Journal articles on the topic 'Nepali bhasa'

Introduction: Chandranighantu is a handwritten manuscript of Ayurveda about 250 years ago in Nepal by a well-known Vaidhya at that time of King Chandra Shamsher. It was believed that the dynasty brought to publish the manuscript with his name as Chandranighantu. It was completed in total of ten volume containing more than 900 medicinal plants and 200 minerals and metals which were available in Nepal only. Till date 5 volumes have been translated into Nepali and English language keeping the original along with; and published by Government of Nepal, but many stakeholders of Ayurveda especially Dravyaguna scholars are still unware of it worldwide. Hence, it was attempted to highlight its importance among Ayurveda scholars, researchers and practitioners. The aim of this documentation is to explore glimpses of Chandranighantu of Nepal and propagate its uniqueness regarding explanation of medicinal plants in the editions as well as handmade manuscripts with colour sketches. Methods: Singhadurbar Vaidykhana Vikas Samiti (SDVKVS), Ministry of Health and Population, Government of Nepal published the Chandranighantu (Volume I) in 2012 A.D., as a primary resource material. It was reviewed and glimpses or peculiarities have been compiled, critically analysed and presented in this work. Results: Chandranighantu has been written after Bhava Prakash Nighantu because most of the references have been taken from Raj nighantu, Kaidev nighantu, Madanpal nighantu and Bhava Prakash Nighantu It has been written in 10 volumes comprising 8 volumes with descriptions of medicinal plants and 2 volumes with descriptions of minerals and animal products. In this work, the first volume of the Chandranighantu has been reviewed that includes total 99 medicinal plants describing synonyms and their properties and actions. The prime peculiarities of this nighantu is addition of local and nepali name and the style of narration of medicinal plants along with very fine handmade colourful sketches of the plants including habitat, root, stem, leaves, fruits, flowers in ints natural colour, clearly differentiating its parts as well as types, which is helpful in proper identification of the plants. This style of description of colourful plants is not found in any other nighantu. This nighantu has found to be taken the basis of pre-existing nighantus such as Dhanwantarinighantu, Rajnighantu, Madanpalnighantu, Kaidev nighantu, Bhavaprakash nighantu and others including lexicons like Amarkosha. Synonyms of plants have been given in different languages like Nepali, Newari, Avadhi, Bhojpuri, Marathi, Bengali, Hindi etc. along with Sanskrit. Conclusion: This nighantu is the evidence of modern era history of medicinal plants use in the Ayurveda. This nighantu is written with the unique style of narration of medicinal plants by synonyms, properties and actions along with colourful sketches. The present critical review recommends scholars, academician, researchers and medicinal plants related experts of recent sciences to explore the hidden knowledge of botany, pharmacognosy, pharmacology and therapeutic uses into gaining deeper perspicuity benefitting the ailing humanity

This research paper is an analytical study of the popular Hindu myth Swasthani, with the goal of redefining its boundaries and separating it from mythological and religious interpretations. For this reading, the researcher has taken Pallav Ranjan's Swasthani to English adaption as a major source of data. By applying new historicism as a literary tool, the researcher has analyzed Swasthani to draw the new boundaries of this popular myth in Nepal. From this qualitative analysis, it is concluded that this mythological narrative, when recorded for the first time in Nepal Bhasa by Jayanta Dev, mirrored the social reality of Medieval Nepal. Through the medium of myth, the social reality of the period is depicted in this mythical text. The study concluded that Swasthani is not merely a myth, but also a socio-historical record of Medieval Nepal, when Newar kings ruled the Kathmandu Valley.

भाषिक परिवर्तन र नेपाली भाषा शीर्षकको यस लेखमा ऐतिहासिक विकासका सन्दर्भमा नेपाली भाषामा देखापरेकापरिवर्तित विशेषताहरूको विश्लेषण गरिएको छ । भाषा परिवर्तनशील वस्तु हो । समयक्रममा भाषाका विविधपक्षमा नयाँनयाँ प्रवृत्तिहरू देखा पर्दछन् । यस लेखमा नेपाली भाषामा यस किसिमका परिवर्तनशील विशेषताहरूकेकस्ता छन् भन्ने कुरालाई मुख्य समस्याका रूपमा लिई ती समस्याहरूको प्राज्ञिक समाधान खोज्ने प्रयास गरिएकोछ । यस अध्ययनमा भाषिक परिवर्तनसँग सम्बन्धित विद्वान् लेखकहरूका ग्रन्थहरू, अनुसन्धानमूलक लेखहरूकासाथै जनबोलीसँग सम्बन्धित तथ्यहरूलाई सामग्रीका रूपमा लिइएको छ । वर्णनात्मक तथा विवरणात्मक विधिद्वारासामग्रीको विश्लेषण गरिएको यस अध्ययनमा भाषा विकासका सन्दर्भमा नेपाली भाषाका ध्वनि व्यवस्थादेखि लिएरअर्थसम्मका तहमा भएका परिवर्तनको अवस्थालाई विश्लेषण गरिएको छ । यसैगरी यस लेखमा नेपाली इतर अन्यभाषाहरूको प्रभावका साथै स्वयम् नेपाली भाषाकै भाषिकाहरूका प्रभावका कारण नेपाली भाषाका ध्वनि, व्याकरणतथा अर्थका तहसम्म भाषिक परिवर्तन भएको सारवस्तुलाई प्रस्तुत गरिएको छ । नेपालका अन्य भाषाका तुलनामानेपाली भाषा बढी समृद्ध र गतिशील भए पनि आधुनिकीकरणका सन्दर्भमा सरलीकरण तथा कथ्यीकरणतर्फगतिशील हुन यो भाषा परिवर्तित संरचनासहित अगाडि बढिरहेको तथ्यलाई यस अध्ययनमा प्रस्तुत गरिएको छ ।परिवर्तित हुँदै अगाडि बढ्ने सन्दर्भमा यसमा सकारात्मक तथा नकारात्मक दुवै किसिमको अवस्था देखिएको हुँदानेपाली भाषाको विकासमा भाषाविद् तथा वाङ्मयका क्षेत्रमा काम गर्नेहरूले सचेत हुनुपर्ने निष्कर्षलाई यसअध्ययनमा प्रस्तुत गरिएको छ ।

