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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Neoliberalism'
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1
Zini, Alessandra <1992>. "Neoliberalism: sustainable?" Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/10175.
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L’analisi presente nell’elaborato parte dalla pubblicazione di un articolo avvenuta a Giugno 2016 sul sito del Fondo Monetario Internazionale, in cui viene sostenuta la tesi per cui le politiche messe in atto dallo stesso e dalla Banca Mondiale, dagli anni ottanta fino ad oggi, non siano più sostenibili a lungo termine. L’articolo si sofferma particolarmente sulle politiche di austerità, privatizzazione e libertà di circolazione di capitali, che si inseriscono nel raggio delle cosiddette politiche “neoliberiste”, sottolineandone gli effetti negativi sulla società odierna in materia di iniqua distribuzione della ricchezza e di rischio di sempre più frequenti crisi economiche, da cui ne deriva la consapevolezza di un sistema diventato insostenibile a livello mondiale. L’elaborato si focalizza principalmente sul tema dell’insostenibilità delle politiche neoliberiste e per dimostrarne l’effettiva veridicità si concentra nella prima parte sulla spiegazione di ciò che si intende per “neoliberismo”, descrivendone il percorso di sviluppo storico e culturale per poi analizzare nel dettaglio ciò che è contenuto nell’agenda neoliberista, definendone infine la diretta conseguenza della sua implementazione: la società odierna dominata dal fenomeno della globalizzazione. La tesi si focalizzerà poi sul caso concreto della crisi del debito greco all’interno dell’unione monetaria e delle successive implementazioni di politiche di austerità, rivelatesi inefficaci. Verranno poi descritte le conseguenze di queste politiche, principalmente riprendendo quelle citate dall’articolo iniziale: l’iniquità della distribuzione della ricchezza e la stratificazione sociale come cause di insostenibilità del sistema mondo in cui oggi viviamo.
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Schleusener, Simon. "Deleuze and Neoliberalism." Universität Leipzig, 2020. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A72860.
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The following essay takes the topic of this special issue as an opportunity to not just investigate Deleuze’s “Postscript on Control Societies,” but to look more generally at the text’s place within his work as a whole. Indeed, as various authors have observed, there are a number of aspects that clearly distinguish the essay from the bulk of Deleuze’s other writings. First, what the Postscript aims at is a very direct and immediate “diagnosis of the present” (Foucault 1999: 91). Despite its brevity, the essay therefore entails a wide-ranging account of the (social, economic, cultural, and technological) ‘system’ which was about to take hold when Deleuze wrote the essay (1990) – and which still seems pervasive today. Second, the Postscript represents one of the few instances where Deleuze addresses new media, the digital, cyberspace, and computers: technologies, that is, which in the last few decades have thoroughly transformed the world we live in (cf. Galloway 2012). Third, while Deleuze is usually considered to be a thinker of affirmative creation and a joyous politics of difference and becoming, the Postscript may be the text that most evidently lends itself to discovering not only a more contemporary, but also a somewhat ‘darker’ Deleuze (cf. Culp 2016). For although it underlines the necessity of “finding new weapons” and developing “new forms of resistance” – pointing out that the question is not “whether the old or new system is harsher or more bearable” (Deleuze 1995: 178) – one can argue that the Postscript’s general perspective and tone is in fact more bleak and pessimistic than most of Deleuze’s other writings.
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Zadra, Chiara <1987>. "Neoliberalism and Development." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9416.
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Despite the stifling financial crises and the always more frequently increasing criticisms, Neoliberalism is still enduring. Nevertheless, it has hitherto proven to be inadequate and irredeemable; global vulnerability and uncertainty, angst and widespread economic disparities demonstrate the unreliability of the beforehand promised outcomes of the globalized neoliberal society. Hence, neoliberalism interferes with the welfare of the majority; as a matter of fact, just a handful of certain persons definitely achieve economic prosperity. With neoliberalism, unnatural laws and practises typical of the market ideology, for instance, the logic of competition, have progressively penetrated in the everyday life of individuals. Moreover, the process of neoliberalization, in order to effectively implement democracy and mulishly boost economic growth in developing countries, has frequently been characterized by violence and coercive brutality.
So, despite all of this, why is neoliberalism still regulating our logic when dealing with our idea of future? How is it possible to modify it or, alternatively, replace it, finding a new way to conceive the government of human beings?
In this thesis we will firstly try to provide a comprehensive analysis of the theories, historical evolution and application of the neoliberal doctrine. Secondly, a focus on the geographical development of this phenomenon will be unpretentiously introduced, in attain to describe the consequences of the controversial application of neoliberal policies in developing countries in different parts of the world.
Finally, a more detailed attention will be devoted to the specific case of Malaysia. Precisely, we will investigate the last fifty years of the country's economic growth, to understand the effects and consequences due to the neoliberalization process which involved the country.
4
Sotomayor, Hector. "He_rtland: The Violence of Neoliberalism." Scholar Commons, 2015. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6027.
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Perhaps, under the consciousness of today, “neoliberalism” has defined our world during the previous and current centuries more than any other socioeconomic system. But the evolution of this ideology, which initially aimed to enhance, or rather, reinvent capitalism and individual freedom, has, in essence, induced an unrecognized problem. I argue that neoliberalism is the catalyst for much of the hostility in this globalized society where tensions and poverty are casualties of individual and corporate prosperity. Because of this revelation, I argue that neoliberalism inadvertently instills violence that is both unseen and gendered. In order to formulate my argument, I introduce a historical chronology to the ideological origins of neoliberalism and how it manifested its way to its socioeconomic prominence. I then concentrate my attention to neoconservatism, most notably, Reaganism, with the year 1984, which I feel is the official christening of neoliberalism. From that year, I bring forth, three films about the crisis of farming in the 20th century, Country, Places in the Heart, and The River. Through these “farm crisis films,”which centers their themes around pastoral virtues, I argue that the violence conveyed in these films critiques neoliberalism. On the surface, these films demonstrate violence through an invisible and unrecognizable antagonist. But at the heart of this violence is a gendered angle that has much more to do with neoliberalism than with feminist debates. The gendered violence of neoliberalism is, in actuality, linked to the characters’ struggle to maintain some sense of autonomy, but this possibility is always uncertain because of their failure to recognize their inevitable interdependencies.
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Brideson, A. M. "Neoliberalism and the New Republic /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armb851.pdf.
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Cavalcanti, Aline de Andrade Ramos. "La economía del nuevo parto y nacimiento. Discursos, biopolíticas y feminismos por un parto humanizado." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669414.
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Esta tesis investiga las relaciones entre feminismo y el movimiento por la humanización
del parto y sus articulaciones con las políticas neoliberales a partir de un recorte
histórico y etnográfico. El movimiento por la humanización del parto y nacimiento es
una organización social de mujeres que vindica la identidad feminista y lucha por el
derecho a decidir cómo, dónde y con quien quieren tener sus partos. La emergencia de
una organización de mujeres que vindican políticas no intervencionistas en los partos
alrededor de los años 70 sugiere la necesidad de comprender como se ha producido y
introducido el repertorio discursivo neoliberal en el interior del movimiento de mujeres,
más precisamente, este feminismo por la humanización del parto. El avance inquietante
del movimiento por la humanización hacia el mercado y toda la serie de ambigüedades
de sus prácticas discursivas impulsaron una pregunta: ¿Cómo es posible que un
movimiento históricamente crítico del orden social, cultural y económico puede haber
sustentado o apoyado (consciente o inconscientemente) la construcción de políticas que
amenazan la supervivencia, la liberación y la lucha política de las mujeres? Esta
investigación intenta, así, aclarar conceptual e históricamente lo que se ha gestado hasta
el momento para reivindicar el parto humanizado, evidenciando el mapa actual de tal
reivindicación. Este trabajo concluye con una reflexión teórica sobre los resultados que
defiende dos tesis: la de que el parto humanizado es una de las múltiples necropolíticas
reproductivas del poder neoliberal, y la que el feminismo por el parto humanizado es
una de las tecnologías del poder neoliberal.<br>This dissertation studies the relations between feminism and the movement for the humanization of
childbirth and its articulations with neoliberal policies through a historical and ethnographic approach.
This movement a social organization of women that claims the feminist identity and fights for the right
to decide how, where, and with whom they want to have their births. The emergence of an organization
of women who vindicate non-interventionist policies in childbirth around the 1970s suggests the need
to understand how the neoliberal discursive repertoire has been produced and introduced within that
women’s movement, a feminism for the humanization of childbirth. The unsettling advance of the
movement for humanization towards the market and the whole series of ambiguities of its discursive
practices prompted a question: How is it possible that a historically critical movement of the social,
cultural, and economic order may have sustained or supported (consciously or unconsciously) the
construction of policies that threaten the survival, liberation, and political struggle of women? This
investigation tries, thus, to clarify conceptually and historically what has been developed so far to
claim the humanized birth, evidencing the current map of such claim. This work concludes defending
two theses: the humanized childbirth is one of the multiple reproductive necropolitics of neoliberal
power, and that the feminism by humanized childbirth is one of the technologies of neoliberal power.
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Oncan, Mehmet Onur. "Neoliberalism And The Alternative Globalization Movement." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610743/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to analyze the social reactions against neoliberalism by using the Polanyian concept of double movement. The goal is to first to understand the nature of alternative globalization movement and provide a better framework of analysis for theorizing these social reactions. The criticisms of the alternative globalization movement against the World Trade Organization will be analyzed in order to provide a specific case example for the concerns and goals of the movement regarding the global political economy. It has been found out that the alternative globalization movement, which signalled a growing concern over the implications of the efforts to form a global free market on the state-society-market relations since the 1980s, forms the second counter-movement that resists the expansion of contemporary self-regulating market.
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Greentree, Jacqueline M. "Wrestling with neoliberalism in Christian schools." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2021. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/225974/1/Jacqueline_Greentree_Thesis.pdf.
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This research investigated intersections between Christian schooling and neoliberal policy environments by interrogating how values and purposes of schooling are articulated within the public-facing self-authored digital texts of Christian schools. The findings show how discourses such as excellence, choice and vocation can reflect a range of underlying values when communicating to a broad audience through public websites. Texts and visual representations were analysed using Gee’s discourse analysis tools and an Order of Worth framework. Methodological insights and practical support for Australian Christian Schools are provided.
