Survey participants (n = 10,795) rated their experience playing netball highly and reported that playing netball improved their health and wellbeing. The main reason to play netball reported was ‘fun and enjoyment’ while the main reason to consider quitting was the ‘skill/experience of umpires and officials’. Conclusions This study highlights the strengths of netball in engaging and retaining females, who often participate in less sport than males. The positive experiences reported by netball participants should be fostered to retain current participants throughout the lifecourse. The data provided by members should be inform strategic actions to enhance netball participation for sociodemographic groups who had greatest odds of dropout. Routine surveillance using linked registration and player feedback should be utilised by sports to enhance sport delivery and increase participation.

Abstract Background Netball is estimated to be played by more than 20 million people worldwide, but there is evidence of high injury incidence. A thorough understanding of the types and rates of netball injuries is essential for effective injury management and prevention strategies to be developed and implemented. This systematic review summarises the published findings with respect to injury types, participant characteristics and any identified risk factors for netball injuries. Methods A librarian-assisted computer search of seven scientific databases was conducted for studies reporting on netball injuries. Inclusion criteria were studies published in English, in peer-reviewed journals, which reported data on injuries and variables (e.g. age and competition level) that have been proposed as possibly associated with netball injury risk. Results Forty-six studies (43.5% prospective, 37% hospital/insurance records, 19.5% retrospective) from 45 articles were included after screening. The majority of studies (74%) were conducted in Australia or New Zealand. There was little consistency in the definition of ‘injury’. Elite or sub-elite level players were included in 69% of studies where the level of competition was reported. The duration of injury surveillance was generally related to the format of competition from which data were collected. Self-report questionnaires were used in 48% of studies and only 26% of studies used qualified health professionals to collect data courtside. Injuries to the ankle and knee were the most common (in 19 studies) although the incidence varied considerably across the studies (ankle 13–84% and knee 8–50% of injuries). Prevention of ankle and knee injuries should be a priority. Children sustained more upper limb injuries (e.g. fractures) compared with adults who sustained more lower limb injuries (e.g. ankle and knee sprains/strains). A large number of potential risk factors for injury in netball have been investigated in small numbers of studies. The main circumstances of injury are landings, collisions and falls. Conclusion Further studies should be directed towards recreational netball, reporting on injury incidence in players by age and utilising high-quality, standardised methods and criteria. Specific injury diagnosis and a better understanding of the circumstances and mechanisms of injury would provide more meaningful data for developing prevention strategies.

The aim of this randomized controlled trial was to evaluate the impact of a novel 8-week coach development intervention (MASTER) on game-based coaching practices of netball coaches from one netball club (n = 16; 8 intervention, 8 active-control; NSW Australia), and player outcomes for the junior athletes being coached. The multi-component MASTER intervention aimed to educate coaches on how to design and implement high quality game-based coaching sessions. The core pillar of MASTER is ‘positive coaching,’ delivered through games-based coaching practices. At baseline and 10-weeks, two coaching sessions per coach were filmed and assessed using the MASTER assessment tool. Players (8-16yrs; n = 85) were videoed during structured gameplay, with three aspects of game play assessed using Game Performance Assessment Instrument. Coaches and players (n = 75; 12-16yrs) completed a perceptions questionnaire. Using linear mixed model ITT analysis, significant interventions effects were observed for the primary outcome: percentage of time spent performing playing-form activities [25.7% (95% CI (7.79-43.65), P = 0.008, d = 1.52]. Significant interventions effects were also observed for coach perceptions, player game skills, and player self-perceptions (P < 0.05). No significant changes were observed for player enjoyment, motivation, or wellbeing. The MASTER program was effective in improving coach and player self-perceptions, and coaching practices of netball coaches during training sessions.