प्रस्तुत अध्ययनमा नेपाल बहुभाषिक देश हो भन्ने कुरा नेपालका भाषाहरूको पारिवारिक वर्गीकरण सहित तथ्यहरूद्वारा स्पष्ट पार्दै नेपालले अङ्गीकार गरेको भाषिक नीतिमा प्रकाश पारिएको छ । यस क्रममा विगतमा अँगालिएको एक भाषिक नीतिबाट विभिन्न भाषाभाषीमा परेको प्रभावबारे जानकारी दिइएको छ र वर्तमान नेपालमा नेपालका सबै भाषाप्रति समान दृष्टिकोण राखिएको तथा विभिन्न भाषाको संरचनागतएवम् स्तरगत विकासका निम्ति विभिन्न कार्य गरिएको र भविष्यमा त्यसले अझ मूर्त रूप प्राप्त गर्दै जाने निष्कर्ष निकालिएको छ । यस निम्ति सरकारद्वारा उपयुक्त भाषानीति लागू गरिने र जनस्तरको जागरणले त्यसलाई बल पु¥याउने अपेक्षा गरिएको छ ।

प्रस्तुत आलेख पूर्वीय अर्थ चिन्तन र नेपाली भाषा शिक्षण शीर्षकमा केन्द्रित रहेको छ । पूर्वीय अर्थ चिन्तनको प्रारम्भ कसरी भयो ? कुन कुन पक्षहरूले पूर्वीय अर्थ चिन्तनलाई समृद्ध तुल्याएका छन् ? ती चिन्तनहरूका मुख्य मान्यताहरू के के हुन् ? यसको चिन्तन परम्परा कसरी विकास भएको छ ?जस्ता प्राज्ञिक जिज्ञासाहरूको समाधानमा यस आलेखको औचित्यता प्रकट भएको छ । प्रस्तुत आलेखकोउद्देश्य परिपूर्ति गर्नका लागि गुणात्मक अनुसन्धान विधिको अवलम्बन गरिएको छ । सामग्री सङ्कलन गर्न द्वितीयक स्रोतअन्तर्गत पुस्तकालय कार्यबाट यस अध्ययनसँग सम्बन्धित पूर्ववर्ती विद्वान्हरूले अध्ययन विश्लेषण गरेका सामग्रीहरूको उपयोग गरिएको छ । संस्कृत परम्परामा शब्दार्थ सम्बन्धकाबारेमा भए गरेका दार्शनिक चिन्तनहरू वर्तमान भाषिक चिन्तनमा पनि उपयोगी रहेको र यसले नेपाली भाषा शिक्षणमा सकारात्मक प्रभाव पारेको निष्कर्ष यस आलेखको रहेको छ ।

प्रस्तुत ‘नेपाली भाषा शिक्षकको निरन्तर विद्यार्थी मूल्याङ्कनप्रतिको धारणा’ शीर्षकको लेख मूलतः पोखरा उपत्यकाभित्र कक्षा ५ मा नेपाली पढाउने भाषा शिक्षकको निरन्तर विद्यार्थी मूल्याङ्कनप्रतिको धारणा, प्रयोगावस्था र भोगेका कठिनाइ पहिल्याउने उद्देश्यले तयार गरिएको हो । आलेख तयार गर्ने सन्दर्भमा मूलतः गुणमात्रात्मक विधि (क्वान क्वाल विधि) को उपयोग गरी प्रश्नावली र अन्तर्वार्ताका माध्यमबाट नेपाली भाषा शिक्षकले प्रस्तुत गरेका वस्तुगत र विषयगत दुवै धारणालाई प्रतिशताङ्क, पाइचार्ट, बारडायग्राम तथा थिमहरू निर्माण गरी व्याख्या गरिएको छ । अध्ययनबाट प्राप्त निष्कर्षलाई हेर्दा अधिकांश शिक्षकहरूले निरन्तर विद्यार्थी मूल्याङ्कनलाई नियमित÷अनौपचारिक, निराकरणात्मक÷सुधारात्मक र भाषिक सिपको मूल्याङ्कनका रूपमा लिएका छन् । संस्थागत विद्यालयका शिक्षकले निरन्तर विद्यार्थी मूल्याङ्कन अभिलेख राख्ने गरेको पाइएन भने निरन्तर विद्यार्थी मूल्याङ्कनका क्रममा कक्षाकार्य÷गृहकार्य, हाजिरी र कक्षा सहभागिता, सिर्जनात्मक कार्य, परियोजना कार्य र व्यवहार अवलोकनलाई मुख्य साधनका रूपमा उपयोग गरेको पाइन्छ । अधिकांश शिक्षकले विद्यार्थीको सिकाइ उपलब्धिमा निरन्तर विद्यार्थी मूल्याङ्कनको प्रभाव सकारात्मक रहेको बताएका छन् भने केही शिक्षकले निरन्तर विद्यार्थी मूल्याङ्कन केवल औपचारिकतामा सीमित रहेको जनाएका छन् । शिक्षकले निरन्तर विद्यार्थी मूल्याङ्कनका क्रममा विद्यालय प्रशासन र विद्यार्थीसँग सम्बन्धित समस्या भोगेको बताएका छन् । निरन्तर विद्यार्थी मूल्याङ्कनलाई प्रभावकारी बनाउन शिक्षक, विद्यार्थी र विद्यालय प्रशासनको समन्वय र सहयोगको आवश्यकता पर्दछ ।