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Cota, Hortensia Meg, and Hortensia Meg Cota. "Mobility, Choice and Motivations: Parental Use of Open Enrollment in Arizona Title I Schools." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/626660.
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Inequities in education have long been the driving force behind school reform movements. In efforts to desegregate schools and offer more equitable education opportunities, more privatized and marketized school systems have emerged. This movement has been referred to as neoliberalism. This term encompasses the individual’s right to make school selections based on their personal preferences or desires. Current school choice research suggests parents seek schools with better resources or curriculum, desire the social connections certain schools can offer them, or select schools based on right fit for their families. Neoliberals argue that schools will be reformed or transformed as a result of changing to meet the needs of their customers. They believe competitive school markets will lead to better education systems. However, outcomes of choice movements have been inconsistent and have not demonstrated that choice has impacted achievement or addressed educational disparities. Some argue that it has further segregated schools and has led to greater inequities, particularly for minority or disadvantaged students. Furthermore, the research suggests that access may be facilitated or hindered by an individual’s cultural or social capital. Conversely, the research on student mobility suggests that minority and disadvantaged student populations are often highly mobile students. Frequent school moves for these student groups are detrimental to their academic success and can affect their school experience on multiple levels. The result is two opposing views on how to best ensure student achievement. One view encourages movement, the other does not. This study examined the use of open-enrollment in highly-mobile, high poverty schools. The findings suggest that a connection between student mobility and use of open-enrollment exists. Additionally, the findings revealed that barriers continue to hinder true choice access and motivations for school choice differs in parents at high-poverty, high-mobility schools. The parents in this study did not exercise choice to improve academic outcomes. This is counter to the intent of school choice. Factors such as safety, happiness and relationships were more valued and sought. Moreover, school movement was often prompted by negative events resulting in situational movement. In these instances, open enrollment was utilized to facilitate a reactionary response instead of being utilized to improve achievement outcomes. Based on the results of this study, an evaluation of current school choice practices, legislation and funding may be necessary to ensure the future success of students when exercising choice opportunities.
10
Rifo, Melo Mauricio Esteban. "Transformación de las universidades chilenas durante la dictadura cívico-militar." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669500.
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La present investigació va analitzar els antecedents històrics i els discursos de la reforma a les universitats xilenes de 1981 en el marc de la transformació de l'educació superior durant la dictadura cívic-militar. Per a això es van identificar les principals idees filosòfic-polítiques que van promoure la reforma a les universitats de 1981, es va caracteritzar el rol dels principals actors involucrats en les transformacions a l'educaciósuperior durant la dictadura, es van analitzar continuïtats i ruptures en les polítiques educatives de educació superior durant la dictadura cívic-militar i es van reconèixer les principals conseqüències disciplinàries de les universitats xilenes en dictadura. La metodològic va estar guiat per una estratègia qualitativa de recollida i anàlisi de dades. Es va seguir la proposta de Rodríguez, Gil i García (1999) sobre el procés de recerca qualitativa. Els principals resultats de la investigació són que la reforma a les universitats 1981 es va dissenyar amb una conceptualització de neoliberalisme diferent de la que es va massificar durant fins de la 80 en les polítiques mundials i la literatura especialitzada com un neoliberalisme que promovia la privatització. Finalment, la investigació determina que per a 1983, després de la nominació d'una nova Ministra d'Educació i la crisi econòmica en desenvolupament, la reforma no continua implementant i és paralitzada fins a 1987 en on emergeix amb mesures parcials que no responen al disseny de 1981 dins de les que destaca la desregulació en l'aprovació i creació d'universitats privades el principal desacord amb els principis que proposa la reforma de 1981 són, d'una banda, la creació sense control d'institucions privades i, pel costat, augmentar el nombre d'universitats que era precisament una cosa que el grup reformista veia com un efecte negatiu per a la qualitat de les universitats. Per aquests motius, la principal aportació de la investigació és sostenir que el que s'ha massificat com polítiques neoliberals per a l'educació superior, tant pels organismes internacionals com la literatura especialitzada, no té relació amb les visions que van promoure el disseny de la reforma de 1981.<br>La presente investigación analizó los antecedentes históricos y los discursos de la reforma a las universidades chilenas de 1981 en el marco de la transformación de la educación superior durante la dictadura cívico-militar. Para ello se identificaron las principales ideas filosófico-políticas que promovieron la reforma a las universidades de 1981, se caracterizó el rol de los principales actores involucrados en las transformaciones a la educación superior durante la dictadura, se analizaron continuidades y rupturas en las políticas educativas de educación superior durante la dictadura cívico-militar y se reconocieron las principales consecuencias disciplinares de las universidades chilenas en dictadura. La metodológico estuvo guiado por una estrategia cualitativa de recolección y análisis de datos. Se siguió la propuesta de Rodríguez, Gil y García (1999) sobre el proceso de investigación cualitativa. Los principales resultados de la investigación son que la reforma a las universidades 1981 se diseñó con una conceptualización de neoliberalismo distinta a la que se masifico durante fines de la 80 en las políticas mundiales y la literatura especializada como un neoliberalismo que promovía la privatización. Finalmente, la investigación determina que para 1983, tras la nominación de una nueva Ministra de Educación y la crisis económica en desarrollo, la reforma no continúa implementándose y es paralizada hasta 1987 en donde emerge con medidas parciales que no responden al diseño de 1981 dentro de las que destaca la desregulación en la aprobación y creación de universidades privadas cuyo principal desacuerdo con los principios que propone la reforma de 1981 son, por un lado, la creación sin control de instituciones privadas y, por el lado, aumentar el número de universidades que era precisamente algo que el grupo reformista veía como un efecto negativo para la calidad de las universidades. Por estos motivos, el principal aporte de la investigación es sostener que lo que se ha masificado como políticas neoliberales para la educación superior, tanto por los organismos internacionales como la literatura especializada, no tiene relación con las visiones que promovieron el diseño de la reforma de 1981.<br>The present investigation analyzed the historical antecedents and the discourses of the reform to the Chilean universities of 1981 in the frame of the transformation of the superior education during the civic-military dictatorship. For this, the main philosophical-political ideas that promoted the reform to the universities of 1981 were identified, the role of the main actors involved in the transformations to higher education during the dictatorship was characterized, continuities and ruptures in the educational policies of higher education during the civic-military dictatorship and the main disciplinary consequences of the Chilean universities in dictatorship were recognized. The methodological was guided by a qualitative strategy of data collection and analysis. The proposal of Rodr\u00EDguez, Gil and Garc\u00EDa (1999) on the qualitative research process was followed. The main results of the research are that the 1981 university reform was designed with a conceptualization of neoliberalism different from that which was widespread during the late 1980s in world politics and specialized literature as a neo-liberalism that promoted privatization. Finally, the investigation determines that by 1983, after the nomination of a new Minister of Education and the developing economic crisis, the reform does not continue to be implemented and is paralyzed until 1987 where it emerges with partial measures that do not respond to the 1981 design within those that highlight the deregulation in the approval and creation of private universities whose main disagreement with the principles proposed by the 1981 reform are, on the one hand, the uncontrolled creation of private institutions and, on the one hand, increase the number of universities that It was precisely something that the reformist group saw as a negative effect on the quality of universities. For these reasons, the main contribution of research is to maintain that what has become widespread as neoliberal policies for higher education, both by international organizations and specialized literature, is not related to the visions that promoted the design of the reform of 1981.
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Lösche, Max. "How has neoliberalism influenced US foreign politics?" Thesis, Gotland University, Department of Human Geography and Ethnology, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-380.
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<p>This essay discusses the impact of neoliberalism on the US American foreign politics. It addresses the possible strategy of America on a global scale, always focusing on neoliberal forces in America that are behind the official political decisions that are made in Washington. The essay also discusses the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Here, there is more than what the eye can see, or rather what the public is meant to see. Strong economic powers influence the war in the Middle East and try to bring a new world order upon the region, by implanting democracy, neoliberalism and absolute market openness. This discussion is done through a comparison of various sources, including books and scientific articles, dealing with geography, economy and politics. The outcome of this essay includes worrying facts about the future of globalism, neoliberalism and democracy, as power more and more shifts towards private corporations and banks, away from democratic state apparatus.</p>
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Bristow-Smith, Adam. "Growing up neoliberal : the Bildungsroman under neoliberalism." Thesis, University of York, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/20597/.
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Since the 1970s, the world has seen the ascendance of a new form of global capitalism and, underlying it, a new ideology with its own set of core beliefs and assumptions: neoliberalism. The rise of neoliberalism has had a profound effect on society, culture, and life worldwide. This thesis offers an analysis of one part of that broader socio-cultural picture. It explores how a specific cultural form with a particular societal focus, the literary genre of the Bildungsroman, has been adapted by authors seeking to use the genre to address the dominant political-social system of their day. The Bildungsroman has its roots in the rise of capitalism, and the exploration of certain socio-political problems is central to the genre through its core focus on the relationship between human development, the individual, and society. As such, the rise of a new, dominant form of capitalism has particular significance for it. Taking four novels by four significant authors from across the lifespan of neoliberalism – Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Dispossessed (1974), David Foster Wallace’s Infinite Jest (1996), Margaret Atwood’s Oryx and Crake (2003), and Roberto Bolaño’s 2666 (2004) – this thesis examines how each author has sought to examine, reclaim, redeploy, and problematise the genre in order to address neoliberalism. Two key features of neoliberalism are of particular significance here: neoliberal ideology’s individualised models of human behaviour and societal functioning, and neoliberal capitalism’s global dominance and systemic functioning. Each case-study demonstrates something about how these aspects of neoliberalism have overlapped with, co-opted, and undermined core elements that enable the Bildungsroman to function as a tool for socio-political exploration and critique, and so about how neoliberalism functions culturally. Through these analyses, this thesis explores not only what neoliberalism can tell us about the Bildungsroman but also what the Bildungsroman can tell us about neoliberalism.
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Granberg, Magnus. "Care in revolt : Labor conflict, gender, neoliberalism." Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för samhällsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-27171.
