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Journal articles on the topic 'Neoplatonic philosophy'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Catana, Leo. "Thomas Taylor’s Dissent from Some 18th-Century Views on Platonic Philosophy: The Ethical and Theological Context." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 7, no. 2 (2013): 180–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341262.

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Abstract Thomas Taylor’s interpretation of Plato’s works in 1804 was condemned as guilty by association immediately after its publication. Taylor’s 1804 and 1809 reviewer thus made a hasty generalisation in which the qualities of Neoplatonism, assumed to be negative, were transferred to Taylor’s own interpretation, which made use of Neoplatonist thinkers. For this reason, Taylor has typically been marginalised as an interpreter of Plato. This article does not deny the association between Taylor and Neoplatonism. Instead, it examines the historical and historiographical reasons for the reviewer’s assumption that Neoplatonic readings of Plato are erroneous by definition. In particular, it argues that the reviewer relied on, and tacitly accepted, ethical and theological premises going back to the historiography of philosophy developed by Jacob Brucker in his Historia critica philosophiae (1742-44). These premises were an integral part of Brucker’s Lutheran religiosity and thus theologically and ethically biased. If these premises are identified, articulated and discussed critically—which they have not been so far in connection with Taylor’s reception—it becomes less obvious that the reviewer was justified in his assumption that the Neoplatonic reading was erroneous by definition. This, in turn, leaves Taylor’s Plato interpretation in a more respectable position.

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2

Hankey, Wayne J. "Philosophy as Way of Life for Christians ?" Dossier 59, no. 2 (December 18, 2003): 193–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/007419ar.

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Abstract Pierre Hadot’s purpose in developing the notion of ancient philosophy as exercice spirituel was to provide an alternative to religion. Within this framework Hadot blames the triumph of Christianity and medieval scholasticism as exemplified in Aquinas for the perte de la philosophie comme manière de vivre. The judgment he applies to Aquinas falls equally on ancient Neoplatonism. In fact, however ; for both, there is nothing abstract about the theory philosophy gives to the ascent to God : philosophy is a way of life which transforms us towards deiformity. Like its Neoplatonic predecessor, the mediaeval university contained philosophy as exercice spirituel within a Christian spirituality which also directed intellectuals towards a supernatural felicity.

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Eisenberg, Merle, and David Jenkins. "The philosophy of Constantine the Philosopher of Nicaea." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 114, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2021-9006.

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Abstract The two extant works of Constantine the Philosopher of Nicaea reveal a late twelfth century thinker of the Neoplatonic sensibility typically seen only in those who reached the pinnacle of Byzantine literacy during this period. We argue that he is of particular interest because he coined two philosophical terms that, while mirroring controversial Neoplatonic concepts, better accommodate their Orthodox acceptance.We offer here some background on the author, a short discussion of the philosophical content of these works, and for the first time an English translation of both texts.

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4

Triantari, Sotiria. "Stoicism and Byzantine philosophy." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 17 (December 31, 2014): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.17.04tri.

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Was the Byzantine thinker Nicephorus Blemmydes (1197–1272) directly influenced in his views about human “proairesis” by the Stoic Epictetus (50–138 AD) or did he take over his views from the Neoplatonic Simplicius? After exploring Blemmydes’ reception of Epictetus, one can say that Blemmydes drew elements in a brief treatise under the title “De virtute et ascesi” from the mainly Neoplatonic Simplicius, who commented on the handbook by the Stoic Epictetus (50–138 AD). Blemmydes, following Simplicius identifies “ἐφ’ ἡμῖν” with “aftexousion” and he designates “proairesis” as an activity, which emanates from “aftexousion”. Blemmydes shows the moral power of “proairesis” as a transforming factor of human existence and the mediatory factor to the dialectical relation between man and God. For the completion of the study, the following sources have been used: Blemmydes’ De virtute et ascesi, Epictetus’ Handbook, and Neoplatonic Simplicius’ commentaries on the Handbook. I specifically focus on the views of Aristotle, Epictetus, and Neoplatonic Simplicius about “proairesis” and compare the views of Blemmydes to Simplicius’ ideas. I conclude that Blemmydes drew ideas from Simplicius, with regard to human “proairesis” and in the context of the practising and cultivating virtues in everyday life.

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Dobieszewski, Janusz. "Neoplatonic tendencies in Russian philosophy." Studies in East European Thought 62, no. 1 (February 6, 2010): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11212-010-9103-1.

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6

Weiner, Sebastian. "Eriugenas Innovation." Vivarium 46, no. 1 (2008): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853407x217614.

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AbstractJohn Scot Eriugena's work Periphyseon is commonly regarded as having introduced Neoplatonism into early medieval thinking. Eriugena's theory of the reunification of the Creator and his creation is then viewed as being based on the Neoplatonic scheme of procession and reversion. However, this interpretation falls short of Eriugena's intentions. Above all, he denies any ontological difference between Creator and creation without taking recourse to the Neoplatonic considerations of procession and reversion. Surprisingly, according to Eriugena's explanation, God is not only the Creator but he is also created. He is created insofar as he alone, possessing all being, is the essence of all created things. Moreover, the fourfold division of nature, presented at the beginning of the work, is not Eriugena's own innovation, but a common Carolingian concept. It is rather his aim to show that from an ontological point of view this division has to be resolved.