नेपाली भाषा शिक्षकको पेशागत विकासका लागि भाषा पाठ्यक्रम, भाषा पाठ्यपुस्तक तथा शिक्षणसामग्रीसम्बन्धी ज्ञान, सामाजिक तथा भाषिक न्यायसम्बन्धी ज्ञान, भाषिक विविधताको सम्बोधन गर्ने कौशल,नेपाली विषयवस्तुसम्बन्धी ज्ञान, सीप सिकाइ सहजीकरण प्रक्रियाका बारेमा आवश्यक ज्ञान र उक्त ज्ञानकोव्यावहारिक प्रयोग गर्ने कौशल, भाषा शिक्षणका सिद्धान्तहरूको सम्यक् पालना गर्ने सीप, भाषा शिक्षणका विधितथा प्रविधिहरूको भरपुर उपयोग गर्ने कला तथा दोस्रो भाषाका रूपमा बहुभाषिक कक्षामा नेपाली शिक्षणगर्ने सीप हुनुपर्दछ । यी पक्षहरूलाई नेपाली भाषा शिक्षणको पेसागत विकासका प्राथमिक आधारअन्तर्गत राख्नसकिन्छ । शिक्षकको पेशागत विकासका लागि शिक्षण सिकाइ विधिसम्बन्धी ज्ञान, सिकारु÷बालबालिकासम्बन्धीज्ञान, सिकाइ वातावरण तथा कक्षा व्यवस्थापन, सञ्चार, सहयोग तथा सहकार्य, निरन्तर सिकाइ र पेशागतविकास जस्ता पक्षमा शिक्षक सधैँ सक्रिय र अद्यावधिक हुनुपर्दछ । यसका साथै पेसागत आचारसंहिता, सूचना,सञ्चार तथा प्रविधिको प्रयोग, तालिमको सिद्धान्त र व्यवहारबीच सामाञ्जस्यता मिलाउने सीप, कार्यमूलकअनुसन्धान गर्न सक्ने सक्षमता शिक्षकमा हुनुपर्दछ । त्यसैगरी पेशागत अनुभव आदानप्रदान, उपचारात्मकसुपरीवेक्षण, मेन्टरिङ तथा कोचिङ, स्वप्रतिबिम्बात्मक सिकाइ, पेशागत तालिम, आन्तरिक तथा बाह्य अवलोकनभ्रमण, कार्यशाला तथा गोष्ठी, शिक्षक सञ्जाल, आत्ममूल्याङ्कन जस्ता विविध पक्षमा शिक्षक सक्षम हुनुपर्दछ ।यी सबै पक्षलाई नेपाली भाष शिक्षकको पेशागत विकासका द्वितीयक आधारमा राख्न सकिन्छ ।

प्रस्तुत अध्ययन नेपाली भाषाको मूल थलो जुम्लामा बोलिने नेपाली भाषाको पदसङ्गतिको अवस्था केकस्तो रहेको छ भन्ने सन्दर्भमा केन्द्रित रहेको छ । यस अध्ययनका लागि जुम्लाका बक्ताले के कस्तोबोल्छन् भनी स्तरीय नेपाली व्याकरणका आधारमा हेरिएको छ । जुम्लाका बक्ताले जुनसुकै पुलिङ्ग कर्तामाआया र स्त्रीलिङ्ग कर्तामा आइगइन क्रियापदको प्रयोग गर्दछन् । यहाँ गाईलाई लक्ष्मीका रूपमा मानिनेहुँदा मानवेत्तर प्राणी भए पनि स्त्रीलिङ्ग तथा सामान्य आदरार्थी तिमीको प्रयोग गरिन्छ । यहाँ अन्यमानवेत्तर प्राणीको नाममामात्र लिङ्गभेदको व्यवस्था देखिन्छ क्रियापदमा देखिदैँन । यहाँ अगणनीय कर्तासँगस्ह्ब्बै, मस्तै जोडेर बहुवचनको क्रियापद बोलिन्छ । यहाँ निकटतम् कर्ताअनुसारको क्रियापद नआईबहुवचनबोधक क्रियापद आएको हुन्छ । यहाँ सबै कर्ममा उस्तै क्रियापदको प्रयोग गरिन्छ । यहाँ आमा,बुबा, दाइ, दिदी, गुरु आदि उच्च आदरार्थी कर्ताअनुसारको क्रियापदको प्रयोग नगरी सामान्य आदरार्थीतिमीको प्रयोग गरिन्छ । यस्तै बहिनी, छोरीमा तिमी सामान्य आदरार्थीको प्रयोग गरिन्छ र अन्य स्त्री रश्रीमतीलाई तँ बोलिन्छ । यहाँ बहुवचनबोधक ‘हरू’ प्रत्ययको अभाव देखिन्छ । यहाँ प्रायःः नामको सट्टामा‘ती’ सर्वनामको प्रगोग पाइन्छ । उच्च आदरार्थी नामको सट्टामा ‘आपू’ सर्वनामको प्रगोग गरिन्छ । प्रथमपुरुषका रूपमा मु, हामी, द्वितीय पुरुषका रूपमा तो, ती र तृतीय पुरुषका रूपमा ती, त्यइखो सर्वनामकोप्रयोग गरिन्छ । यहाँ को, का, कि षष्ठी विभक्तिका सट्टामा क्रमशः ओ, आ, इ को प्रयोग गरिन्छ ।

बहुभाषिक कक्षा कस्तो कक्षालाई मानिन्छ र कस्ता शिक्षण सामग्री बहुभाषिक कक्षा शिक्षणमा उपयोगी हुन्छन ् ? भन्ने समस्यामा केन्द्रित प्रस्तुत लेखमा विद्यालयका प्रारम्भिक कक्षाहरूमा बहुभाषिकता बारे ध्यान दिनु अपरिहार्य रहेको, नेपालका सामुदायिक विद्यालयहरूमा नेपाली मातृभाषा हुनेहरूका हकमा शिक्षाको पूर्ण माध्यमका रूपमा मातृभाषा सम्भव रहेको र नेपाली भाषा दोस्रो भाषाका रूपमा सिक्ने विद्यार्थीहरूका लागि भने आवश्यकतानुसार मौखिक मात्र भए पनि मातृभाषाको प्रयोग गरी शिक्षण सहजीकरण गरिदिनु पर्ने स्थितिलाई बहुभाषी कक्षाको अर्थमा लिइएको छ । भाषा शिक्षण गर्दा शिक्षणलाई प्रभावकारी बनाउन पाठ ् यवस्तु तथा निर्धारित उद्देश्य अनुरूप दृश्य, श्रव्य, श्रव्यदृश्य आदि जस्तासुकै सामग्रीहरू प्रयोगमा ल्याउन सकिए तापनि बहुभाषिक कक्षामा दृश्य सामग्री बढी उपयोगी हुने निष्कर्ष प्रस्तुत गरिएको छ । नेपालका शिक्षा नीतिहरू र तिनमा बहुभाषिकता सम्वोधनको ऐतिहासिकताको समेत चर्चा गरिएको प्रस्तुत लेख पुस्तकीय अध्ययनमा केन्द्रित रहेर द्वितीयक सामग्रीको उपयोग गरी तयार पारिएको छ । गुणात्मक विधिको उपयोग गरी लेखिएको प्रस्तुत अनुसन्धानमूलक लेख बहुभाषिक कक्षा र शिक्षण सामग्रीसम्बन्धि शोध र जिज्ञासा राख्ने अनुसन्धाता, विद्यार्थी तथा पाठक वर्गलाई उपयोगी हुने अपेक्षा गरिएको छ ।