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The present thesis is an exploration of normalization processes and the problem of appropriation in labor conflict. More specifically, it analyses the way contemporary labor conflicts in nursing relate to, and thereby help to illuminate, changes in modes of gender normalization under neoliberalism, and how nurse labor conflict thereby sheds light on wider patterns of labor strife. Analysis shows how a “virtue script” bound up with long-lasting patterns of gender normalization in nursing becomes tangled with forms of abstract labor related to “new public management” reform. Although the restructuring of work threatens public professionals’ autonomy, at the same time, it provides opportunities for resistance through collective action. What is more, this restructuring process facilitates the appropriation by nurses and, by implication, other public workers, of the discourses and ideals that belonged to the ethos of the Keynesian welfare state. However, this is a contradictory process, since the discourses and ideals thus appropriated inhere in modes of labor exploitation and normalization. Analysis indicates that although appropriation risks to reinforce gendered and exploitative ideas about work, the strategy can be a lever of collective mobilization, and one of its possible outcomes is the radical transformation of the entities it takes possession of. This interview study is mainly based on four journal articles, attending to different aspects of an act of collective resignation taken by registered nurses at a Swedish hospital ward. This is an emerging form of collective action and the thesis provides one of the first analyses of this new grassroots and workplace-based phenomenon, which may be considered its particular empirical contribution. On the other hand, the chapters of the cover essay unfold a sustained argument on normalization and appropriation, thereby elaborating theoretical themes broached in the articles. The focal point of this discussion is a certain concept of form, deployed in Marxist and feminist theory, a concept pointing to the identity of thought-forms and practically enacted forms. Further, these forms migrate: they are evoked in practices wherein “the mind is not active as sentient” (Hegel), later to be projected by the mind onto different entities. The results of the discussion thus question common approaches to normalization. In particular, it is untenable to oppose a tacit and internal mode of control where individuals are induced to comply by attaching to identifications (by becoming/being made into subjects) to an overt and external mode reliant on sheer coercion. This matter–form dichotomy should be dissolved, and modes of coercion should be understood to leave subjective imprints—not at the level of identity but at the level of thought’s infrastructure, that is, form.<br>Föreliggande avhandling utforskar normaliseringsprocesser och problem rörande appropriering i samband med arbetskonflikter. Avhandlingen analyserar hur sam-tida arbetskonflikter i sjuksköterskeprofessionen relaterar till och sålunda belyser förändrad genusnormalisering i en nyliberal tid, samt hur dessa konflikter belyser övergripande konfliktmönster i arbetslivet. Analysen påvisar hur en ”dygdighets-norm” kopplad till långlivade modaliteter av genusnormalisering sammanvävs med en form av abstrakt arbete relaterad till sentida NPM-reformer. Men medan denna omstruktureringsprocess urholkar den autonomi som professioner i offentlig sektor länge innehaft medför den också möjligheter till kollektiva motståndshandlingar. Vidare möjliggör denna nyliberala omstrukturering sjuksköterskors—liksom andra offentliga professioners—appropriering av diskurser och ideal som var centrala i den tidigare, keynesianska, välfärdsstaten; men detta är en motsägelsefull process då dessa diskurser och ideal är sprungna ur, och präglade av, historier av utsugning och normalisering. Analysen visar att medan appropriering visserligen riskerar att reproducera former av normalisering underlättar denna strategi mobilisering och kan i förlängningen omvandla övertagna diskurser och ideal. Denna intervjustudie är huvudsakligen baserad på fyra artiklar: de analyserar olika aspekter av en kollektiv uppsägningsaktion bland sjuksköterskor vid en sjukhus-avdelning. Detta är en framväxande typ av aktion i Sverige och avhandlingen är en av de första studierna av denna gräsrots- och arbetsplatsbaserade kampform, vilket kan ses som dess empiriska forskningsbidrag. I kappan förs, å andra sidan, en kon-tinuerlig teoretisk diskussion kring normalisering och appropriering som utvecklar teman som lyfts i de enskilda artiklarna. Diskussionen kretsar kring ett visst form-begrepp, som härrör ur marxistisk och feministisk teori och som påvisar en identitet mellan tankeform och praktiskt artikulerad form. Dessa former migrerar; de uttrycks omedvetet i praktiker där individens fokus är annorstädes och projiceras sedan på andra praktiker. I diskussionen ifrågasätts sålunda vedertagna förståelser av norma-lisering: det är teoretiskt ofruktbart att ställa omedvetna, interna, former av kontroll där lydnad eller konformitet uppnås via internaliseringen av påbjudna identiteter mot medvetna, externa, eller tvingande, former av kontroll. En häri latent dikotomi om materia respektive form bör upplösas i syfte att synliggöra hur ett slags kontroll över arbete lämnar subjektiverande avtryck, inte genom att påbjuda identifikationer utan genom att forma vad som kan beskrivas som tänkandets minsta beståndsdelar.<br><p>Vid tidpunkten för disputationen var följande delarbeten opublicerade: delarbete 2 och 4 inskickat.</p><p>At the time of the doctoral defence the following papers were unpublished: paper 2 and 4 submitted.</p>
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Scotto, Matteo <1987>. "Neoliberalism in the European Union's economic traditions." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3729.
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In the last decade the term neoliberalism has become part of everyday language. With the spread of the crisis, this phenomenon has been increasingly discussed both academically and in the media. Often used in a negative way, it is commonly associated with policies that aim to cut off the welfare state or at the deregulation of the international financial system. The United States is normally identified as the place of origin and the ideal cradle of neoliberalism. Thanks to think thanks and universities, neoliberalism also seems to have more and more spread over, until it got a foothold even in Europe. According to the harshest criticism, the Old Continent and the United States are part of a common front for the promotion of neoliberalism in the world.
In this sense, is it really possible to compare Europe and the United States? The aim of this work is on the one hand to understand whether this comparison is tenable or not. In other words, how accusations towards Europe of being a "neoliberal" promoter are legitimate. The other goal is to identify how and why Europe could offer a plausible alternative to the American model. There are tangible historical and ideological evidences in support of this thesis.
For a fully comprehension in this regard, the first chapter will present a brief survey into the origin of what is commonly understood as neoliberalism. The economists recognized as the founding fathers will be taken into account, as well as the traditions they belong to. The second chapter consists of an analysis on the European Union, either from political and economic perspectives. This approach will therefore pave the way for a clear comparison with the Anglo-American liberalism. The third chapter will focus on the work of a scholar, namely Mario Monti, who has tried to give a contribute to the European alternative. Both from his biography and writings emerges a tendency in favor of topics such as the social market economy that are at the basis of the uniqueness of the European Union.
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Jinkings, Isabella. "Sob o dominio do medo : controle social e criminalização da miseria no neoliberalismo." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280609.
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Orientador: Marcio Bilharinho Naves<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T23:43:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2007<br>Resumo: As transformações recentes do capitalismo mundial apontam para movimentos simultâneos de privatização e desregulamentação da vida social e econômica, de ataque aos direitos democráticos e de fortalecimento dos aparatos coercitivos do Estado. A adoção de políticas de segurança de ¿tolerância zero¿ nos EUA é expressiva destes movimentos constitutivos da globalização do capital, sob o predomínio do neoliberalismo, que convertem amplos segmentos sociais em deserdados das condições básicas à sobrevivência. Cada vez mais distanciado das políticas sociais e comprometido com o capital transnacional, o Estado neoliberal apresenta-se crescentemente fortalecido em seus mecanismos repressivos, fenômeno que alguns autores analisam como a ¿emergência do Estado Penal¿ em substituição ao chamado Estado de bem-estar social. Este trabalho, tendo como modelo os EUA, objetiva analisar em que medida tal fenômeno manifesta-se no Brasil. É relevante tal estudo no Brasil, devido à sua subordinação aos dinamismos das economias capitalistas centrais e suas graves desigualdades, onde os custos sociais e políticos do modo como o capital se reproduz na atualidade são muito mais dramáticos<br>Abstract: The worldwide capitalism has undergone transformations in recent years pointing to simultaneous movements of privatization as well as social and economic deregulation, attacks on the democratic rights and strengthening of the coercive State apparatus. The adoption of ¿zero tolerance¿ security policies in the USA expresses these movements which have been represented by capital globalization, under the neoliberalism supremacy, which converts wide social segments into disinherited of survival basic conditions. The neoliberal State is getting distant of social policies, more committed with the transnational capital and it has presented itself increasingly strong in its repressive mechanisms, phenomenon that some authors analyze as the ¿emergency of the Penal State¿ in substitution for the Welfare State. This present work has the USA as a model and its objectives are to analyze how that phenomenon reveals itself in Brazil. This study in Brazil has been considered relevant due to its subordination to the dynamism of the central capitalism economies and its severe inequalities, where the social and political costs of the way capital reproduces itself nowadays are much more dramatic<br>Doutorado<br>Ciencias Sociais<br>Doutor em Ciências Sociais
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Kölln, Alcione José. "As mudanças no mundo do trabalho, o labor educativo e a saúde docente: o caso dos professores do ensino fundamental da rede estadual de Foz do Iguaçu PR." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Parana, 2013. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/2601.