Abstract This work studies outcome uncertainty and competitive balance from a broad perspective. It considers four sports with varying scoring rates, from soccer with typically three goals per match to netball with one hundred goals per match. Within a general modelling framework for a two-competitor contest, we argue that outcome uncertainty, the extent to which the outcome of a contest is unpredictable, depends on scoring rate, on strength variation and on score dependence. Score dependence is essentially the tendency for scores to alternate because possession alternates and possession is advantageous. We regard competitive balance as lack of variation in strength or skill, so that when strength variation is large competitive balance is low and vice versa. Thus, we argue that the outcome of a contest depends on skill, scoring rate, score dependence and chance. This description of outcome is useful because it informs policy-making in sport about the design of scoring systems and the control of competitive imbalance. Broadly, we find that: soccer is relatively competitively unbalanced but outcomes are uncertain because the scoring rate is low; the Australian football league is competitively balanced and so outcomes are uncertain in spite of the high scoring rate in this sport; international rugby matches are relatively neither competitive nor uncertain so that little is left to chance; and netball matches have uncertain outcomes because scores are positively dependent.

Introduction: Bubbles and Sport The ephemeral materiality of bubbles – beautiful, spectacular, and distracting but ultimately fragile – when applied to protect or conserve in the interests of sport-media profit, creates conditions that exacerbate existing inequalities in sport and society. Bubbles are usually something to watch, admire, and chase after in their brief yet shiny lives. There is supposed to be, technically, nothing inside them other than one or more gasses, and yet we constantly refer to people and objects being inside bubbles. The metaphor of the bubble has been used to describe the life of celebrities, politicians in purpose-built capital cities like Canberra, and even leftist, environmentally activist urban dwellers. The metaphorical and material qualities of bubbles are aligned—they cannot be easily captured and are liable to change at any time. In this article we address the metaphorical sporting bubble, which is often evoked in describing life in professional sport. This is a vernacular term used to capture and condemn the conditions of life of elite sportspeople (usually men), most commonly after there has been a sport-related scandal, especially of a sexual nature (Rowe). It is frequently paired with connotatively loaded adjectives like pampered and indulged. The sporting bubble is rarely interrogated in academic literature, the concept largely being left to the media and moral entrepreneurs. It is represented as involving a highly privileged but also pressurised life for those who live inside it. A sporting bubble is a world constructed for its most prized inhabitants that enables them to be protected from insurgents and to set the terms of their encounters with others, especially sport fans and disciplinary agents of the state. The Covid-19 pandemic both reinforced and reconfigured the operational concept of the bubble, re-arranging tensions between safety (protecting athletes) and fragility (short careers, risks of injury, etc.) for those within, while safeguarding those without from bubble contagion. Privilege and Precarity Bubble-induced social isolation, critics argue, encourages a loss of perspective among those under its protection, an entitled disconnection from the usual rules and responsibilities of everyday life. For this reason, the denizens of the sporting bubble are seen as being at risk to themselves and, more troublingly, to those allowed temporarily to penetrate it, especially young women who are first exploited by and then ejected from it (Benedict). There are many well-documented cases of professional male athletes “behaving badly” and trying to rely on institutional status and various versions of the sporting bubble for shelter (Flood and Dyson; Reel and Crouch; Wade). In the age of mobile and social media, it is increasingly difficult to keep misbehaviour in-house, resulting in a slew of media stories about, for example, drunkenness and sexual misconduct, such as when then-Sydney Roosters co-captain Mitchell Pearce was suspended and fined in 2016 after being filmed trying to force an unwanted kiss on a woman and then simulating a lewd act with her dog while drunk. There is contestation between those who condemn such behaviour as aberrant and those who regard it as the conventional expression of youthful masculinity as part of the familiar “boys will be boys” dictum. The latter naturalise an inequitable gender order, frequently treating sportsmen as victims of predatory women, and ignoring asymmetries of power between men and women, especially in homosocial environments (Toffoletti). For those in the sporting bubble (predominantly elite sportsmen and highly paid executives, also mostly men, with an array of service