The Bhavacakra is a symbolic representation of Samsara, a powerful mirror for spiritual aspirants and it is often painted to the left of Tibetan monastery doors. Bhavacakra, ‘wheel of life’ consists of two Sanskrit words ‘Bhava’ and ‘Cakra’. The word bhava means birth, origin, existing etc and cakra means wheel, circle, round, etc. There are some textual materials which suggest that the Bhavacakra painting began during the Buddha lifetime. Bhavacakra is very famous for wall and cloth painting. It is believed to represent the knowledge of release from suffering gained by Gautama Buddha in the course of his meditation. This symbolic representation of Bhavacakra serves as a wonderful summary of what Buddhism is, and also reminds that every action has consequences. It can be also understood by the illiterate persons not needing high education and it shows the path of enlightenment out of suffering in samsara. Mahayana Buddhism is very popular in Asian countries like northern Nepal, India, Bhutan, China, Korean, Japan and Mongolia. So in these countries every Mahayana monastery there is wall painting and Thānkā painting of Bhavacakra. But in these countries there are various designs of Bhavacakra due to artist, culture and nation.

The Nepalese genus Microplinthus Zherichin, 1987 is revised. The following 25 new species are described (type locality in parentheses): M. annapurnae (Annapurna Himal, Rambrong Danda, 28°23’N 84°13’E), M. arunensis (Khandbari Distr., forest S. Mansimgma, 27°30’N 87°20’E), M. brevipennis (Manaslu Himal, Bhara Pokhari, 28°18’N 84°28’E), M. durga (W Pokhara, near Ghorepani, 28°24’N 83°42’E), M. franzi (Kaligandakhi valley, between Lethe and Tukuche, 28°36’N 83°38’E), M. ganesha (Ganesh Himal, Rupchet, 28°05’N 85°09’E), M. godawaricus (Kathmandu, Phulchowki, 27°34’N 85°24’E), M. gupta (Helambu Himal, upper Chipling, 27°53’N 85°28’E), M. helambuensis (Central Nepal, between Mulkharka and Thare Pati, 28°08’N 85°22’E–28°02’N 85°29’E), M. jaegeri (W Pokhara, Mt. Panchase, 28°13’N 83°48’E), M. karnalicus (Karnali Distr. 5 km E Charta, 29°18’N 82°20’E), M. kaskianus (Kaski Distr., above Pothana, 28°19’N 83°51’E), M. kaumarya (Karnali Distr., Gotichaur valley, 29°12’10”N 82°18’56”E), M. khandbariensis (Khandbari Distr., above Seduwa, 27°34’N 87°15’E), M. koshianus (Koshi Prov., SW Chichilla, 27°27.01’N 87°13.13’E), M. letheensis (Kaligandakhi valley, between Lethe and Tukuche, 28°36’N 83°38’E), M. longipennis (Manaslu Himal, Bhara Pokhari lekh, 28°18’24”N 84°28’06”E), M. messneri (Panchtar Distr., Dhorpar Kharka, 27°05’N 87°55’E), M. newarorum (Phulchowki Distr., Lalitpur, 27°34’N 85°24’E), M. phulchowkianus (Kathmandu, Phulchowki, 27°34’N 85°24’E), M. rugosus (Solokhumbu Distr., Lamiura Danda, 27°34’N 86° 30’E), M. schmidti (Manaslu Himal, Dudh Pokhari lekh, 28°20’N 84°35’E), M. sherpa (Khandbari Distr., Bakan, 27°38’N 87°12’E), M. tamanus (Rolwaling Himal, upper Simigau, 27°51’N 86°15’E), M. yeti (Hinku Distr., Drangka Khola bridge, 27°35’N 86°47’E). A key for the identification of all species of Microplinthus is given. A phylogenetic analysis based on morphological characters of the species referable to the genera Falsanchonus, Microniphades and Microplinthus was carried out, implementing Bayesian Inference and Maximum Parsimony. Results indicate that the genera Falsanchonus and Microniphades are paraphyletic and are here treated as junior synonyms of Microplinthus.