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Previous issue date: 2013-02-25<br>This research proposes an analysis of the work conditions of elementary school teachers of state schools in Foz do Iguaçu, Paraná. Considering the nature of the educative labor, the recent changes in your organization, the way of admission and the exercise daily of teach, as well as the possible impacts of these changes in the health of these workers. In addition to a bibliographic review of historical-analytical about the subject and the object in focus. We did an empirical research of the aspects mentioned above by applying a questionnaire in a sample of teachers admitted at schools in Foz do Iguaçu / PR. This questionnaire, was elaborated considering the experience of five national researchs published about the subject. Collected the data from empirical research. They were comparatively analyzed to the results of these five national surveys, and in the light of general notes made by current scientific literature. As a result, it was possible to understand some of the impacts, in the conditions of work and health of elementary school teachers in state schools, Arising from the set of neoliberal policies implemented by the state governments and federal government in Brazil since the early 1990, and which were also subject of this dissertation analysis. We seek to further reveal the particularities that happen in Foz do Iguaçu - in the Triple Border: Argentina, Brazil and Paraguay - takes in this process, compared with others regions of the State of Paraná and Brazil.<br>Esta pesquisa propõe uma análise das condições de trabalho de professores do ensino fundamental de escolas estaduais do município de Foz do Iguaçu-PR, considerando a natureza do labor educativo, as mudanças recentemente ocorridas na sua organização, nas formas de contratação e exercício cotidiano do trabalho docente, bem como os possíveis impactos destas transformações na saúde desses trabalhadores. Para além de uma revisão bibliográfica de caráter histórico-analítico sobre a temática e o objeto em foco, procuramos fazer um levantamento empírico dos aspectos acima apontados, mediante a aplicação de um questionário em uma amostra de professores lotados em escolas do município de Foz do Iguaçu/PR questionário este, elaborado considerando a experiência de cinco pesquisas de abrangência nacional publicados sobre o assunto. Coletados os dados da pesquisa empírica, os mesmos foram analisados comparativamente aos resultados destas cinco pesquisas nacionais, bem como à luz dos apontamentos gerais realizados pela literatura científica atual. Como resultado, foi possível compreender alguns dos impactos, nas condições de trabalho e de saúde dos docentes do ensino fundamental de escolas estaduais, advindos do conjunto de políticas de cunho neoliberal posto em prática pelos governos de nível estadual e federal no Brasil desde a década de 1990, e que também foram tema análise desta dissertação. Buscamos, além disso, revelar as particularidades que o município de Foz do Iguaçu na Tríplice Fronteira entre Argentina, Brasil e Paraguai assume em tal processo, comparativamente a outras regiões do Estado do Paraná e do Brasil.
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Oliveira, Fabiana de. "A superação do Paradigma Neoliberal na América Latina: uma análise comparada entre a Argentina Kirchnerista e a Venezuela Bolivariana (2003-2013)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-12092016-131846/.
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O presente trabalho se propõe a comparar duas experiências de instauração dos princípios neoliberais na América Latina, Argentina e Venezuela, seus principais reflexos socioeconômicos e a construção de alternativas que recuperam o protagonismo do Estado como propulsor do desenvolvimento. A combinação de diversos elementos recorrentes na história política da América Latina, tais como os constantes e agudos distúrbios socioeconômicos e a fragilidade das instituições, constituíram um terreno fértil para que se implementasse de maneira acrítica um conjunto de políticas de caráter ortodoxo que levariam a um dos mais profundos processos de concentração de renda já existentes na história do sistema capitalista. O esgotamento deste modelo, no entanto, evidenciado pelos massivos protestos populares que tomaram as ruas das principais cidades argentinas e venezuelanas, assim como pelo risco que representou de que novas rupturas democráticas ocorressem nestes países, criou o cenário necessário para que projetos políticos progressistas encabeçados por outsiders da política nacional chegassem ao poder. As vitórias eleitorais de Hugo Chávez na Venezuela e de Néstor Kirchner na Argentina foram, então, a expressão não apenas do fracasso do neoliberalismo como modelo econômico na América Latina, como também da certeza de que os problemas sociais não podiam ser resolvidos por outro ator que não o Estado. A profundidade das reformas que foram promovidas por estes governos não nos impede, no entanto, de reconhecer as contradições que engendram e o bastante limitado êxito que tiveram suas iniciativas de transformar as estruturas econômicas dos seus respectivos países. É, por tanto, fundamental que busquemos compreender a estes fenômenos de maneira profunda e esta investigação representa um esforço neste sentido. O presente trabalho busca, portanto, comparar os projetos nacionais desenvolvidos na Argentina e na Venezuela entre 2003 e 2013 com o fim de observar se, de fato, tais processos apresentam importante grau de flexibilização do neoliberalismo, ademais de analisar se a construção dos novos arranjos econômicos, sociais e partidários nestes países nos permitem afirmar que a Argentina e a Venezuela caminham em direção à implementação de um modelo econômico que possa ser caracterizado como neodesenvolvimentista.<br>This present work intends to compare two experiences of establishment of neoliberal principles on Latin America, Argentina and Venezuela, its main socioeconomic reflections and the construction of alternatives that retrieve the role of the State as the propeller of the development. The combination of several recurring elements in the political history of Latin America, such as the constant and acute socioeconomic disturbances and the fragility of the institutions, composed a fertile ground for the implementation in an acritic manner a set of orthodoxy character policies that led to one of the most deep processes of income concentration ever existent in the history of the capitalist system. The depletion of this model, however, evidenced by the massive popular protests which took the streets of the main cities of Argentina and Venezuela, as well as by the risk it represented if new democratic ruptures occurred in those countries, created the necessary scenery for progressionist political projects headed by outsiders of the national politic to arrive into the power. The electoral victories of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Néstor Kirchner in Argentina were, then, the expression not only of the failure of neoliberalism as an economic model in Latin America, as well as the certitude that social problems could not be solved by other actors besides the State. The depth of the reforms promoted by these governments does not inhibit us, however, from acknowledging the contradictions that engender and the very limited outcome their initiatives to transform the economic structures of its respective countries had. It is, therefore, imperative seeking to comprehend these phenomena in a deeper manner and this investigation represents an effort in that direction. Hence, the present work seeks to compare the national projects developed in Argentina and Venezuela between 2003 and 2013 as a way to observe if, de facto, such projects present an important degree of flexibility of the neoliberalism, besides analyzing if the construction of new economic, social and party arrangements in these countries allow us to state that Argentina and Venezuela move towards the implementation of an economic model that can be characterized as neodevelopmentist.
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Bowling, Jeremy. "Deconstructing liberalism : are the criticisms associated with neoliberal economic policies universal? /." View online, 2009. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211131565112.pdf.
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Bhardwaj, Punita. "Neoliberalism and education: A case study on Quebec." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=97099.
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Neoliberal policies and globalization have significant implications for public education. This case study on Québec will examine how neoliberalism and globalization influence two aspects of its educational system. The first aspect will focus on the processes of privatization and marketization in Québec. These processes not only enable private interests to influence public education but also obfuscate the relationship between educational inequality and social inequality. The second aspect will focus on recent educational reforms which determined that globalization has significant implications for Québec education. The Québec Education Program was devised in a context where curriculum had to adapt to the changing nature of work amidst greater economic integration and more information technology. This case study will end with a chapter that is dedicated to teacher trade unionism in Québec, Canada and North America. It is through these struggles that neoliberal ideology is challenged and alternative visions for public education are presented as concrete aims.<br>La mondialisation et les politiques néolibérales ont des conséquences importantes au niveau de l'éducation publique. Cette étude examine l'influence du néolibéralisme et de la mondialisation sur deux aspects du système d'éducation au Québec. Le premier concerne les processus de privatisation et de marchandisation. Ces derniers non seulement permettent aux intérêts privés d'influencer l'éducation publique, mais occultent également le rapport entre les inégalités éducatives et les inégalités sociales. Le deuxième aspect porte sur la récente réforme scolaire qui illustre l'impact considérable de la mondialisation sur le système éducatif au Québec. Le Programme de formation de l'école québécoise a été élaboré dans un contexte d'ajustement du curriculum scolaire aux changements apportés à la nature même du travail par le renforcement des intégrations économiques et la prolifération des technologies de l'information. Le chapitre final est consacré à l'activité syndicale dans le domaine de l'enseignement au Québec, au Canada et en Amérique du Nord. C'est à travers ces luttes sociales que l'idéologie néolibérale est contestée et que des alternatives en matière d'éducation publique sont présentées en termes d'objectifs concrets.
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Johnston, Patrick James. "Working with comics : labour, neoliberalism and alternative cartooning." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/65444/.
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The 21st century has seen an unprecedented rise in the volume of comics and graphic novels being produced and consumed and in scholarly interest in the form, with the interdisciplinary field of Comics Studies rising to become a vibrant global community with a significant body of work and an established academic infrastructure. Alternative comics and graphic novels - those outside of the superhero genre-dominated corporate publishing structures of Marvel and DC - have driven this rise and the ensuing legitimation of the form. What defines the specific nature of alternative comics and what they are is the particular work and labour of alternative cartoonists. This work is, in turn, characterized and defined by specific tensions between auteurism (driven by neoliberalism and late capitalism's veneration of the individual and the entrepreneur) and collective production (driven by the sociological perspective of works of art always being the product of many hands). This thesis is an attempt to present specific examples of where these tensions are exhibited and, as a result, to offer new accounts of the specific nature of comics work. It is also an attempt to move away from the formalism that has dominated the field of comics studies and to move towards an understanding of comics as cultural work, informed by an understanding of comics through their creators and an approach that allows comics practice to inform comics theory. Each chapter of this thesis examines a specific aspect of the culture of working in contemporary comics, contextualised within neoliberal political economy and consistently bridging the gap between auteurism and collective production. These include the portrayal of art school and comics' engagement with institutions; the direct portrayal of work itself in alternative comics; the use of colour in comics, which here facilitates a reading of the effects of the technical conditions of production on the content and construction of comics; and finally, the effects of digital culture and new disruptive technologies on the production, distribution and consumption of comics, and how this contributes to a present and future understanding of the figure of the auteur cartoonist. Drawing these chapters together, the thesis concludes with a presentation of the auteur cartoonist as one who drives the contemporary culture of comics and graphic novels in the emerging dialectic of comics work. Comics work is thus situated as a political act and a site of resistance and rebellion through collective production.
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Wagner, Keith. "Allegories of dispossession : neoliberalism and proletarian global cinema." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2013. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/allegories-of-dispossession(9fc3153e-d2bc-48c1-bc2b-c02c4c59a7c4).html.