staff of both sexes moving in and out of it), life is reflected for those being protected via an array of screens (small screens in homes and indoor places of entertainment, and even smaller screens on theirs and others’ phones, as well as huge screens at sport events). These male sport stars are paid handsomely to use their skill and strength to perform for the sporting codes, their every facial expression and bodily action watched by the media and relayed to audiences. This is often a precarious existence, the usually brief career of an athlete worker being dependent on health, luck, age, successful competition with rivals, networks, and club and coach preferences. There is a large, aspirational reserve army of athletes vying to play at the elite level, despite risks of injury and invasive, life-changing medical interventions. Responsibility for avoiding performance and image enhancing drugs (PIEDs) also weighs heavily on their shoulders (Connor). Professional sportspeople, in their more reflective moments, know that their time in the limelight will soon be up, meaning that getting a ticket to the sporting bubble, even for a short time, can make all the difference to their post-sport lives and those of their families. The most vulnerable of the small minority of participants in sport who make a good, short-term living from it are those for whom, in the absence of quality education and prior social status, it is their sole likely means of upward social mobility (Spaaij). Elite sport performers are surrounded by minders, doctors, fitness instructors, therapists, coaches, advisors and other service personnel, all supporting athletes to stay focussed on and maximise performance quality to satisfy co-present crowds, broadcasters, sponsors, sports bodies and mass media audiences. The shield offered by the sporting bubble supports the teleological win-at-all-costs mentality of professional sport. The stakes are high, with athlete and executive salaries, sponsorships and broadcasting deals entangled in a complex web of investments in keeping the “talent” pivotal to the “attention economy” (Davenport and Beck)—the players that provide the content for sale—in top form. Yet, the bubble cannot be entirely secured and poor behaviour or performance can have devastating effects, including permanent injury or disability, mental illness and loss of reputation (Rowe, “Scandals and Sport”). Given this fragile materiality of the sporting bubble, it is striking that, in response to the sudden shutdown following the economic and health crisis caused by the 2020 global pandemic, the leaders of professional sport decided to create more of them and seek to seal the metaphorical and material space with unprecedented efficiency. The outcome was a multi-sided tale of mobility, confinement, capital, labour, and the gendering of sport and society. The Covid-19 Gilded Cage Sociologists such as Zygmunt Bauman and John Urry have analysed the socio-politics of mobilities, whereby some people in the world, such as tourists, can traverse the globe at their leisure, while others remain fixed in geographical space because they lack the means to be mobile or, in contrast, are involuntarily displaced by war, so-called “ethnic cleansing”, famine, poverty or environmental degradation. The Covid-19 global pandemic re-framed these matters of mobilities (Rowe, “Subjecting Pandemic Sport”), with conventional moving around—between houses, businesses, cities, regions and countries—suddenly subjected to the imperative to be static and, in perniciously unreflective technocratic discourse, “socially distanced” (when what was actually meant was to be “physically distanced”). The late-twentieth century analysis of the “risk society” by Ulrich Beck, in which the mysterious consequences of humans’ predation on their environment are visited upon them with terrifying force, was dramatically realised with the coming of Covid-19. In another iteration of the metaphor, it burst the bubble of twenty-first century global sport. What we today call sport was formed through the process of sportisation (Maguire), whereby hyper-local, folk physical play was reconfigured as multi-spatial industrialised sport in modernity, becoming increasingly reliant on individual athletes and teams travelling across the landscape and well over the horizon. Co-present crowds were, in turn, overshadowed in the sport economy when sport events were taken to much larger, dispersed audiences via the media, especially in broadcast mode (Nicholson, Kerr, and Sherwood). This lucrative mediation of professional sport, though, came with an unforgiving obligation to generate an uninterrupted supply of spectacular live sport content. The pandemic closed down most sports events and those that did take place lacked the crucial participation of the co-present crowd to provide the requisite event atmosphere demanded by those viewers accustomed to a sense of occasion. Instead, they received a strange spectacle of sport performers operating in empty “cathedrals”, often with a “faked” crowd presence. The mediated sport spectacle under the pandemic involved cardboard cut-out and sex doll spectators, Zoom images of fans