लिच्छविकालमै विकास भइसकेको ग्राम क्षेत्रअन्तर्गत इन्द्रचोक पनि एक हो । इन्द्रचोकबाट ६ वटा विभिन्न टोल जाने बाटो छन् । यसै ६ टोलहरुको केन्द्रविन्दुका रुपमा इन्द्रचोकलाई मानिएको छ । इन्दचोकमै आकाश भैरव मन्दिर छ । आकाश भैरवलाई किराँती पहिलो राजा यलम्बरसँग जोडिएर हेरिन्छ । त्रेता युगमा महाभारत युद्धको समयमा यलम्बर युद्ध हेर्न गएका थिए । यलम्बरले युद्धमा पराजित हुने समूहको पक्षमा आफू लड्ने निर्णय लिए । श्रीकृष्णले महादेवको अंशरुपी यलम्बर कौरवको पक्षबाट युद्ध लड्दा पाण्डव पराजित हुने भयले यलम्बरको शिर छेडने गरे । यलम्बरको त्यहीँ शिर आकाश मार्ग हुँदै इन्द्रचोकमा पुग्यो । विहान भएकाले शिर भैरवको रुपमा परिणत भएको देखिन्छ । हिन्दु र बौद्धमार्गीहरुले आकाश भैरवलाई फरक–फरक रुपमा पूजा गर्दै आइरहेका छन् । हिन्दुहरुले भैरव र बौद्ध धर्म मान्नेहरुले अक्षोभ्य बुद्धका रुपमा आकाश भैरवलाई पूजा गर्छन् । इन्द्रचोकको मध्यभागमै कान्तिश्वर महादेव छ । यहीँ कान्तिश्वर महादेवबाट कान्तिपुर सहरको नामाकरण भएको देखिन्छ । इन्द्रचोकको सम्वन्धमा पूर्ण कलशका घडासँग जोडिएर अनुसन्धान गर्न सकिन्छ । इन्द्रचोकलाई नेपाल भाषामा वंघः भनिन्छ । यसै घडाबाट नै इन्द्रचोकको नाम रहन गएको हो । संस्कृतिको अध्ययन अनुसन्धान विधिको आधारमा संस्कृतिको अध्ययन गुणात्मक विधि अन्तर्गत पर्दछ । यस अनुसन्धान आलेखमा गुणात्मक अनुसन्धान विधि अवलम्बन गरिएको छ । यो अनुसन्धानमा नमूना छनोट गर्दा उद्देश्यमुलक नमूना छनोट गरिएको छ । जसमा अन्तर्वार्ता र सहभागी अवलोकन गरिएको छ । {There are 6 different roads from Indrachok. Indrachok is considered as the main point of these 6 tolls. There is Akash Bhairav temple at Indchok. Akash Bhairava is seen in connection with Yalambar, the first king of Kiranti. Yalambar went to fight the battle during the Mahabharata war in Treta Yuga. Yalambar decided to fight for the side of the defeated group in the war. When Lord Krishna came to know this, before Yalambar joined the Kauravas, he cut off the head of Yalambar, fearing that the Pandavas would be defeated. The belief persists that the same head of Yalambar reached Indrachok through the sky. In the morning, the head transformed into the form of Bhairav. Hindus and Buddhists have been worshiping Akash Bhairav ​​in different ways. Hindus worship Bhairava and Buddhists worship Akash Bhairava as Akshobhaya Buddha. There is Kantishwar Mahadev at the center of Indrachok. It seems that the city of Kantipur was named after this Kantishwar Mahadev. Purna Kalash is connected with Ghada in relation to Indrachok. Indrachok is called Wangha in Nepal Bhasa language. It is from this time that the name of Indrachok came to be. The study of cultural heritages is based on the qualitative research method. A purposive sample has been selected in this research and interviews and participant observation has been done in order to collect data}.

प्रस्तुत ‘नेपाल भाषा र नेपाली भाषामा कारकको व्यवस्था’ शीर्षकको लेखको मूल उद्देश्य नेपाल तथा नेपाली भाषाका कारक व्यवस्थाको तुलना गर्नु हो। यहाँ नेपाल भाषाका सामग्री कीर्तिपुरमा बोलिने नेपाल भाषाबाट उद्देश्यमूलक नमुना छनोटका आधारमा सङ्कलन गरिएको छ भने नेपाली भाषाका सामग्री सङ्कलनका लागि पुस्तकालीय स्रोतबाट गरिएको छ । यसका लागि नेपाली भाषामा कारक सम्बन्धी लेखिएका पुस्तकलाई आधार मानिएको छ । नेपाल भाषा र नेपाली भाषाका कारकहरू प्रयोग भएका वाक्यहरू उल्लेख गरी विश्लेषण गरिएको छ । पुस्तकालयीय कार्यबाट तथ्य सङ्कलन गरिएको यस लेखमा वर्णनात्मक विधिको उपयोग गरिएको छ । नेपाल र नेपाली दुवै भाषामा अर्थका दृष्टिले छ प्रकारका कारकहरू रहेका छन् भने रूपका दृष्टिले नेपाली र नेपाल भाषामा सरल र तिर्यक् दुवै प्रकारका कारकहरू छन्। नेपाली भाषामा वचन, आदर र विभक्तियुक्त कारक तिर्यक् रुपमा प्रयोग हुन्छ भने नेपाल भाषामा पनि वचन, आदर र विभक्तियुक्त कारक नै तिर्यक् कारकका रूपमा प्रयोग भएको पाइन्छ ।

Assamese literature and language has gained the present status by coming across various levels. The historians of literature have divided the Assamese literary eras by examining the style of composition, language, thoughts, ideals, themes etc of the literature written in the language from the era of origin till now. While dividing this era, Charyapad has been included as one of the most important examples of early age. On the basis of numerous reliable information, Charyapads are considered as the first written specimen of Assamese literature. In order to promote the worship of Buddha religion and theory among the masses, the Siddhacharyas of Sahajayana doctrine, the recent path of Tantrayana branch under Mahayana Buddhism composed the Charyapadas. In 1907, the Mahamahopadhyaya Har Prasad Shastri discovered the Charyapadas from the royal court of Nepal and in 1916 he published it as ‘Hajar Bochhorer Purono Bangala Bhasay Bouddha Gaan o Doha’. From the ancient era, the textbooks get disappeared in the womb of time due to various reasons. In consequence to that the written specimen of Assamese literature before 14th Century B.C have been found as inadequate.