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This thesis attempts to theorize how precarious work—poorly paid, flexible, on call, even part-time employment—is pronounced in the global cinema of filmmakers Jia Zhangke, Park Chan-wook, Neill Blomkamp and Sebastian Silva. The images of the urban worker envisaged by these global directors show Chinese, Korean, Chilean and South African working classes as less attuned to the predatory nature of neoliberalism and the uncertainty they face: overwork, downward mobility, beckoning consumerism often out of reach, physical exhaustion, strains on family ties and worst of all, the lingering threat of destitution. These hardships point, at least since the late 1990s, to the insertion of a precarious worker in global cinema. With this in mind, much cinematic precarity is demonstrable to flaws in our current network society, wherein nomadic dispersal and managerial hegemony are part of a neoliberal agenda to dismantle any type of collective bargaining and shared prosperity. But these cinematized conditions must be read “against the grain,” where to conceive of workplace precarity we must go beyond The Maid and The World as compelling “foreign melodramas,” District 9 as video game inspired “science fiction” and, finally, Oldboy and Sympathy for Mr. Vengeance as depoliticized “neo-noir.” To see them as labor films advances our understanding of the transformation of labor practices in advanced capitalist systems (Neilson and Rossiter 2005). It also, in a double move, exposes the inadequacy of the phrase and category of “world cinema” and its institutionally homogenous and problematic orientation to comprise new cultural capital—itself, another form of work. Thus by rephrasing world cinema to global cinema acknowledges its own material production as well as its artistic and social value, in that we understand any particular instance or text to be globally orientated. More specifically, individual chapters will be based on the relational phenomena that show political and economic forces at work, or—allegories of dispossession—which mark and differentiate spaces within these urban centers for its proletarians: neoliberalism, particularly in its geo-cultural manifestations. To date, two monographs and two anthologies in film studies deal with labor and its revivification in a contemporary (but also Western) context: Broe, 2009; Nystrom, 2009; James & Berg, 2001; and Zaniello, 2003. In light of this gap in research, this project examines how cinematic formations of the proletarian can lead to new articulations about national identity, race relations, urban citizenship, unstable labor networks and their social interactions under neoliberal globalization.
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Shao, Li. "Arts Clusters in Beijing: Socialist Heritage and Neoliberalism." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1440187418.
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Uscotti, Leonardo <1991>. "At the Core of Neoliberalism: A Critical Account of the Major Theories of Neoliberalism and an Analysis of the Neoliberal Subjectivity." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/7868.
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Starting from the banal observation that the optimistic promises of our globalized neoliberal society clash with the undeniable truth of rampant economic inequality, poverty, anxiety and insecurity; and from the fact that few individuals manage to “success” in the ruthless and all-embracing mechanisms of competition and workfare of enterprises, I investigate what exactly is meant by “neoliberalism”.
Thus, in the first part of this dissertation, I examine the most important theories and interpretations of neoliberalism. I acknowledge that the neo-Marxist and the neo-Foucauldian accounts are the most relevant interpretations of neoliberalism; yet I argue that they are not entirely compatible with each other. I underline the limits of several neo-Marxist accounts and support the hypothesis that a neo-Foucauldian perspective has more explanatory power as it discloses several peculiar points of neoliberalism. In particular, I argue that the Foucauldian analysis of the human capital theory paves the way for one of the most effective critique of neoliberalism today.
In the second part of this dissertation, adopting a neo-Foucauldian perspective, I advance a critique of the neoliberal subjectivity, mainly analysing the field of contemporary Human Resource Management.
Finally, in the third part, I acknowledge that the analyses I carried out in the second part of my dissertation, focused on the “microphysics” side of power, need to be constantly verified by concrete empirical in-depth macro-analyses of the society. In this sense, I recover the work of Antonio Gramsci and try to link it with that of Michel Foucault.
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Diaz-Isenrath, Maria Cecilia. "Maquinas de pesquisa : o estatuto do saber no capitalismo informacional." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280495.
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Orientador: Laymert Garcia dos Santos<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T13:22:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2008<br>Resumo: A tese propõe uma discussão das implicações da informacionalização da produção de conhecimento. Indagamos como se transformam as condições de produção, transmissão e apropriação do conhecimento nos meios tecnocientíficos. A partir da análise do
desenvolvimento de um motor de busca na web, de um congresso sobre gestão de conhecimento e de descrições de protocolos de rede e sistemas de bancos de dados, propomos uma reflexão sobre tais mudanças. Analisamos a relação entre os meios informacionais e as técnicas de auditoria, monitoramento e controle como ¿modos de governo¿, no sentido de Foucault. Considerando, por outro lado, como os discursos sobre as tecnologias fazem parte das tecnologias, elaboramos a hipótese de que nas correntes neoliberais da economia e nas teorias da informação o trabalho, tal como entendido pela economia política clássica, cede o lugar ao problema da otimização da alocação de recursos. A tese pretende contribuir ao esforço mais amplo de discutir como, no neoliberalismo, diversas realidades humanas e não humanas se fazem inteligíveis<br>Abstract: This thesis discusses the effects of the informationalization of the production of knowledge. We examine how the conditions of production, transmission and appropriation of knowledge are currently being transformed within technoscientific milieus. We do this through an analysis of the development of a search engine, of a congress on knowledge management, as well as through a description of network protocols and data base systems. We analyze the relationship between informational milieus and auditing, monitoring and control techniques as ¿means of government¿, as defined by Foucault. Furthermore, considering how the discourses on technologies are part of technologies themselves, we suggest that within mainstream economics and theories of information, the focus is shifting from labor ¿ as defined in classical political economy¿ to the problem of optimizing the allocation of resources. This study aims at contributing to a broader discussion on how, within neoliberalism, different human and non-human realities are being made intelligible<br>Doutorado<br>Ciencias Sociais<br>Doutor em Ciências Sociais
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Jorge, Heber Rebouças. "Terceirizar, flexibilizar, precarizar = um estudo crítico sobre a terceirização do trabalho." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279266.
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Orientador: Ricardo Antunes<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T02:48:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2011<br>Resumo: Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo empreender um estudo crítico sobre o fenômeno da terceirização do trabalho; devido a sua amplitude, isto é, a velocidade, em escala global e nas últimas décadas, com que veio difundindo-se nos mais variados setores de atividades, tanto na esfera pública quanto na esfera privada; porque deixou de ser realizada apenas nos serviços de apoio para atingir as atividades centrais das empresas; e porque trouxe conseqüências políticas importantes, isto é, do enfraquecimento dos laços de solidariedade entre os trabalhadores (efetivos e terceirizados) a fragilidade de suas representações e práticas sindicais. Para tanto, e sob a luz das transformações ocorridas no mundo do trabalho (das quais a reestruturação produtiva e o programa neoliberal são expressão), apresentamos, entre outros, a origem deste novo (e, ao mesmo tempo, velho) fenômeno; as suas principais formas e os seus desdobramentos no cenário brasileiro; a intrínseca relação com a flexibilização e a precarização do trabalho; os aspectos jurídicos e as leis que permitem tal prática; e, por fim, a terceirização enquanto estratégia fundamental do capital, pois ao mesmo tempo em que possibilita ganhos expressivos em lucratividade (e/ou redução de custos, frente a este cenário), a mesma permite aos capitalistas um maior controle sobre a força de trabalho<br>Abstract: This research aimed to undertake a study on the phenomenon of labour outsourcing due to the speed and amplitude it reached on recent decades. It has spread fastly among various sectors of activities, on a global scale, both within the public and private domains. And it also ceased to be performed only in support services, reaching the enterprises core activities. The labour outsourcing has important political consequences: the weakening of the bonds of solidarity among workers (both between workers hired directly by the enterprise and those outsourced) and of their representations and union practices. In light of the changes occurring in the world of work (including the restructuring of production and the neoliberal program), we present the origin of this new (and at the same time old) phenomenon, its main forms, and their consequences on the Brazilian context. We also present the intrinsic relation between flexibility and precariousness of work; legal aspects that allows this practices and, last but not least, we state that the phenomenon is a key strategy of capital. With that we mean that by enabling significant gains in profitability (and/or reducing costs), the labour outsourcing allows the capitalists to have a greater control over the workforce<br>Mestrado<br>Trabalho, Cultura e Ambiente<br>Mestre em Sociologia
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Melo, Tarso Menezes de. "Ambiguidade e resistência: direito, política e ideologia na neoliberalização constitucional." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2139/tde-10052011-092250/.
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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar como o direito, ao passo em que exerce função essencial como instrumento de dominação entre classes sociais, apresenta-se também como importante instrumento de resistência política da classe trabalhadora. Tal importância ultrapassa a simples efetividade das normas no campo jurídico e ganha especial relevância na forma como se traduzem juridicamente as lutas de classes, o que faz com que as reivindicações políticas transformadas em direitos, por mais que em grande medida se neutralizem de acordo com os interesses hegemônicos, permaneçam no horizonte político da sociedade, alimentando a tensão por transformação social. Para tanto, este trabalho percorre um itinerário teórico dividido em três movimentos. Inicialmente, estuda a forma como se constitui e complexifica a noção de ideologia nas obras de Karl Marx, desde as obras iniciais até sua reflexão mais madura. O segundo movimento é dedicado a localizar o papel exercido pelo direito no conjunto da ideologia social e indaga as possibilidades de uma teoria da ideologia jurídica. Em seu terceiro e último movimento, a fim de demonstrar concretamente a problemática da tese, dedica-se à investigação da relação entre ambiguidade e resistência no caso dos direitos sociais, em especial os direitos dos trabalhadores previstos na Constituição brasileira de 1988, cuja vigência se dá sob forte pressão neoliberal. Neste passo, aproveita-se fartamente do diálogo com a sociologia crítica do trabalho contemporânea, no intuito de verificar como as lutas concretas dos trabalhadores transitam entre o direito, a política e a ideologia.<br>The present work intends to show how law plays not only an essential function as an instrument of domination between social classes, but it is also an important element of working class political resistance. This importance exceeds the rules established in the juridical field and reaches special relevance in the way that it translates class struggles, what makes political claims turned into rights, in spite of the fact that its large measure could be neutralized according to hegemonic interests, remaining on the societys political surface, feeding the social transformation tension. This work follows a theoretical line divided in three movements. Firstly, it studies the way that ideological notion in Karl Marxs work is established and complexified, since the beginning of his works until the most mature ideas developed by him. The second movement intends to find the role played by law in the social ideological field questioning the possibilities of a juridical ideologys theory. The third and last movement, is developed with the main intention to show effectively what this thesis is all about, it also proposes an investigation on the relations between ambiguity and resistance in social rights case, mainly based on workers rights provided in 1988s Brazilian Constitution under the neoliberal pressure. In this sense the discourse of the contemporary critical sociology of work is widely used, aiming to verify how real working class fights flows through the law, politics and ideology.
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Morita, Dai. "The Roles of Nationalism in Neoliberalisation The Case of Neoliberalisation and Nationalism in Recent Japan." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science and Communication, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1809.