on large screens, and sampled sounds of the crowd recycled from sport video games. Confected co-presence produced simulacra of the “real” as Baudrillardian visions came to life. The sporting bubble had become even more remote. For elite sportspeople routinely isolated from the “common people”, the live sport encounter offered some sensory experience of the social – the sounds, sights and even smells of the crowd. Now the sporting bubble closed in on an already insulated and insular existence. It exposed the irony of the bubble as a sign of both privileged mobility and incarcerated athlete work, both refuge and prison. Its logic of contagion also turned a structure intended to protect those inside from those outside into, as already observed, a mechanism to manage the threat of insiders to outsiders. In Australia, as in many other countries, the populace was enjoined by governments and health authorities to help prevent the spread of Covid-19 through isolation and immobility. There were various exceptions, principally those classified as essential workers, a heterogeneous cohort ranging from supermarket shelf stackers to pharmacists. People in the cultural, leisure and sports industries, including musicians, actors, and athletes, were not counted among this crucial labour force. Indeed, the performing arts (including dance, theatre and music) were put on ice with quite devastating effects on the livelihoods and wellbeing of those involved. So, with all major sports shut down (the exception being horse racing, which received the benefit both of government subsidies and expanding online gambling revenue), sport organisations began to represent themselves as essential services that could help sustain collective mental and even spiritual wellbeing. This case was made most aggressively by Australian Rugby League Commission Chairman, Peter V’landys, in contending that “an Australia without rugby league is not Australia”. In similar vein, prominent sport and media figure Phil Gould insisted, when describing rugby league fans in Western Sydney’s Penrith, “they’re lost, because the football’s not on … . It holds their families together. People don’t understand that … . Their life begins in the second week of March, and it ends in October”. Despite misgivings about public safety and equality before the pandemic regime, sporting bubbles were allowed to form, re-form and circulate. The indefinite shutdown of the National Rugby League (NRL) on 23 March 2020 was followed after negotiation between multiple entities by its reopening on 28 May 2020. The competition included a team from another nation-state (the Warriors from Aotearoa/New Zealand) in creating an international sporting bubble on the Central Coast of New South Wales, separating them from their families and friends across the Tasman Sea. Appeals to the mental health of fans and the importance of the NRL to myths of “Australianness” notwithstanding, the league had not prudently maintained a financial reserve and so could not afford to shut down for long. Significant gambling revenue for leagues like the NRL and Australian Football League (AFL) also influenced the push to return to sport business as usual. Sport contests were needed in order to exploit the gambling opportunities – especially online and mobile – stimulated by home “confinement”. During the coronavirus lockdowns, Australians’ weekly spending on gambling went up by 142 per cent, and the NRL earned significantly more than usual from gambling revenue—potentially $10 million above forecasts for 2020. Despite the clear financial imperative at play, including heavy reliance on gambling, sporting bubble-making involved special licence. The state of Queensland, which had pursued a hard-line approach by closing its borders for most of those wishing to cross them for biographical landmark events like family funerals and even for medical treatment in border communities, became “the nation's sporting hub”. Queensland became the home of most teams of the men’s AFL (notably the women’s AFLW season having been cancelled) following a large Covid-19 second wave in Melbourne. The women’s National Netball League was based exclusively in Queensland. This state, which for the first time hosted the AFL Grand Final, deployed sport as a tool in both national sports tourism marketing and internal pre-election politics, sponsoring a documentary, The Sporting Bubble 2020, via its Tourism and Events arm. While Queensland became the larger bubble incorporating many other sporting bubbles, both the AFL and the NRL had versions of the “fly in, fly out” labour rhythms conventionally associated with the mining industry in remote and regional areas. In this instance, though, the bubble experience did not involve long stays in miners’ camps or even the one-night hotel stopovers familiar to the popular music and sport industries. Here, the bubble moved, usually by plane, to fulfil the requirements of a live sport “gig”, whereupon it was immediately returned to its more solid bubble hub or to domestic self-isolation. In the space created between disciplined expectation and deplored non-compliance, the sporting bubble inevitably became the scrutinised