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7

Fotiou, A. S. "Plato's Philosopher King in the Political Thought of Sixth-Century Byzantium." Florilegium 7, no. 1 (January 1985): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.7.002.

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The substance of this paper will be the fragments of an Anonymous dialogue entitled On Politica Science which was written probably in Constantinople during Justinian’s time from the viewpoint of the senatorial class. On the basis of internal evidence, the dramatic date of the work can be more securely placed at the beginning of Justinian's reign, certainly before the Nika Riot of A.D. 532. Nothing is known about the author. He probably received his higher education in Plato's Academy in fifth-century Athens where he was taught the late Neoplatonic philosophy by the best known head of the Academy, Proclus (died ca. A.D. 485). The author was a Christian philosopher who presented his ideas in terms of contemporary Neoplatonism.

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8

Martin, John N. "Malebranche’s Neoplatonic Semantic Theory." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 8, no. 1 (February 10, 2014): 33–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341273.

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Abstract This paper argues that Malebranche’s semantics sheds light on his metaphysics and epistemology, and is of interest in its own right. By recasting issues linguistically, it shows that Malebranche assumes a Neoplatonic semantic structure within Descartes’ dualism and Augustine’s theory of illumination, and employs linguistic devices from the Neoplatonic tradition. Viewed semantically, mental states of illumination stand to God and his ideas as predicates stand in Neoplatonic semantics to ideas ordered by a privative relation on “being.” The framework sheds light on interpretive puzzles in Malebranche studies such as the way ideas reside in God’s mind, the notion of resemblance by which bodies imitate their exemplar causes, and the issue of direct vs. indirect perception through a mechanism by which agents can see bodies by “seeing” ideas. Malebranche’s semantics is of interest in its own right because it gives a full (if implausible) account of the mediating relations that determine indirect reference; lays out a correspondence theory of truth for necessary judgments; defines contingent truth as based on an indirect reference relation that is both descriptive and causal but that does not appeal to body-mind causation; and within his theory of perception, works out an account of singular reference in which singular terms carry existential import, refer indirectly via causal relations, but describe their referents only in a general way.

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9

Griffin*, Michael J. "What Has Aristotelian Dialectic to Offer a Neoplatonist? A Possible Sample of Iamblichus at Simplicius on the Categories 12,10-13,12." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 6, no. 2 (2012): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341234.

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Abstract Simplicius in Cat. 12,10-13,12 presents an interesting justification for the study of Aristotle’s Categories, based in Neoplatonic psychology and metaphysics. I suggest that this passage could be regarded as a testimonium to Iamblichus’ reasons for endorsing Porphyry’s selection of the Categories as an introductory text of Platonic philosophy. These Iamblichean arguments, richly grounded in Neoplatonic metaphysics and psychology, may have exercised an influence comparable to Porphyry’s.

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10

Gerson, Lloyd P. "The ‘Neoplatonic’ Interpretation of Plato’s Parmenides." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 10, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 65–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341333.

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In his highly influential 1928 article ‘The Parmenides of Plato and the Origin of the Neoplatonic “One”,’ E.R. Dodds argued, inter alia, that among the so-called Neoplatonists Plotinus was the first to interpret Plato’s Parmenides in terms of the distinctive three ‘hypostases’, One, Intellect, and Soul. Dodds argued that this interpretation was embraced and extensively developed by Proclus, among others. In this paper, I argue that although Plotinus took Parmenides to contain a sort of outline of the true metaphysical principles, he understood the One of the first hypothesis of the second part of the dialogue in a way importantly different from the way that Proclus understood it. The characterization of this One, especially its identity with the Idea of the Good of Republic, has significant ramification for Plotinus’ philosophy that set it apart from Proclus’ philosophy in ways hitherto infrequently noted. The widely accepted reasons for rejecting Proclus’ interpretation do not apply to the interpretation of Plotinus. The two different interpretations help explain why Proclus’ notorious proliferation of entities in the intelligible realm is not found in Plotinus.

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Timotin, Andrei. "A Hymn to God Assigned to Gregory of Nazianzus and Its Neoplatonic Context." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 12, no. 1 (April 20, 2018): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341396.

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AbstractThe paper deals with an anonymous Hymn to God, which is attributed to Gregory of Nazianzus by some authors, but was most probably composed by a Christian Neoplatonist such as Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. The paper explores the hymn’s relation to Neoplatonic theories of prayer and shows that these affinities are broader in scope than has previously been recognised. Some Pagan and Christian Neoplatonists, including the author of the Hymn to God, seem to have shared the idea of a cosmic prayer by which all beings tend towards God, a prayer founded on the knowledge of the ‘signatures’ (synthemata) that God rooted in our souls.