Diaspora This article looks at diaspora through the transformations of an established public service broadcaster, the BBC World Service, by considering some of the findings of the AHRC-funded Tuning In: Contact Zones at the BBC World Service, which is part of the Diasporas, Migration and Identities program. Tuning In has six themes, each of which focuses upon the role of the BBC WS: The Politics of Translation, Diasporic Nationhood, Religious Transnationalism, Sport across Diasporas, Migrating Music and Drama for Development. The World Service, which was until 2011 funded by the Foreign Office, was set up to cater for the British diaspora and had the specific remit of transmitting ideas about Britishness to its audiences overseas. Tuning In demonstrates interrelationships between the global and the local in the diasporic contact zone of the BBC World Service, which has provided a mediated home for the worldwide British diaspora since its inception in 1932. The local and the global have merged, elided, and separated at different times and in different spaces in the changing story of the BBC (Briggs). The BBC WS is both local and global with activities that present Britishness both at home and abroad. The service has, however, come a long way since its early days as the Empire Service. Audiences for the World Service’s 31 foreign language services, radio, television, and Internet facilities include substantive non-British/English-speaking constituencies, rendering it a contact zone for the exploration of ideas and political opportunities on a truly transnational scale. This heterogeneous body of exilic, refugee intellectuals, writers, and artists now operates alongside an ongoing expression of Britishness in all its diverse reconfiguration. This includes the residual voice of empire and its patriarchal paternalism, the embrace of more recent expressions of neoliberalism as well as traditional values of impartiality and objectivism and, in the case of the arts, elements of bohemianism and creative innovation. The World Service might have begun as a communication system for the British ex-pat diaspora, but its role has changed along with the changing relationship between Britain and its colonial past. In the terrain of sport, for example, cricket, the “game of empire,” has shifted from Britain to the Indian subcontinent (Guha) with the rise of “Twenty 20” and the Indian Premier League (IPL); summed up in Ashis Nandy’s claim that “cricket is an Indian game accidentally discovered by the English” (Nandy viii). English county cricket dominated the airways of the World Service well into the latter half of the twentieth century, but the audiences of the service have demanded a response to social and cultural change and the service has responded. Sport can thus be seen to have offered a democratic space in which new diasporic relations can be forged as well as one in which colonial and patriarchal values are maintained. The BBC WS today is part of a network through which non-British diasporic peoples can reconnect with their home countries via the service, as well as an online forum for debate across the globe. In many regions of the world, it continues to be the single most trusted source of information at times of crisis and disaster because of its traditions of impartiality and objectivity, even though (as noted in the article on Al-Jazeera in this special issue) this view is hotly contested. The principles of objectivity and impartiality are central to the BBC WS, which may seem paradoxical since it is funded by the Commonwealth and Foreign office, and its origins lie in empire and colonial discourse. Archive material researched by our project demonstrates the specifically ideological role of what was first called the Empire Service. The language of empire was deployed in this early programming, and there is an explicit expression of an ideological purpose (Hill). For example, at the Imperial Conference in 1930, the service was supported in terms of its political powers of “strengthening ties” between parts of the empire. This view comes from a speech by John Reith, the BBC’s first Director General, which was broadcast when the service opened. In this speech, broadcasting is identified as having come to involve a “connecting and co-ordinating link between the scattered parts of the British Empire” (Reith). Local British values are transmitted across the globe. Through the service, empire and nation are reinstated through the routine broadcasting of cyclical events, the importance of which Scannell and Cardiff describe as follows: Nothing so well illustrates the noiseless manner in which the BBC became perhaps the central agent of national culture as its cyclical role; the cyclical production year in year out, of an orderly, regular progression of festivities, rituals and celebrations—major and minor, civic and sacred—that mark the unfolding of the broadcast year. (278; italics in the original) State occasions and big moments, including those directly concerned with governance and affairs of state, and those which focused upon sport and religion, were a big part in these “noiseless” cycles, and became key elements in the making of Britishness across the globe. The BBC is “noiseless” because the timetable is assumed and taken for granted as not only what is but what should be. However, the BBC WS has been and has had to be responsive to major shifts in global and local—and, indeed, glocal—power geometries that have led to spatial transformations, notably in the reconfiguration of the service in the era of postcolonialism. Some of these massive changes have involved the large-scale movement of people and a concomitant rethinking of diaspora as a concept. Empire, like nation, operates as an “imagined community,” too big to be grasped by individuals (Anderson), as well as a material actuality. The dynamics of identification are rarely linear and there are inconsistencies and disruptions: even when the voice is officially that of empire, the practice of the World Service is much more diverse, nuanced, and dialogical. The BBC WS challenges boundaries through the connectivities of communication and through different ways of belonging and, similarly, through a problematisation of concepts like attachment and detachment; this is most notable in the way in which programming has adapted to new diasporic audiences and in the reworkings of spatiality in the shift from empire to diversity via multiculturalism. There are tensions between diaspora and multiculturalism that are apparent in a discussion of broadcasting and communication networks. Diaspora has been distinguished by mobility and hybridity (Clifford, Hall, Bhaba, Gilroy) and it has been argued that the adjectival use of diasporic offers more opportunity for fluidity and transformation (Clifford). The concept of diaspora, as it has been used to explain the fluidity and mobility of diasporic identifications, can challenge more stabilised, “classic” understandings of diaspora (Chivallon). A hybrid version of diaspora might sit uneasily with a strong sense of belonging and with the idea that the broadcast media offer a multicultural space in which each voice can be heard and a wide range of cultures are present. Tuning In engaged with ways of rethinking the BBC’s relationship to diaspora in the twenty-first century in a number of ways: for example, in the intersection of discursive regimes of representation; in the status of public service broadcasting; vis-à-vis the consequences of diverse diasporic audiences; through the role of cultural intermediaries such as journalists and writers; and via global economic and political materialities (Gillespie, Webb and Baumann). Tuning In thus provided a multi-themed and methodologically diverse exploration of how the BBC WS is itself a series of spaces which are constitutive of the transformation of diasporic identifications. Exploring the part played by the BBC WS in changing and continuing social flows and networks involves, first, reconfiguring what is understood by transnationalism, diaspora, and postcolonial relationalities: in particular, attending to how