object and subject of scandal. Sporting Bubble Scandals While people with a very low risk of spreading Covid-19 (coming from areas with no active cases) were denied entry to Queensland for even the most serious of reasons (for example, the death of a child), images of AFL players and their families socialising and enjoying swimming at the Royal Pines Resort sporting bubble crossed our screens. Yet, despite their (players’, officials’ and families’) relative privilege and freedom of movement under the AFL Covid-Safe Plan, some players and others inside the bubble were involved in “scandals”. Most notable was the case of a drunken brawl outside a Gold Coast strip club which led to two Richmond players being “banished”, suspended for 10 matches, and the club fined $100,000. But it was not only players who breached Covid-19 bubble protocols: Collingwood coaches Nathan Buckley and Brenton Sanderson paid the $50,000 fine imposed on the club for playing tennis in Perth outside their bubble, while Richmond was fined $45,000 after Brooke Cotchin, wife of team captain Trent, posted an image to Instagram of a Gold Coast day spa that she had visited outside the “hub” (the institutionally preferred term for bubble). She was subsequently distressed after being trolled. Also of concern was the lack of physical distancing, and the range of people allowed into the sporting bubble, including babysitters, grandparents, and swimming coaches (for children). There were other cases of players being caught leaving the bubble to attend parties and sharing videos of their “antics” on social media. Biosecurity breaches of bubbles by players occurred relatively frequently, with stern words from both the AFL and NRL leaders (and their clubs) and fines accumulating in the thousands of dollars. Some people were also caught sneaking into bubbles, with Lekahni Pearce, the girlfriend of Swans player Elijah Taylor, stating that it was easy in Perth, “no security, I didn’t see a security guard” (in Barron, Stevens, and Zaczek) (a month later, outside the bubble, they had broken up and he pled guilty to unlawfully assaulting her; Ramsey). Flouting the rules, despite stern threats from government, did not lead to any bubble being popped. The sport-media machine powering sporting bubbles continued to run, the attendant emotional or health risks accepted in the name of national cultural therapy, while sponsorship, advertising and gambling revenue continued to accumulate mostly for the benefit of men. Gendering Sporting Bubbles Designed as biosecurity structures to maintain the supply of media-sport content, keep players and other vital cogs of the machine running smoothly, and to exclude Covid-19, sporting bubbles were, in their most advanced form, exclusive luxury camps that illuminated the elevated socio-cultural status of sportsmen. The ongoing inequalities between men’s and women’s sport in Australia and around the world were clearly in evidence, as well as the politics of gender whereby women are obliged to “care” and men are enabled to be “careless” – or at least to manage carefully their “duty of care”. In Australia, the only sport for women that continued during the height of the Covid-19 lockdown was netball, which operated in a bubble that was one of sacrifice rather than privilege. With minimum salaries of only $30,000 – significantly less than the lowest-paid “rookies” in the AFL – and some being mothers of small children and/or with professional jobs juggled alongside their netball careers, these elite sportswomen wanted to continue to play despite the personal inconvenience or cost (Pavlidis). Not one breach of the netballers out of the bubble was reported, indicating that they took their responsibilities with appropriate seriousness and, perhaps, were subjected to less scrutiny than the sportsmen accustomed to attracting front-page headlines. National Netball League (also known after its Queensland-based naming rights sponsor as Suncorp Super Netball) players could be regarded as fortunate to have the opportunity to be in a bubble and to participate in their competition. The NRL Women’s (NRLW) Premiership season was also completed, but only involved four teams subject to fly in, fly out and bubble arrangements, and being played in so-called curtain-raiser games for the NRL. As noted earlier, the AFLW season was truncated, despite all the prior training and sacrifice required of its players. Similarly, because of their resource advantages, the UK men’s and boy’s top six tiers of association football were allowed to continue during lockdown, compared to only two for women and girls. In the United States, inequalities between men’s and women’s sports were clearly demonstrated by the conditions afforded to those elite sportswomen inside the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) sport bubble in the IMG Academy in Florida. Players shared photos of rodent traps in their rooms, insect traps under their mattresses, inedible food and blocked plumbing in their bubble accommodation. These conditions were a far cry from the luxury usually afforded elite sportsmen, including in Florida’s Walt Disney World for the men’s NBA, and is just one of the