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12

Martin, John N. "Proclus and the Neoplatonic Syllogistic." Journal of Philosophical Logic 30, no. 3 (June 2001): 187–240. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/a:1017521712962.

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13

MCGINNIS, JON. "A PENETRATING QUESTION IN THE HISTORY OF IDEAS: SPACE, DIMENSIONALITY AND INTERPENETRATION IN THE THOUGHT OF AVICENNA." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 16, no. 1 (February 15, 2006): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423906000233.

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Avicenna's discussion of space is found in his comments on Aristotle's account of place. Aristotle identified four candidates for place: a body's matter, form, the occupied space, or the limits of the containing body, and opted for the last. Neoplatonic commentators argued contra Aristotle that a thing's place is the space it occupied. Space for these Neoplatonists is something possessing dimensions and distinct from any body that occupies it, even if never devoid of body. Avicenna argues that this Neoplatonic notion of space is untenable on the basis of three arguments. In general he maintains that bodies' impenetrability is explained by reference to dimensionality. Consequently, if it is dimensionality that explains impenetrability, and yet as the Neoplatonists hold space inherently possesses dimensions, material bodies could never interpenetrate space and so occupy it and thus bodies could never have a place. The conclusion is patently false. In additions Avicenna argues that the method used to arrive at the possibility of space is illicit, and so Neoplatonist cannot show that space is even possible. Thus, concludes Avicenna, Aristotle's initial account must be correct. The paper outlines the historical context of this debate and then treats Avicenna's arguments against space in detail.

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14

Jeck, Udo Reinhold. "Frater Bercaldus – Berealdus – Bertholdus de Maisberch." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 20 (December 31, 2017): 87–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.00005.jec.

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Zusammenfassung In early modernity, church historians initially showed little interest in Berthold of Moosburg. They knew him as a commentator of Proclus, but they did not recognise his importance for the history of Neoplatonism. The librarians and bibliographers who came across Berthold’s commentary on Proclus in the Balliol College Library at Oxford showed no interest in the philosophical content of this work. An article on Berthold in the monumental work Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum (1719) summarised the available information. It was Johann Albert Fabricius (1668–1736) who took notice of it. Fabricius was very interested in Proclus as well as in Neoplatonic theology and its narration in the Elements of Theology; he had started to collect all available information regarding this issue and had also come across Berthold’s commentary. However, he did not ignore him, as many had done before, but properly recognised the importance of Berthold for the history of the reception of Proclus’s philosophy. Fabricius always referred to the Dominican thinker when dealing with Proclus’s Elements of Theology, in particular in his own Bibliotheca graeca. One of the attentive readers of this work was the German philologist Friedrich Creuzer. In 1822, within the framework of publishing Neoplatonic writings, Creuzer reedited Proclus’s Elements of Theology. As a consequence of this new edition, Proclus together with his medieval commentator came into the focus of leading representatives of classical German philosophy.

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15

Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla. "Socrates’ Debt to Asclepius: Physicians and Philosophers with Asclepian Souls in Late Antiquity." NUMEN 63, no. 2-3 (March 9, 2016): 167–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341419.

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This article examines the development of the aspect of health in late Neoplatonic ontology as originated in Proclus and illustrated in Marinus’Life of Proclusand Damascius’Life of Isidore. In light of the steadily growing Neoplatonic interest in the philosophic value of the body and the widely spreading presence of the new and only Savior, Proclus looks closer at the Demiurge’s cosmological activity in the universe to discern its health-instituting nature based upon which he builds a health register distinguishing between Demiurgic and Asclepian health. The former maintains the orderly balance in the universe; the latter restores the individual’s health. Between the two kinds of health extends a healing ontological “chain” unfolding from the Demiurge through Apollo, Asclepius, and the healing heroes, ending in certain individual souls, which are endowed with special healing powers, i.e., Asclepian souls. Two examples of such souls are Proclus himself, as portrayed in his biography by Marinus, and one Iacobus Psychristus, as documented in Damascius’Life of Isidore. The fact that one is a philosopher and the other is a physician captures the symbiotic relation of philosophy and medicine in late antiquity.

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16

Schramm, Michael. "Neuplatonische politische Philosophie in der Rede Περὶ βασιλείας des Synesios von Kyrene." Elenchos 38, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2017): 151–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/elen-2017-0008.

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Abstract This paper argues that Synesios’ De regno is a mirror for princes and a splendid example of Neoplatonic political philosophy. It is based on Plato’s Politeia and its model of philosopher-kingship. Synesios makes his audience compare the current political reality with the ideal of the philosopher-kings, who are the image of the transcendent god in the political realm. In doing so he recommends political virtue in general, especially phronesis and sophrosyne. Particularly he argues for reforming the recruitment of military and civil officials with reference to Plato’s concept of friendship in the Politeia.

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17

Layne, Danielle A. "The Value of the Present Moment in Neoplatonic Philosophy." Epoché: A Journal for the History of Philosophy 23, no. 2 (2019): 445–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/epoche2019131132.