Full textAbstract:
As Karl Polanyi explained in his famous book, The Great Transformation,
freeing economic life from social and political controls was tried and promoted firstly
in England in the mid-nineteenth century by constructing the free market that operated
independently of social needs. This new type of economy allowed prices of all goods,
including money, land and labour, to be changeable without regard to their effects on
society. The creation of the free market was achieved by demolishing previous
markets, which were embedded in society with many kinds of regulations. Today,
what transnational organisations, including the World Trade Organisation, the
International Monetary Fund and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
Development, are trying to achieve seems to have many similarities with the great
transformation in the mid-nineteenth century.
In the early 20th century the laissez-faire economy was challenged by a series
of world incidents, including World War I, the Great Depression and World War II. In
the post-war period, the Western world adopted the so-called Keynesian compromise,
in which the foreign currency exchange rate was fixed to the US dollar, and the state
intervened to keep a clear division of domestic and international economy and to
maintain the welfare of society, while international trade, especially financial trade,
was limited.1 The situation gradually changed from the mid 1970s when the fixed
currency exchange was lifted, and the velocity of change accelerated during the 1980s.
Known as neoliberalisation, various markets, including the financial market, had been
liberalized, and post-war Keynesian welfare states were dismantled in a number of
nation-states. In the 1990s, neoliberalisation became a global phenomenon with the
emergence of international and regional institutions, including the World Trade
Organisation (WTO), the World Bank, the North America Free Trade Area (NAFTA)
and the European Union (EU), playing an important role in neoliberal economic
reforms and structural adjustments in not only developed countries, but also in
undeveloped and developing countries. Almost all nation-states in the world became
part of the process of neoliberalisation, and therefore neoliberalisation is often used
interchangeably with globalisation.
Similar to the laissez-faire economy in the period of 19th century, current
ongoing neoliberalisation transformed our society by causing a number of social
issues and problems. The unprecedented volume of global financial trade created
great uncertainty in a highly interdependent international economy, and made our
domestic daily life more and more volatile through the connection to the international
economy. Unequal development in the global north and south became increasingly
1 Robert Gilpin, The Political Economy of International Relations (New Jersey, 1987), pp. 131-2.
7
noticeable, and inside nation-states the social gap has been increasing. Moreover, the
erosion of other social spheres by expanding the sphere of economy prompts ordinary
people into the world of mass consumption and induces consumerism and atomism
while excluding them from the important political and economic decision-making
processes. The same period saw a revival of nationalism. Nationalism can be seen as a
countermovement against current ongoing globalisation, like Islamic fundamentalism,
but the revitalisation of nationalism also can be seen in the developed north during the
process of neoliberalisation, like cultural nationalism in the US under Reagan
administration.
Encountering and seeing neoliberalisation and the revival of nationalism
simultaneously, we face to a theoretical paradox that neoliberalism and nationalism
appear to be in conflict with each other, in the sense that while neoliberalism’s
ideology is methodologically and normatively individualist, nationalism is premised
on collectivist interests and sentiments. Yet politically, and particular in recent
Japanese politics, they seem to be compatible and even mutually reinforcing. To
explore and elucidate this apparently contradictory relationship, this thesis presents an
analysis of neoliberalisation and the roles of nationalism in neoliberalisation in the
developing north, using the case of Japan.
28
Chamorro, Ríos Catalina. "Configuración del marco de regulación laboral de Chile y Argentina en la trayectoria del capitalismo neoliberal latinoamericano: la dinámica de las reformas laborales durante la década del 2000." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/665679.
Full textAbstract:
Esta investigación realiza un análisis comparado de la configuración del marco de regulación laboral para la década del 2000 en Chile y Argentina observando la dinámica de la contienda política de las reformas que lo impulsan. La relación entre la configuración de la legislación laboral y el ámbito político bajo un enfoque comparativo de carácter histórico y regional es una de las cuestiones principales que en esta investigación se aborda. Se observa que el fuerte legado del proceso dictadura-transición en Latinoamérica en el contexto de las transformaciones económico-productivas influye en la configuración del poder de los trabajadores, afectando principalmente la representación de sus intereses en el escenario laboral actual.
29
Esquirol, Meritxell. "Femininity, neoliberalism and popular culture: the depolitization of feminism." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/285781.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis intends to analyze the logics of representation of contemporary femininity in the popular imagery that has instrumentalized feminism. Such is the case of the transmedia narrative The Twilight Saga, the cultural franchise of 50 Shades of Grey, and TV fiction Girls. All of these cultural products have earned an important position in contemporary cultural consumption, invite a form of cultural participation closely linked to the consumer industry, and propose female ideals characterized by a strong sentiment of freedom of choice. However, these ideals are inserted within an androcentric, heteronormative discourse that redirects femininity toward a traditional narrative order. In my analysis we will point out how, under the illusion of a free and autonomous social participation, a meritocratic system of social regulation where feminist criticism stands out as redundant is legitimized. I analyze how the neoliberal economic and socio-cultural project, which develops the idea of an (allegedly) democratic society, promotes the illusion that women enjoy a high social participation and visibility from which they can construct their cultural identity, celebrating feelings of freedom, choice, and female empowerment.
30
McKinlay, Paul. "Neoliberalism and its effect on education in Latin America /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2005. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19063.pdf.
Full text
31
au, T. Carroll@murdoch edu, and Toby James Carroll. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070717.113619.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the
World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the
promotion of a new form of neoliberalism socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN)
which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington
consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade
liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal
markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously
specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It
stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions.
Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very
environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes
important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in
an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus:
insufficient progress in reform implementation.
SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy
matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the
implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing
less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable
clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at
extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC,
it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and
deeply embed policy which make it distinct.
Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the
underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations
between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within
these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A
feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of
these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means
that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what
occurs on the ground.
32
Carroll, Toby. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism /." Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070717.113619.
Full text
33
Ewan, Pauline. "Neorealism, neoliberalism and military aerospace collaboration in western Europe." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289885.
Full text
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Parraguez-Camus, Carla Fernanda. "Evaluating the injuries of neoliberalism in Chile, 1973-2015." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7928/.
Full textAbstract:
This study of the neoliberal experiment in Chile from 1973 to 2015 uses the social harm approach. It offers an alternative evaluation of the benefits and harms of the experiment, the ways in which Chileans understand its consequences and where the legitimacy of the model unravels. The study refines the conceptualisation and measurement of social harm, marrying the notion of harm with the Marxist theory of contradictions. The research design is multimethod, incorporating analysis of 59 semi-structure interviews with secondary quantitative data. The study captures and describes not only a wide array of harms and injuries in the reconfiguration of social dynamics under neoliberalism, but also investigates how these harms have been justified and challenged over time. The study finds that there are areas in which the model has brought benefits to Chileans, but these benefits are flawed. The study critiques the neoliberal conceptualisation of harms as the 'price worth paying' for social prosperity. It concludes that the 'winners' of the model are very few, while those harmed populate the Chilean social structure from top to bottom. This study argues for a normative scenario to move toward a less harmful society.
35
Viktorin, Mattias. "Exercising Peace : Conflict Preventionism, Neoliberalism, and the New Military." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Socialantropologiska institutionen, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-8141.
Full textAbstract:
This study takes the changing role of the military as a starting point for exploring a set of broader ongoing processes at the intersection of security and humanitarianism. The focus is on one particular assemblage, described here as conflict preventionism. This notion brings together the transformation of the military, the proliferation of civil-military cooperation, and the increasing interest in managing and preventing violent conflicts within a single framework. As such, conflict preventionism helps render visible how various actors, concepts, and organizational techniques converge in emergent forms of intervention. The research was carried out during the planning, execution, and evaluation of Viking 03, a civil-military exercise organized in 2003 by the Swedish Armed Forces. An examination of Viking 03 evinces intriguing resemblances between conflict preventionism and organizational facets of neoliberalism, epitomized by increasingly ubiquitous concepts such as “partnership,” “transparency,” and “evaluation.” Also, it shows that conflict preventionism does not settle on one particular understanding of conflict, but rather imposes directionality on contemporary engagements with the world.
36
Garza, Jorge. "Gentrification, Neoliberalism and Place Displacement and Resistance in Flagstaff." Thesis, Northern Arizona University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13423758.