many instances of how gendered inequality was both reproduced and exacerbated by Covid-19. Bursting the Bubble As we have seen, governments and corporate leaders in sport were able to create material and metaphorical bubbles during the Covid-19 lockdown in order to transmit stadium sport contests into home spaces. The rationale was the importance of sport to national identity, belonging and the routines and rhythms of life. But for whom? Many women, who still carry the major responsibilities of “care”, found that Covid-19 intensified the affective relations and gendered inequities of “home” as a leisure site (Fullagar and Pavlidis). Rates of domestic violence surged, and many women experienced significant anxiety and depression related to the stress of home confinement and home schooling. During the pandemic, women were also more likely to experience the stress and trauma of being first responders, witnessing virus-related sickness and death as the majority of nurses and care workers. They also bore the brunt of much of the economic and employment loss during this time. Also, as noted above, livelihoods in the arts and cultural sector did not receive the benefits of the “bubble”, despite having a comparable claim to sport in contributing significantly to societal wellbeing. This sector’s workforce is substantially female, although men dominate its senior roles. Despite these inequalities, after the late March to May hiatus, many elite male sportsmen – and some sportswomen - operated in a bubble. Moving in and out of them was not easy. Life inside could be mentally stressful (especially in long stays of up to 150 days in sports like cricket), and tabloid and social media troll punishment awaited those who were caught going “over the fence”. But, life in the sporting bubble was generally preferable to the daily realities of those afflicted by the trauma arising from forced home confinement, and for whom watching moving sports images was scant compensation for compulsory immobility. The ethical foundation of the sparkly, ephemeral fantasy of the sporting bubble is questionable when it is placed in the service of a voracious “media sports cultural complex” (Rowe, Global Media Sport) that consumes sport labour power and rolls back progress in gender relations as a default response to a global pandemic. Covid-19 dramatically highlighted social inequalities in many areas of life, including medical care, work, and sport. For the small minority of people involved in sport who are elite professionals, the only thing worse than being in a sporting bubble during the pandemic was not being in one, as being outside precluded their participation. Being inside the bubble was a privilege, albeit a dubious one. But, as in wider society, not all sporting bubbles are created equal. Some are more opulent than others, and the experiences of the supporting and the supported can be very different. The surface of the sporting bubble may be impermanent, but when its interior is opened up to scrutiny, it reveals some very durable structures of inequality. Bubbles are made to burst. They are, by nature, temporary, translucent structures created as spectacles. As a form of luminosity, bubbles “allow a thing or object to exist only as a flash, sparkle or shimmer” (Deleuze, 52). In echoing Deleuze, Angela McRobbie (54) argues that luminosity “softens and disguises the regulative dynamics of neoliberal society”. The sporting bubble was designed to discharge that function for those millions rendered immobile by home confinement legislation in Australia and around the world, who were having to deal with the associated trauma, risk and disadvantage. 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This study employs a spatial analysis to critically examine gender relations within an Australian football and netball community sports club that has sought to address gender inequity and promote the participation of women across the club. Notable changes included increased female representation in the club’s decision-making structures, growing numbers of female members, and the establishment of a women’s and girls’ football section. Using an in-depth case study that combined interviews and observations over a 6-month period, we investigated the impact these changes have had on transforming gender relations and in challenging perceptions of the club as a privileged space for its male members. The study utilized spatial and feminist theory to illustrate that, despite the club’s efforts to change gender relations, men who are able to embody dominant forms of masculinity (i.e., high ability and able-bodied) continue to be privileged within the club environment. The article highlights the importance of spatial analysis in illuminating the ways in which various micro-level practices preserve dominant gender relations within community sports. The findings reinforce that although a greater number of women and girls are participating in community sport, this alone is not significantly reshaping gender relations. Policies seeking to promote gender equity in sport need to enforce changes in club environments in addition to focusing on increasing women’s participation.