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18

Pylypiuk, Anna. "Manuscript “Neoplatonic Philosophy” by Pamfil D. Yurkevych: source criticism." NaUKMA Research Papers in Philosophy and Religious Studies 2 (December 27, 2018): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2617-16782153213.

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19

Steel, Carlos. "Theology as First Philosophy. The Neoplatonic Concept of Metaphysics." Quaestio 5 (January 2005): 2–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.quaestio.2.301820.

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20

Van den Berg, R. M. "RECONSTRUCTING NEOPLATONIC POLITICAL THEORY." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (October 2004): 351–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.351.

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21

Markus, Donka. "Anagogic Love between Neoplatonic Philosophers and Their Disciples in Late Antiquity." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 10, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341331.

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Through a novel set of texts drawn from Plato, Porphyry, Plotinus, Ps. Julian, Proclus, Hermeias, Synesius and Damascius, I explore how anagogicerōsin master-disciple relationships in Neoplatonism contributed to the attainment of self-knowledge and to the transmission of knowledge, authority and inspired insights within and outside thediadochia. I view anagogicerōsas one of the most important channels of non-discursive pedagogy and argue for the mediating power of anagogicerōsin the attainment of the main goal of the Platonist: reorienting desire (erōs) from sensible to intelligible beauty and changing one’s ontological status to become like god and attain union with the divine. After considering the problematic nature of Socraticerōs, its skeptics and detractors, I discuss the dynamics of philosopher-disciple relationships and the experience of anagogicerōsin the following: the attack on Porphyry and defense by Plotinus following Porphyry’s recital of an ecstatic poem onHieros Gamos(Vita Plotini15), the concealment of anagogicerōsbehind the authoritative façade of an oracle (vp22-23), the intensely devotional private letters of Ps. Julian to the aged Iamblichus and of Synesius to his female master Hypatia; the identification of anagogicerōswith theurgic ascent in Syrianus’s school according to Proclus and Hermeias and the experiences of anagogicerōsoutside thediadochiain Damascius’Philosophical History. I conclude that the true and correct practice of philosophy had much, if not everything to do with the anagogicerōsbetween the true philosopher, the bacchant and the philosopher in training, aspiring to become transformed from thyrsus-bearer into bacchant. The privileged and exalted status given to the divine lover ensured the transmission of the philosophical tradition in all its richness, preserving both its discursive and non-discursive aspects as a system of thought, as a way of life and as a way of being and loving.

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22

Clark, Dennis. "Iamblichus' Egyptian Neoplatonic Theology in De Mysteriis." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 2, no. 2 (2008): 164–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254708x282358.

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AbstractIn De Mysteriis VIII Iamblichus gives two orderings of first principles, one in purely Neoplatonic terms drawn from his own philosophical system, and the other in the form of several Egyptian gods, glossed with Neoplatonic language again taken from his own system. The first ordering or taxis includes the Simple One and the One Existent, two of the elements of Iamblichus' realm of the One. The second taxis includes the Egyptian (H)eikton, which has now been identified with the god of magic, Heka, glossed as the One Existent. The Egyptian god Kmeph is also a member of this taxis, and is the Egyptian Kematef, a god of creation associated with the solar Amun-Re. Iamblichus refers to this god also as the Hegemon of the celestial gods, which should be equated to Helios, specifically the noeric Helios as described by Julian in his Hymn to Helios. Iamblichus describes Kmeph as an “intellect knowing himself”, and so the noeric Kmeph/Helios should also be seen as the Paternal Demiurgic Zeus, explicitly described also by Proclus as an intellect knowing himself. This notion of a self-thinking intellect may offer a solution to the problematic formulation by Proclus in his Timaeus commentary of Iamblichus' view of the Demiurgy encompassing all the noeric realm. The identification of Kmeph as the noeric Helios now also allows the first direct parallels to de Mysteriis to be found in extant Hermetica. In addition it can be inferred from the specific Neoplatonic terminology employed that the noetic Father of Demiurges, Kronos, appears, as well as the secondary Demiurgic triad of Zeus, Poseidon, and Pluto, in the forms of the Egyptian Amun, Ptah, and Osiris, thus raising the question that much of the theology documented only in Proclus might appear already to have been established by Iamblichus.

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Ilnitchi, Gabriela. "MUSICA MUNDANA, ARISTOTELIAN NATURAL PHILOSOPHY AND PTOLEMAIC ASTRONOMY." Early Music History 21 (September 4, 2002): 37–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127902002024.