these transform as well as sometimes reinstate colonial and patriarchal discourses and practices, thus bringing together different dimensions of the local and the global. Tuning In ranges across different fields, embracing cultural, social, and political areas of experience as represented in broadcasting coverage. These fields illustrate the educative role of the BBC and the World Service that is also linked to its particular version of impartiality; just as The Archers was set up to provide information and guidance through a narrative of everyday life to rural communities and farmers after the Second World War, so the Afghan version plays an “edutainment” role (Skuse) where entertainment also serves an educational, public service information role. Indeed, the use of soap opera genre such as The Archers as a vehicle for humanitarian and health information has been very successful over the past decade, with the “edutainment” genre becoming a feature of the World Service’s broadcasting in places such as Rwanda, Somalia, Nigeria, India, Nepal, Burma, Afghanistan, and Cambodia. In a genre that has been promoted by the World Service Trust, the charitable arm of the BBC WS uses drama formats to build transnational production relationships with media professionals and to strengthen creative capacities to undertake behaviour change through communication work. Such programming, which is in the tradition of the BBC WS, draws upon the service’s expertise and exhibits both an ideological commitment to progressive social intervention and a paternalist approach drawing upon colonialist legacies. Nowadays, however, the BBC WS can be considered a diasporic contact zone, providing sites of transnational intra-diasporic contact as well as cross-cultural encounters, spaces for cross-diasporic creativity and representation, and a forum for cross-cultural dialogue and potentially cosmopolitan translations (Pratt, Clifford). These activities are, however, still marked by historically forged asymmetric power relations, notably of colonialism, imperialism, and globalisation, as well as still being dominated by hegemonic masculinity in many parts of the service, which thus represent sites of contestation, conflict, and transgression. Conversely, diasporic identities are themselves co-shaped by media representations (Sreberny). The diasporic contact zone is a relational space in which diasporic identities are made and remade and contested. Tuning In employed a diverse range of methods to analyse the part played by the BBC WS in changing and continuing social and cultural flows, networks, and reconfigurations of transnationalisms and diaspora, as well as reinstating colonial, patriarchal practices. The research deconstructed some assumptions and conditions of class-based elitism, colonialism, and patriarchy through a range of strategies. Texts are, of course, central to this work, with the BBC Archives at Caversham (near Reading) representing the starting point for many researchers. The archive is a rich source of material for researchers which carries a vast range of data including fragile memos written on scraps of paper: a very local source of global communications. Other textual material occupies the less locatable cyberspace, for example in the case of Have Your Say exchanges on the Web. People also featured in the project, through the media, in cyberspace, and physical encounters, all of which demonstrate the diverse modes of connection that have been established. Researchers worked with the BBC WS in a variety of ways, not only through interviews and ethnographic approaches, such as participant observation and witness seminars, but also through exchanges between the service, its practitioners, and the researchers (for example, through broadcasts where the project provided the content and the ideas and researchers have been part of programs that have gone out on the BBC WS (Goldblatt, Webb), bringing together people who work for the BBC and Tuning In researchers). On this point, it should be remembered that Bush House is, itself, a diasporic space which, from its geographical location in the Strand in London, has brought together diasporic people from around the globe to establish international communication networks, and has thus become the focus and locus of some of our research. What we have understood by the term “diasporic space” in this context includes both the materialities of architecture and cyberspace which is the site of digital diasporas (Anderssen) and, indeed, the virtual exchanges featured on “Have Your Say,” the online feedback site (Tuning In). Living the Glocal The BBC WS offers a mode of communication and a series of networks that are spatially located both in the UK, through the material presence of Bush House, and abroad, through the diasporic communities constituting contemporary audiences. The service may have been set up to provide news and entertainment for the British diaspora abroad, but the transformation of the UK into a multi-ethnic society “at home,” alongside its commitment to, and the servicing of, no less than 32 countries abroad, demonstrates a new mission and a new balance of power. Different diasporic communities, such as multi-ethnic Londoners, and local and British Muslims in the north of England, demonstrate the dynamics and ambivalences of what is meant by “diaspora” today. For example, the BBC and the WS play an ambiguous role in the lives of UK Muslim communities with Pakistani connections, where consumers of the international news can feel that the BBC is complicit in the conflation of Muslims with terrorists. Engaging Diaspora Audiences demonstrated the diversity of audience reception in a climate of marginalisation, often bordering on moral panic, and showed how diasporic audiences often use Al-Jazeera or Pakistani and Urdu channels, which are seen to take up more sympathetic political positions. It seems, however, that more egalitarian conversations are becoming possible through the channels of the WS. The participation of local people in the BBC WS global project is seen, for example, as in the popular “Witness Seminars” that have both a current focus and one that is projected into the future, as in the case of the “2012 Generation” (that is, the young people who come of age in 2012, the year of the London Olympics). The Witness Seminars demonstrate the recuperation of past political and social events such as “Bangladesh in 1971” (Tuning In), “The Cold War seminar” (Tuning In) and “Diasporic Nationhood” (the cultural movements reiterated and recovered in the “Literary Lives” project (Gillespie, Baumann and Zinik). Indeed, the WS’s current focus on the “2012 Generation,” including an event in which 27 young people (each of whom speaks one of the WS languages) were invited to an open day at Bush House in 2009, vividly illustrates how things have changed. Whereas in 1948 (the last occasion when the Olympic Games were held in London), the world came to London, it is arguable that, in 2012, in contemporary multi-ethnic Britain, the world is already here (Webb). This enterprise has the advantage of giving voice to the present rather than filtering the present through the legacies of colonialism that remain a problem for the Witness Seminars more generally. The democratising possibilities of sport, as well as the restrictions of its globalising elements, are well represented by Tuning In (Woodward). Sport has, of course become more globalised, especially through the development of Internet and satellite technologies (Giulianotti) but it retains powerful local affiliations and identifications. At all levels and in diverse places, there are strong attachments to local and national teams that are constitutive of communities, including diasporic and multi-ethnic communities. Sport is both typical and distinctive of the BBC World Service; something that is part of a wider picture but also an area of experience with a life of its own. Our “Sport across Diasporas” project has thus explored some of the routes the World Service has travelled in its engagement with sport in order to provide some understanding of the legacy of