Full textAbstract:
<p> This thesis connects the lived experience of displacement to the greater paradigm of neoliberalism. The presence of neoliberalism is insidious and ubiquitous and yet even its existence is disputed in the literature. Neoliberalism is not only capitalism on steroids, bigger and in more places, but a new regime of logic that reduces human relations to profit, naturalizes competition and pushes responsibility onto the individual. Urban space in America and especially the process of gentrification, the reshaping of the built environment to facilitate profit, is a powerful space of expression of neoliberal policies in everyday life. Displacement is a violent and dehumanizing realization of the commodification of land. This research follows the lived experience of families displaced from a mobile home park in Flagstaff, Arizona. Residents received a letter of eviction a week before Thanksgiving of 2017 and the mobile home park was boarded up by July of the following year. Through in-depth interviews with the residents and participant observation in the ensuing movement to keep these families in their homes, this research compiles the lived experience of these individuals and provides an analysis of their situation. Paulo Freire argued that every person has the ability to understand and build solutions to their reality in them. This research hopes to illuminate the lived experience of neoliberalism, gentrification, and offer a powerful message of generative solidarity collaboratively distilled from the experience of the displaced residents.</p><p>
37
Pountney, Jonathan. "The afterlife of Raymond Carver : authenticity, neoliberalism and influence." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-afterlife-of-raymond-carver-authenticity-neoliberalism-and-influence(429c92c2-888e-4bde-90ab-037a112a6ea4).html.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the afterlife of Raymond Carver in relation to a number of important writers and artists that claim Carver as an influence and who are working within countries or cultures that have recently made, or are in the process of making, the transition from embedded liberalism to neoliberalism. This project argues that while Carver's influence has been conventionally limited to what critic A.O. Scott calls 'a briefly fashionable school of experimental fiction', in recent years his writing has come to represent a 'return' to a more 'real' form of literature, one that, his advocates would argue, is more 'authentic' than other kinds of recent writing. Carver's 'authenticity' is closely tied to the idea that his fiction is a response to his own working-class experience and is seen to be more broadly synecdochic of the socioeconomic struggles faced by many other Americans during this period. Given the cultural and aesthetic differences between Carver's life and work, and those studied in the main chapters of this thesis - Jay McInerney, Haruki Murakami and Alejandro González Iñárritu - I argue that Carver's afterlife is best viewed as being a social phenomenon, born out of the social relations, historical circumstances and economic forms that resulted from the US's move to neoliberalism in the late-1970s. My introduction historicizes this transition and argues that while Carver may have struggled to make productive sense of his socioeconomic circumstance, it affected his life in very pointed and particular ways, trapping him between the conventional American dream of individual freedom and equal opportunity and the reality of inequality and social immobility. For those who claim Carver as an influence, his fiction represents a zone where the difference between hegemonic narratives and lived experience is explored and embodies a model of how to negotiate, for better or worse, the complex and shifting foundations of this recent political transition. My introduction then continues to argue that of equal importance to Carver's afterlife is the fact that, in his late-writing in particular, Carver's work represents a 'retreat' from the shortterm, competition-based notions of neoliberal labour towards a non-incorporated residual alternative that has particular artisanal tenets associated with craftsmanship. Carver's texts operate beyond their initial cultural and historical moment by becoming distinctive sites of resistance to the hegemonic norms of late-capitalism. In this way, I argue, Carver's 'authenticity' combines with a consolatory craftsmanship to become a coping mechanism that offers other writers and artists working in neoliberalism a way of navigating a world which seems to exceed the frame of conceptual mapping. By working through a series of short case studies on Stuart Evers, Denis Johnson and Ray Lawrence, and then moving on to more detailed explorations in my three central chapters, this thesis will consider how this is the case in relation to a number of important artists who claim Carver as an influence. Chapter one utilises my archival research to historicize the relationship between Carver and McInerney and argues that Carver's pedagogy pushed McInerney towards the idea that the writing process is connected to residual narratives of American craft. It also contends that many of the orthodox ideas that Carver held about literature proved particularly enabling for McInerney's novel Brightness Falls, which, through parody and satire, signals a retreat from postmodern experimentation towards a more 'Carveresque' realism. Chapter two similarly chronicles Carver's relationship with Murakami and argues that, for Murakami, Carver's fiction is an important example of writing that explores the difference between hegemonic narratives and lived experience. The chapter moves on to argue that what some critics view as Carver's reformed post-alcoholic fiction helped facilitate Murakami's own unorthodox spiritual response to the twin tragedies of the Kobe earthquake and Tokyo gas attack in 1995. Chapter three proceeds on slightly different lines in that it considers Iñárritu's Birdman or (The Unexpected Virtue of Ignorance) and argues that while Iñárritu uses Carver as the foundation for his film, the film is particularly interesting because it is, itself, a study of Carver's afterlife. My final chapter suggests that while there is merit in viewing Carver as an 'authentic' artist (a kind of model for negotiating neoliberal culture), the totality of that solution is more ambivalent than his advocates might initially suggest.
38
Büscher-Ulbrich, Dennis. "The New Right, Neoliberalism, and the Real of Capital." Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A21111.
Full text
39
Steffy, Kathryn Marie. "Neoliberalism, the Environmental Protection Agency, and the Chesapeake Bay." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/71680.
Full textAbstract:
Neoliberalism, as the influence of economic considerations within the political process, has impacted environmentalism on a variety of levels. Without regulation, the neoliberal capitalist drive to maximize production, consumption, and profits is antagonistic to environmental sustainability. The influences that corporations and economic elites have within modern democracies holds substantial implications for the rigor and enforcement of environmental policies. Particular to the United States, the Environmental Protection Agency offers numerous illustrations of neoliberal influence within its history and policy practices. These influences inevitably impact the Agency's ability to accomplish the goals of their mission and purpose statements. As seen through regulations such as the Clean Water Act, neoliberal pressure has altered the priorities of government on a federal level to prioritize economic well-being over that of other social goods, such as environmental protection. The Clean Water Act prioritizes economic profitability over environmental protection through cap and trade policies, such as NPDES permits, and legitimizes pollution-causing behavior through TMDLs. Further, the act was weakened by neoliberal forces with the non-point source exemption created for the sake of avoiding economic harm to large industries and its shortcomings are visible within many of the nation's waterways, including the Chesapeake Bay. Through a case study, this project demonstrates how the neoliberal influences impacting the Environmental Protection Agency has resonated in its policies, like in the abilities of the Clean Water Act to sufficiently clean-up the Chesapeake Bay within its proposed timeline.<br>Master of Arts
40
Marroquin, Melissa. "The New Dystopian Trend: Neoliberalism and the YA text." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1624.
Full textAbstract:
Since the success of J.K. Rowling’s Harry Potter series, the young adult text has functioned as a potential gold mine both in publishing and in commercial film. Within the YA realm, a trend has surfaced which features a formulaic narrative located within a dystopian society. This research closely analyzes two popular works of the YA dystopian boom, The Hunger Games and the Divergent series, in order to outline the vast appeal of such a trend. Once examined, it becomes evident that the trend is one consistently tied to neoliberal ideals of individual achievement.
Using neoliberalism as a lens of investigation, broader connections to youth culture within the contemporary cultural landscape are revealed. Investigating two mainstream favorites of the young adult dystopia has uncovered the notion of individualism that feeds the logic of consumer capitalism. Exploring a range of topics from the role of romance to government intervention, this work highlights the ways in which the trend reinforces the importance of the individual and her freedoms.
41
Carroll, Toby James. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism." Thesis, Carroll, Toby James (2007) The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/506/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the promotion of a new form of neoliberalism - socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN) - which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions. Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus: insufficient progress in reform implementation.
SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC, it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and deeply embed policy which make it distinct.
Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what occurs on the ground.
42
Carroll, Toby James. "The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism." Carroll, Toby James (2007) The politics of the world bank's socio-institutional neoliberalism. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/506/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the promotion of a new form of neoliberalism - socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN) - which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions. Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus: insufficient progress in reform implementation.
SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC, it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and deeply embed policy which make it distinct.
Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what occurs on the ground.
43
Pearce, Anthony Joseph. "Affect, Neoliberalism and Forgiveness in Alonso Cueto's 'Redención' Trilogy." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2018. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/6895.
Full textAbstract:
In the aftermath of the bloody twenty-year internal conflict in Peru, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación, or CVR) documented the massive human rights violations by Sendero Luminoso and the Peruvian state. The CVR contextualized these abuses by producing a broad historical narrative which has fomented the creation of a new discourse in Peruvian cultural production. This thesis is concerned with how the CVR and the post-conflict search for reconciliation have influenced contemporary Peruvian literature. This paper will focus on the ‘Redención' trilogy by novelist Alonso Cueto. The three novels explore notions of forgiveness and reconciliation between perpetrators and victims of the conflict. Beginning with La hora azul (2005), the first chapter investigates the reliance on neoliberal reconciliation logic in the CVR (monetary reparations, etc.) as well as the gestures towards affective exchanges. It also explores the ways in which La hora azul stages these reliances within restitution discourse in Peru. In the second chapter, I examine La pasajera (2015) and further explore the ways in which reconciliation is tied to both affect and neoliberal logic. This leads to a discussion on how affect and the free-market work together, rather than as competing systems of exchange and how Cueto emphasizes the proximity of the victim and the perpetrator in the novel. Finally, I conclude by analyzing La viajera del viento (2016). This chapter continues to focus on the proximity of the victim and the perpetrator and how this ethically uncomfortable discourse may actually make way for new modes of forgiveness between victims and perpetrators.
44
AMIN, M. AL. "Development for Whom? Neoliberalism, Microcredit and Women in Bangladesh." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/517881.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigates the following questions: How do microcredit programs contribute to the formation of social capital, poverty alleviation, and empowerment of women in market rationality? What particular kinds of norms and values do microcredit programs nurture through the operation and management of credit? How do microcredit programs maximize the recovery of loans from the poor clients? How and under what contexts do rural women get involved in microcredit programs, and how do they negotiate the changes to traditions and values in coping with these interventions? Following the ethnographic research approach, this study explores these fundamental questions by employing in-depth interviews, case studies, and direct observations as data collection tools. The Foucaultian notions of disciplinary technologies (Foucault, 1977a) and governmentality (1991) have been applied as a theoretical framework to analyze the policies and strategies of microcredit programs of Grameen Bank and BRAC—two leading NGOs in Bangladesh—against the background of neoliberalism.
This study reveals that Grameen Bank and BRAC offer credit by getting poor client women to form self-selected groups, which is a governmental strategy to reduce the transaction cost. Moreover, microcredit programs have reinforced the existing social relationships and utilized the social capital generated by the poor women themselves in order to check the moral hazards of the clients. The loan delivery and operational mechanism appears to have reinforced the existing social inequality along class and gendered lines rather than bridging the gap through the productive management of credit. It is also evident that microcredit programs have disciplined poor clients through the imposition of stringent rules and regulations, which subordinate them to the NGO mandates – in which processes groups, deposit books, and permanent residents act as surveillance for the timely repayment of loan from the poor clients. It also indicates that discipline is more effective on women than men, given the social and cultural contexts of the poor women in rural Bangladesh.
Microcredit has even reached untapped rural areas, where NGOs have come to compete between themselves with their ‘home service’ loan, hoping to cash-in on the poverty of poor women. Thus, the commercialization of microcredit programs reflects the stark reality of the social context in rural Bangladesh due to longstanding poverty and a lack of organizations offering financial services to the poor without the so-called collateral free concept. As a result, the commercial nature of the programs has failed to function as an effective empowering mechanism for women, and has also failed to challenge the patriarchal social structure. Furthermore, microcredit programs appear to have no significant effect in elevating women’s social, economic and political agency to a level that could be effective for improving the intra-household gender relations and raising their status in the community and in broader society. Rather, the conjugal bliss has turned into conflicting relations due to repayment pressure.
Moreover, most of the women belonging to different income groups are found to have not used credit money in productive activities. Therefore, misallocation of credit appears to have been detrimental to the alleviation of poverty of the clients. The only positive effects have been found in the smoothing of consumption for some groups in the upper- and middle- income poor. Credit is found to have been effective in addition to the existing asset base as well as investing credit in income generation projects. It is therefore debt-burden and risk that binds the clients into a vicious loan-and-repayment cycle rather than alleviating their poverty. However, microcredit has been a political strategy of neoliberal governmentality that subordinates poor women into NGO discipline and fosters the global agenda of neoliberalism at the grassroots level in Bangladesh by ensnaring poor women into formal credit practices through their entry into financial market.