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Emanating from a cosmos ordered according to Pythagorean and Neoplatonic principles, the Boethian musica mundana is the type of music that ‘is discernible especially in those things which are observed in heaven itself or in the combination of elements or the diversity of seasons’. At the core of this recurring medieval topos stands ‘a fixed sequence of modulation [that] cannot be separated from this celestial revolution’, one most often rendered in medieval writings as the ‘music of the spheres’ (musica spherarum). In the Pythagorean and Neoplatonic cosmological traditions, long established by the time Boethius wrote his De institutione musica, the music of the spheres is just one possible manifestation of the concept of world harmony. It pertains to a universe in which musical and cosmic structures express the same mathematical ratios, each of the planets produces a distinctive sound in its revolution and the combination of these sounds themselves most often forms a well-defined musical scale. Although the Neoplatonic world harmony continued to function in medieval cosmology as the fundamental conceptual premise, the notion of the music of the spheres, despite its popularity among medieval writers, was generally treated neither at any significant length nor in an innovative fashion. Quite exceptional in this respect is the treatise that forms the subject of the present study, a text beginning Desiderio tuo fili carissime gratuito condescenderem and attributed to an anonymous bishop in the late thirteenth-century manuscript miscellany now in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Barb. lat. 283, fols. 37r-42v) but probably coming from a Franciscan convent in Siena. This seldom considered work affords a remarkable and special insight into the ways in which old and new ideas converged, intermingled and coexisted in the dynamic and sometimes volatile cross-currents of medieval scholarship.

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MacLennan, Bruce J. "Neurophenomenology and Neoplatonism." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 13, no. 1 (April 29, 2019): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341422.

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Abstract The worldview emerging from neurophenomenology is consistent with the phenomenological insights obtained by Neoplatonic theurgical operations. For example, gods and daimons are phenomenologically equivalent to the archetypes and complexes investigated in Jungian psychology and explicated by evolutionary psychology. Jung understood the unconscious mind and physical reality to have a common root in an unus mundus (with physical and psychical aspects). Parallel reductions in the phenomenological and neurological domain imply elementary constituents of consciousness associated with simple physical systems, that is, natural processes experienced both externally (objectively) and internally (subjectively). Analysis reveals they have both an eternal formal structure and a material substrate that allows the formal structure to evolve in time with both phenomenal and physical aspects. Since all physical processes fit this description, a form of panpsychism is implied. These developments can inform our understanding of the Forms, the World Soul, and individual souls in Neoplatonism.

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Freudenthal, Gad. "A Twelfth-Century Provençal Amateur of Neoplatonic Philosophy in Hebrew." Chôra 3 (2005): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chora2005/20063/410.

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Gabor, Gary. "Conversations Platonic and Neoplatonic: Intellect, Soul, and Nature." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 5, no. 2 (2011): 339–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254711x591090.

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Bonfiglioli, Stefania, and Costantino Marmo. "Symbolism and Linguistic Semantics. Some Questions (and Confusions) from Late Antique Neoplatonism up to Eriugena." Vivarium 45, no. 2 (2007): 238–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853407x217740.

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AbstractThe notion of 'symbol' in Eriugena's writing is far from clear. It has an ambiguous semantic connection with other terms such as 'signification', 'figure', 'allegory', 'veil', 'agalma', 'form', 'shadow', 'mystery' and so on. This paper aims to explore into the origins of such a semantic ambiguity, already present in the texts of the pseudo-Dionysian corpus which Eriugena translated and commented upon. In the probable Neoplatonic sources of this corpus, the Greek term symbolon shares some aspects of its meaning with other words inherited from the ancient tradition, such as synthēma , eikōn , homoiotēs. Some of them, such as eikōn and homoiotēs, belong to the field of images and are associated with linguistic semantics in the Neoplatonic commentaries not only to Plato but also to Aristotle's logical works. Among the late ancient Neoplatonists, particular attention is paid to Proclus and to his use of the term agalma. In fact, the textual history of this word seems to be a privileged perspective from which to reconstruct the Neoplatonic semantic blending of symbol and image, as well as the main role played by linguistic issues in this conflation.

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Motta, Anna. "The Historical Antecedents of Platonism: The Role of the Presocratics According to the Neoplatonists." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(5) (January 24, 2015): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2014.1.2.

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One of the aims of the Neoplatonists is to demonstrate that ancient Presocratic thought is, in fact, a Preplatonic thought. According to the Neoplatonists, Presocratics, who were not far from the truth, employed an inaccurate and ambiguous language, whereas Plato spoke about the truth in a more appropriate and clear way. That is why the Presocratics are not necessarily erroneous and their theoretical originality and their terminology can be incorporated into the Neoplatonic philosophy. I would like to show how some Presocratic theories are embedded in the Neoplatonic metaphysical system of the three Hypostases. Regarding the One and the Intellect, Plotinus, Proclus and the Anonymous Author of the Prolegomena to Platonic Philosophy read and employ some Presocratic texts in order to harmonize the Platonic and the Presocratic accounts. Although the Neoplatonists see themselves as continuing the Greek philosophical tradition started by the Presocratics, their interpretation of Presocratic thought illustrates the birth of exegetic philosophy which is able to apply ancient concepts and predicates to its own metaphysical theory.

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Hedley, Douglas. "Pantheism, Trinitarian Theism and the Idea of Unity: Reflections on the Christian Concept of God." Religious Studies 32, no. 1 (March 1996): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412500024070.