empire and patriarchy, as well as engaging with the multiplicities of change in the reconstruction of Britishness. Here, it is important to recognise that what began as “BBC Sport” evolved into “World Service Sport.” Coverage of the world’s biggest sporting events was established through the 1930s to the 1960s in the development of the BBC WS. However, it is not only the global dimensions of sporting events that have been assumed; so too are national identifications. There is no question that the superiority of British/English sport is naturalised through its dominance of the BBC WS airways, but the possibilities of reinterpretation and re-accommodation have also been made possible. There has, indeed, been a changing place of sport in the BBC WS, which can only be understood with reference to wider changes in the relationship between broadcasting and sport, and demonstrates the powerful synchronies between social, political, technological, economic, and cultural factors, notably those that make up the media–sport–commerce nexus that drives so much of the trajectory of contemporary sport. Diasporic audiences shape the schedule as much as what is broadcast. There is no single voice of the BBC in sport. The BBC archive demonstrates a variety of narratives through the development and transformation of the World Service’s sports broadcasting. There are, however, silences: notably those involving women. Sport is still a patriarchal field. However, the imperial genealogies of sport are inextricably entwined with the social, political, and cultural changes taking place in the wider world. There is no detectable linear narrative but rather a series of tensions and contradictions that are reflected and reconfigured in the texts in which deliberations are made. In sport broadcasting, the relationship of the BBC WS with its listeners is, in many instances, genuinely dialogic: for example, through “Have Your Say” websites and internet forums, and some of the actors in these dialogic exchanges are the broadcasters themselves. The history of the BBC and the World Service is one which manifests a degree of autonomy and some spontaneity on the part of journalists and broadcasters. For example, in the case of the BBC WS African sports program, Fast Track (2009), many of the broadcasters interviewed report being able to cover material not technically within their brief; news journalists are able to engage with sporting events and sports journalists have covered social and political news (Woodward). Sometimes this is a matter of taking the initiative or simply of being in the right place at the right time, although this affords an agency to journalists which is increasingly unlikely in the twenty-first century. The Politics of Translation: Words and Music The World Service has played a key role as a cultural broker in the political arena through what could be construed as “educational broadcasting” via the wider terrain of the arts: for example, literature, drama, poetry, and music. Over the years, Bush House has been a home-from-home for poets: internationalists, translators from classical and modern languages, and bohemians; a constituency that, for all its cosmopolitanism, was predominantly white and male in the early days. For example, in the 1930s and 1940s, Louis MacNeice was commissioning editor and surrounded by a friendship network of salaried poets, such as W. H. Auden, Dylan Thomas, C. Day Lewis, and Stephen Spender, who wrote and performed their work for the WS. The foreign language departments of the BBC WS, meanwhile, hired émigrés and exiles from their countries’ educated elites to do similar work. The biannual, book-format journal Modern Poetry in Translation (MPT), which was founded in 1965 by Daniel Weissbort and Ted Hughes, included a dedication in Weissbort’s final issue (MPT 22, 2003) to “Poets at Bush House.” This volume amounts to a celebration of the BBC WS and its creative culture, which extended beyond the confines of broadcasting spaces. The reminiscences in “Poets at Bush House” suggest an institutional culture of informal connections and a fluidity of local exchanges that is resonant of the fluidity of the flows and networks of diaspora (Cheesman). Music, too, has distinctive characteristics that mark out this terrain on the broadcast schedule and in the culture of the BBC WS. Music is differentiated from language-centred genres, making it a particularly powerful medium of cross-cultural exchange. Music is portable and yet is marked by a cultural rootedness that may impede translation and interpretation. Music also carries ambiguities as a marker of status across borders, and it combines aesthetic intensity and diffuseness. The Migrating Music project demonstrated BBC WS mediation of music and identity flows (Toynbee). In the production and scheduling notes, issues of migration and diaspora are often addressed directly in the programming of music, while the movement of peoples is a leitmotif in all programs in which music is played and discussed. Music genres are mobile, diasporic, and can be constitutive of Paul Gilroy’s “Black Atlantic” (Gilroy), which foregrounds the itinerary of West African music to the Caribbean via the Middle Passage, cross-fertilising with European traditions in the Americas to produce blues and other hybrid forms, and the journey of these forms to Europe. The Migrating Music project focused upon the role of the BBC WS as narrator of the Black Atlantic story and of South Asian cross-over music, from bhangra to filmi, which can be situated among the South Asian diaspora in east and south Africa as well as the Caribbean where they now interact with reggae, calypso, Rapso, and Popso. The transversal flows of music and lyrics encompasses the lived experience of the different diasporas that are accommodated in the BBC WS schedules: for example, they keep alive the connection between the Irish “at home” and in the diaspora through programs featuring traditional music, further demonstrating the interconnections between local and global attachments as well as points of disconnection and contradiction. Textual analysis—including discourse analysis of presenters’ speech, program trailers and dialogue and the BBC’s own construction of “world music”—has revealed that the BBC WS itself performs a constitutive role in keeping alive these traditions. Music, too, has a range of emotional affects which are manifest in the semiotic analyses that have been conducted of recordings and performances. Further, the creative personnel who are involved in music programming, including musicians, play their own role in this ongoing process of musical migration. Once again, the networks of people involved as practitioners become central to the processes and systems through which diasporic audiences are re-produced and engaged. Conclusion The BBC WS can claim to be a global and local cultural intermediary not only because the service was set up to engage with the British diaspora in an international context but because the service, today, is demonstrably a voice that is continually negotiating multi-ethnic audiences both in the UK and across the world. At best, the World Service is a dynamic facilitator of conversations within and across diasporas: ideas are relocated, translated, and travel in different directions. The “local” of a British broadcasting service, established to promote British values across the globe, has been transformed, both through its engagements with an increasingly diverse set of diasporic audiences and through the transformations in how diasporas themselves self-define and operate. On the BBC WS, demographic, social, and cultural changes mean that the global is now to be found in the local of the UK and any simplistic separation of local and global is no longer tenable. The educative role once adopted by the BBC, and then the World Service, nevertheless still persists in other contexts (“from Ambridge to Afghanistan”), and clearly the WS still treads a dangerous path between the paternalism and patriarchy of its colonial past and its responsiveness to change. 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