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Modern analytic philosophy of religion has become increasingly interested in the dogmatic substances of Christian theology. I argue that the doctrine of the Trinity provides an instance of the importance of dogmatic formulation for an appreciation of the philosophical aspect of the Christian concept of God. The starting point of my discussion is the recent defence of pantheism by Michael Levine, and his discussion of Neoplatonist and German Idealist models of deity. Both metaphysical theism and the alleged Neoplatonic metaphysical genealogy of pantheism are considered with particular reference to St Augustine's account of creation in the Confessions. Just as it is impossible to distinguish the purely philosophical from the purely dogmatic concept of God, one cannot give an adequate modern account of theism without a rigorous and sensitive treatment of the historical models. The issue of pantheism shows how a misunderstanding of the meaning of concept of ‘unity’ can distort our view of theism as a model of deity.

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BAUCHWITZ, Oscar Federico. "La naturaleza como clamor del silencio: la doctrina de la teofanía según Eriúgena." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 8 (October 1, 2001): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v8i.9388.

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The doctrine of theophany is one of the central point of the philosophy of John Scot, called Eriugena. In this doctrine Neoplatonic elements evidence the relation between Creator and Creation and express the significance of the fundamental diference that determines Nature as apparition and concealment.

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Austin, Scott. "Some Eleatic Features of Platonic and Neoplatonic Method." Ancient Philosophy 34, no. 1 (2014): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil20143415.

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David, Barry. "Theophany: The Neoplatonic Philosophy of Dionysius The Areopagite. By Eric Perl." International Philosophical Quarterly 54, no. 2 (2014): 227–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq20145429.

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Daniel P. O’Connell. "Theophany: The Neoplatonic Philosophy of Dionysius the Areopagite (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 48, no. 1 (2009): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.0.0171.

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SCHÄFER, Christian. "Apuntes sobre la filosofía de Dionisio (Pseudo-)Areopagita." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 11 (January 1, 2004): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v11i.9220.

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For his obvious dependence on certain parts of Proclean philosophy, Dionysius the Areopagite has been neglected as a philosopher in his own right for more than a century. The present article tries to (at least partly) re-evaluate and to reassess our view ofDionysius's Neoplatonic system as depicted in the treatise De divinis nominibus. It is above all in a 'naive' methodical disregard of the Proclean background that the (Pseudo-) Areopagite's philosophy turns out to be a novel view and a valuable account of an intricate Platonic thea-ontology which -in Coleridge's famous words- «endeavours to explain all things by an analysis of consciousness, and builds up a world in the mind out of materials furnished by the mind itself».

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Motta, Anna. "The Many Voices of a Teacher without Teachers." Méthexis 33, no. 1 (March 15, 2021): 170–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680974-03301009.

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Abstract The aim of this paper is to show that an introductory step to the Neoplatonic exegesis of the dialogue was to redefine the figure of Socrates and Socratism, so as to offer aspiring Platonists a correct interpretation of Plato and of the Neoplatonic metaphysical system. In the final stages of a long tradition, Socrates became the teacher par excellence not only of Plato but of all Platonists. In particular, by focusing on the Prolegomena to Platonic philosophy I wish to highlight the fact that, when it comes to teaching, there is no Socrates but Plato’s teacher, a teacher whose many voices – universalised according to well-defined criteria – can also be attributed to Plato. If Plato came to be seen as polyphonic and always self-consistent, this is probably because it was possible to show that Socrates’ hallmark was his ability to remain consistent while expressing many different opinions in the dialogues.

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Gombocz, Wolfgang L. "Thinking the One. Studies in Neoplatonic Philosophy and Its Later Influence." Philosophy and History 22, no. 1 (1989): 12–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist19892214.

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McGinnis, Jon. ""For Every Time there is a Season: John Philoponus on Plato's and Aristotle's Conception of Time"." KronoScope 3, no. 1 (2003): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852403322145397.

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AbstractThe originality of John Philoponus' temporal theory has been underestimated.The paper emphasizes Philoponus' creativity, especially in his reconciliation of Plato's and Aristotle's temporal theories (or at least one possible interpretation of Aristotle's account of time). To this end, the paper sketches both Plato's (and later Neoplatonic interpretations of Plato) and suggests an interpretation of Aristotle's accounts of time, which is at odds with the Platonic and Neoplatonic view of time. It next presents Philoponus' reconstruction of Aristotle's account along Platonic lines and concludes with the relevance of these ancient theories to contemporary temporal discussions.

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Melvin-Koushki, Matthew. "World as (Arabic) Text: Mīr Dāmād and the Neopythagoreanization of Philosophy in Safavid Iran." Studia Islamica 114, no. 3 (May 7, 2020): 378–431. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19585705-12341404.

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Abstract The heavily Neoplatonic and antiquarian-perennialist tenor of Safavid philosophy is now widely recognized by specialists; but few have acknowledged its equally notable Neopythagorean turn. Likewise, that the primary mode of applied Neoplatonic-Neopythagorean philosophy as a Safavid imperial way of life was occult science has been ignored altogether, making impossible a history of its practice. The case of the Twelver Shiʿi sage-mage Mīr Dāmād – famed down to the present as an occult scientist – is here especially illustrative: for he was largely responsible for this Neopythagoreanization of Safavid philosophy, which saw the remarkable transmogrification of Ibn Sīnā himself into a Neopythagorean-occultist, by his espousal of a peculiarly Mamluk-Timurid-Aqquyunlu brand of philosophical lettrism (ʿilm al-ḥurūf) in at least three of his many works. The example of this imperial Neopythagoreanizing lettrist is thus crucial for understanding the intellectual and religiopolitical continuity of Safavid Shiʿi culture with Sunni precedent, as well as contemporary Persianate and Latinate parallels. Within Western history of science more broadly, Mīr Dāmād and the host of his fellow Muslim kabbalists must now be restored to the master mathesis narrative whereby scientific modernity is but the upshot of early modern Western philosophers’ penchant for reading the world as a mathematical text.

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Mattila, Janne. "THE ETHICAL PROGRESSION OF THE PHILOSOPHER IN AL-RĀZĪ AND AL-FĀRĀBĪ." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 27, no. 1 (February 9, 2017): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423916000114.

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AbstractAbū Bakr al-Rāzī (d. 925) and al-Fārābī (d. 950) both adopt the classical ideal of a philosophical way of life in the sense that being a philosopher implies certain ethical guidelines to which the philosopher should adhere. In both cases, moreover, their ethical writings appear to reflect a certain tension with respect to what the ethical goal of the philosopher consists of. In this study, I will argue that this apparent tension is relieved when their ethics is understood as a progression in a double sense. In the first sense, both authors adopt the Neoplatonic distinction between pre-philosophical and philosophical ethics. The second aspect of the progression takes place within the degree of virtue required of the philosopher, which for al-Rāzī and al-Fārābī proceeds in contrary directions. For al-Rāzī, the philosopher progresses from the moderately ascetic requirements ofSpiritual Medicineto the higher license present inPhilosophical Life, following the stages of the life of Socrates. In contrast, for al-Fārābī the progression follows roughly along the Neoplatonic grades of virtue from Aristotelian moderation, which inExhortation to the Way to Happinessis connected with character training in a pre-philosophical sense, towards purely contemplative existence.

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Vasilakis, D. A. "Neoplatonic Providence and Descent: a Test-Case from Proclus’ Alcibiades Commentary." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 13, no. 2 (November 14, 2019): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341438.

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Abstract This article deals with the complex relation between providence and descent in Neoplatonism, with particular reference to Proclus and especially his Commentary on the First Alcibiades. At least according to this work, descent is only a species of providence, because there can be providence without any descent. Whereas the gods (for instance the Henads) provide for our cosmos without descending to it, a large group of souls provide for our cosmos by descending to it. The former kind of providence is better than the latter, even if it is necessary that souls descend in order to give existence to the beautiful cosmos. The following study deals with providence as descent, looking at it from two angles. In the first section I show that Proclus designates this form of providence in two rather surprising ways. One term he uses for it, which will be well known to readers of Plotinus, is τόλµα (audacity)—this despite the word’s negative connotations due to its Neopythagorean and Gnostic origin. A second name for descended providence is ἐπιστροφή (‘reversion’ or better ‘turning one’s attention’). Again, this may be surprising, since we usually expect this term to express the ‘turning back’ of a lower effect to its cause. In Proclus, the word ἐπιστροφή too can have negative connotations, but he also uses it in a positive way when applying it to providence. In the second part of the paper, I explain how Socrates’ providence for Alcibiades (as seen in the Alcibiades I) can be undefiled (i.e. unmixed), even if Socrates necessarily descends as he offers providential guidance. Proclus’ comparison of Socrates with Hercules, who went to the Underworld in order to save Theseus, serves as a positive illustration of Socrates’ divinelike providence, and marks the deficiency of Socrates (or Hercules as a ‘semi-god’) compared to the transcendent and undefiled providence of Neoplatonic divinities.

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Niziński, Rafał S. "El texto de El ser sobrenatural como contexto próximo para entender la noología, la metafísica y la visión de Dios sobre Zubiri." Filozofia Chrześcijańska 17 (July 30, 2021): 137–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/fc.2020.17.7.

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The philosophy of Xavier Zubiri is recognized as one of the most diffi cult to understand because there is something unclear in it. Therefore one may guess that there is a hidden presumption done by Zubiri. Zubiri in the self-presentation of his philosophical backgrounds acknowledges that his philosophy owes most to the phenomenology of Husserl and metaphysics of Heidegger. He also admits of being infl uenced by Aristotle to a certain degree. Zubiri starts his analyses from perception of things, with which he fulfi lls phenomenological requirement of beginning philosophy with the description of reality. As the fi nal step he ads metaphysics, which explains the description of reality. Following this code of interpretation of Zubiri’s philosophy it is difficult to grasp its core meaning. What is this hidden supposition? In The Supernatural Being: God and Deifi cation in Saint Paul’s Theology, which he wrote in the 30s’ and 40s’ of the 20th century, Zubiri presents early Christian Neoplatonic theology. In the same work Zubiri also states that it is possible to discover the same ideas following the way up, i.e. departing from the creatures and ascending to God. And this will be the hidden supposition of his philosophy. This paper tries to show the philosophy of Zubiri can be understood as a kind of proof that the Neoplatonic vision of the reality presented in The Supernatural Being: God and Deifi cation in Saint Paul’s Theology is true and can be discovered by reason alone, i.e. departing only from description of facts.

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Lewis, Sue. "The Transformational Techniques of Huber Astrology." Culture and Cosmos 19, no. 1 and 2 (October 2015): 207–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01219.0223.

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While Bruno and Louise Huber were developing their Astrological Psychology, they assisted with the foundation of the Arcane School in Geneva and worked for three years with Roberto Assagioli at his Psychosynthesis Institute in Florence. Their non-predictive method blends astrology with psychosynthesis as a way to self-realization that resembles the pillars of ascent of Kabbalah and Neoplatonism. Like Jung, Assagioli concealed his esoteric interests to preserve his professional reputation, and Huber astrologers do not usually class themselves as magicians. Nevertheless their engagement with the evolution of the will through the shifting borders of the mind and its memories by way of learning triangles in the Natal Chart, as well as Moon Node Astrology, is similar to the use of celestial magic as a way to self-empowerment practised by members of the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn. This paper will examine the Hubers’ astrology within the context of Neoplatonic, Kabbalistic and magical philosophy.

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Majercik, R. "Chaldean Triads in Neoplatonic Exegesis: Some Reconsiderations." Classical Quarterly 51, no. 1 (July 2001): 265–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/51.1.265.

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Rappe, Sara. "Self-Perception in Plotinus and the Later Neoplatonic Tradition." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 71, no. 3 (1997): 433–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq199771337.

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Costa, Cristina D’Ancona. "Aristotelian and Neoplatonic Elements in Kindī’s Doctrine of Knowledge." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 73, no. 1 (1999): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq19997312.

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Ebstein, Michael. "The Human Intellect: Liberation or Limitation?" Journal of Sufi Studies 8, no. 2 (October 22, 2020): 198–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105956-bja10004.

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Abstract The article discusses various attitudes towards the human intellect (ʿaql) in classical Islamic mysticism, as reflected in key mystical writings composed from the third/ninth century to the rise of Ibn al-ʿArabī in the sixth/twelfth. It begins by presenting the basic challenge that the concept of ʿaql posed for the mystics of Islam and then proceeds to analyze diverse approaches to the intellect in works that were written in both the east (mashriq) and the west (al-Andalus). Special attention is given to the impact of Neoplatonism on mystical attitudes towards the intellect. The conclusion to the article offers general observations on the problem of ʿaql in classical Islamic mysticism, and attempts to explain the tendency of certain sixth/twelfth-century mystics who were exposed to Neoplatonic thought to reduce the role of the intellect in the mystical quest for God.

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BATTAGLIERO, Giulia. "Giles of Rome, Proclus, and the Liber de causis." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 24 (November 24, 2017): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v24i.10455.

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This article examines pivotal aspects of the reception of Proclus' Elementatio theologica in the commentary on the Liber de causis written by Giles of Rome at the end of the 13th century. The article examines Giles's understanding of Proclus’s philosophy in relation to the Neoplatonic framework of the Liber de causis, and shows how this understanding accounts for the theoretical divergences of Giles's and Thomas Aquinas's interpretations.

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Gertz, S. R. P. "TOO MUCH THEOLOGY: A TEXTUAL PROBLEM IN OLYMPIODORUS' PROLEGOMENA 9.10-12 AND ITS SOLUTION." Classical Quarterly 66, no. 2 (August 16, 2016): 825–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000604.

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In the Neoplatonic schools, introductions to logic, and the Categories in particular, would begin with a list of ten different questions relating to Aristotle's philosophy and his ideal interpreter and student. Olympiodorus' own introduction to logic (the Prolegomena) follows this pattern; he expands on the remarks of his own teacher Ammonius of Alexandria, and closely models his discussion on his predecessor's work. In the standard list of ten questions that must be discussed in an introductory philosophy course, the third relates to the subject with which the student is to start his or her philosophical education. Which of logic, ethics, natural science and mathematics is the proper starting-point for philosophy?

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Martin, John N. "Lukasiewicz's Many-valued Logic and Neoplatonic Scalar Modality." History and Philosophy of Logic 23, no. 2 (June 2002): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01445340210154330.

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Martin, John N. "Existence, Negation, and Abstraction in the Neoplatonic Hierarchy1." History and Philosophy of Logic 16, no. 2 (January 1995): 169–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01445349508837248.

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