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Barbosa, Tatiana Rodrigues [UNESP]. "Repercussões do projeto neoliberal nas práticas educacionais para crianças pequenas." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/97569.
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barbosa_tr_me_assis.pdf: 288885 bytes, checksum: 9adc60dcedfc9c912ca55cc4dbd40c54 (MD5)<br>O estudo histórico sobre a infância e suas relações com a sociedade revela que as expectativas e as preocupações com as crianças, variam de acordo com as relações sociais, culturais e econômicas que se estabelecem nos diferentes movimentos da sociedade; ou seja, os significados atribuídos à infância fazem parte de um processo de construção social. Assim, o conceito de infância não é estável e, a cada época, corresponde ao discurso hegemônico. Na sociedade contemporânea predominam as relações de produção e de consumo, que permeiam as relações sociais. Com o desenvolvimento das chamadas infotelecomunicações, viabilizouse a globalização cultural. Há uma mudança na relação entre adultos e crianças que agora recebem uma influência significativa da mídia e da cultura de consumo. Para melhor compreender questões relacionadas à infância e à sua educação na sociedade contemporânea, é necessário atentar-se às mudanças dos meios de produção, das relações humanas, atravessadas pelos meios de comunicação e às repercussões na vida social e no cotidiano das pessoas. Nesse cenário surgem, para nós, algumas questões: Como se dão as relações humanas e sociais – especialmente entre adultos e crianças – em espaços escolares e como se refletem nas práticas educacionais? Com qual concepção de crianças os educadores estão trabalhando? E, principalmente, em um contexto mais amplo, que tem como centro a ideologia neoliberal: Em que situação os adultos/educadores estariam, enquanto sujeitos que podem sustentar/alterar o paradigma? Assim, o presente trabalho visa investigar como as relações presentes no mundo contemporâneo capitalista, repercutem nas práticas educacionais...<br>The historic research about infancy and its relation with the society reveals that the expectancies and concerns about children vary due to the social, cultural and economic relations that are set in different movements of the society. In other words, the meanings attributed to childhood are part of a social building process. That said, the concept of infancy is not stable and in each time correspond to the hegemonic discourse. In contemporary society predominates relations of production and consumption which permeate social relations. With the development of the so-called infotelecommunications a cultural globalization was set. There has been a change between adults and children relationship that now receives a significant influence of the media and the culture of consumption. For better understanding of some appoints related to infancy and its education in contemporary society is necessary to take notice of changes in means of production, human relations that are crossed by means of communication and repercussion in social life and people’s routines. In that scenary appears to us some questions: How human and social relations are established in school environments – specially between adults and children – and how are them reflected on the educational practices? Which conception of children are the educators working with? And mainly, in a wider context that has neoliberal ideology in its centre in which situation would adults/educators be as subjects that can sustain/change the paradigm? For this reason the present research aims to investigate how the existing relations... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Silva, João Petrucio Medeiros da. "Trabalhadores publicos nas administrações regionais e subprefeituras : uma categoria ameaçada." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/253013.
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Orientador: Aparecida Neri de Souza<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T07:15:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2005<br>Resumo: A política neoliberal e o processo de racionalização, decorrentes da política de reforma do Estado implementada a partir da década de 90, produziram fortes impactos na organização e nas relações de trabalho no setor público, sobretudo, na categoria dos servidores públicos municipais, em particular, os ajudantes de serviços gerais da Prefeitura Municipal de Campinas que prestam serviços nas Administrações Regionais e Subprefeituras.
O processo de privatização, desregulamentação e flexibilização do trabalho largamente empregado pelo Estado, repercutem nos municípios de forma a reproduzir em ampla escala a lógica do processo de racionalização.
A substituição dos trabalhadores efetivos por trabalhadores de contrato temporário de trabalho, o sucateamento da estrutura pública em detrimento da contratação de empresas fornecedoras de serviços, máquinas e equipamentos terceirizados, para além de precarizar as relações de trabalho, acentua de forma drástica o processo de desmonte do Estado no mais claro sinal de sedimentação da política de racionalização.
Nesse sentido, este estudo pretende contribuir para o debate em torno das transformações vivenciadas no mundo do trabalho, cujos impactos e reflexões decorrentes dessa política, apontam para a categoria dos trabalhadores desse setor público, em particular os trabalhadores das Administrações Regionais e Subprefeituras como uma categoria ameaçada<br>Abstract: The neoliberal politic and the racionalization process, became the politic of the new form the State implemented from the 90 decade, produced strong impacts in the organization and in the works relations in the public section, over all, in the part of the municipal public employers, the assistant in the general services in a Campinas city hall who work at Regionals Administration and subcity Hall.
The process of privatization, desregulamentation and work flexibilization applied by State reflect in a cities the form that reproduce the scale in a racionalization of the logic the process.
A change of the fixes workers by temporary workers, a deteriorization the structure public in a damage the contract of the service supplier company, machine and contract equipments besiders precarization the work relationship to emphatically and reflection from this political the drastic form the state dismount process in a signal the sedimentation of the rationalization politic.
In the this direction, that this research intend to contribute with of debate around the transformation lived in the of the world workers such a on impacts originator in that public section, to mark the works category over all form Regional Administration and sub cities Hall how about the menaced category<br>Mestrado<br>Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura<br>Mestre em Educação
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Silva, Leandro Ribeiro 1982. "Os ciclos desenvolvimentistas brasileiros (1930-2010) : do nacional desenvolvimentismo ao novo desenvolvimentismo." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281039.
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Orientadores: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira Costa, Mariano Francisco Laplane<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T23:22:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2013<br>Resumo: O trabalho está centrado na noção de ciclos de desenvolvimento no Brasil ao longo do século XX e a sua retomada no início do século XXI a partir da identificação das correntes de pensamento do desenvolvimento econômico brasileiro. A começar pelo nacional desenvolvimentismo que teve seu auge na década de 50, a tradição de um Estado indutor do desenvolvimento (desenvolvimentistas nacionalistas e do setor público) predominou na história recente do país deixando marcas na formação da sociedade e ditando a dinâmica das transformações sociais. O golpe de 1964 deu outro tom ao desenvolvimento, com a ascensão dos desenvolvimentistas governistas (desenvolvimentistas do setor privado e parte dos nacionalistas), e logo após enfrentou um longo período de decadência até os anos 80. Entendido como um grilhão do passado militar, as políticas desenvolvimentistas bem como as suas forças políticas que as apoiavam passou a ser identificadas com o "pesado passado militar" que tinha ser superado. Desde então o país se mostrou um terreno fértil as influências externas do neoliberalismo que ganharam força na década de 90. O rápido esgotamento desse ideário levou ao reagrupamento dos intelectuais que no passado pensaram o desenvolvimentismo como uma alternativa para o desenvolvimento do país. O movimento ganhou mais consistência no início dos anos 2000 com pensadores - não apenas economistas, apesar de ser maioria - de várias gerações e linhas de pensamento em um novo ciclo que se inicia e recebeu o nome de novo desenvolvimentismo. Não estamos em seu auge, mas certamente em um momento de importantes definições de novas correntes dentro desse novo movimento e de identificação de influencias, que superam as do antigo desenvolvimentismo<br>Abstract: The work is centered on the notion of development cycles in Brazil throughout the twentieth century and its resumption at the beginning of the XXI century by identifying the currents of thought of the Brazilian economic development. Starting with the national developmentalism which had its heyday in the 50s, the tradition of a development-inducing State (nationalist-developmentalists and the public sector) prevailed in the country's recent history, leaving marks on the formation of society and dictating the dynamics of social changes. The 1964 coup set another tone to the development, with the rise of the governing-developmentalists (developmentalists from the private sector and part of the nationalists), and soon after faced a long period of decline until the 80s. Understood as a fetter of the military past, the developmental policies and their political supporters came to be identified as the "heavy military past" that had to be overcome. Since then the country has proved itself as a fertile ground to the external influences of neoliberalism that gained momentum in the 90s. The fast depletion of this ideario led to the reunification of the intellectuals who in the past thought about developmentalism as an alternative to the country's development. The movement gained more consistency in early 2000 with thinkers - not just economists, although they were the most of them - from several generations and lines of thought in a new cycle which was named after New Developmentalism. We are not at its heyday, but certainly in a time of important definitions of new trends within this new movement and of identification of influences that surpass the old developmentalism ones<br>Doutorado<br>Ciencias Sociais<br>Doutor em Ciências Sociais
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Iaderozza, Fábio Eduardo 1961. "Neoliberalismo, sistema de Patentes e a liberalização do biomercado emergente no Brasil na década de 1990 : a privatização do conhecimento tradicional e da biodiversidade nacional." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/287757.
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Orientador: Arlete Moysés Rodrigues<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociências<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T20:02:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2015<br>Resumo: A década de 1990 assistiu ao predomínio de ideais liberais-globalizantes, cuja principal marca foi o processo de privatização nas suas mais variadas formas. A pressão exercida por países do centro para a adoção de um sistema de propriedade industrial mais adequado aos interesses de grupos hegemônicos, fez surgir uma nova legislação sobre Propriedade Industrial no Brasil que abriu a possibilidade para se privatizar as riquezas naturais contidas em território nacional, como aquelas oriundas da biodiversidade, bem como o conhecimento tradicional associado. Levando-se em conta os avanços que estão ocorrendo em áreas como biotecnologia e engenharia genética, tidas como muito promissoras em meio aos novos domínios do capital, o fato de possuir ou ter acesso à biodiversidade tornou-se estratégico para a reprodução ampliada do capital. Diante dessa constatação, a tese analisa o processo histórico no qual se observa à crescente mercantilização da natureza, cujo resultado é a ampliação da produção de mercadorias a partir de suas riquezas, não para atender as necessidades humanas, mas aos interesses do capital. Com os Direitos de Propriedade Industrial cria-se a possibilidade de apropriação, por parte de grandes empresas transnacionais, das riquezas naturais existentes em dado território. Com isso, impõe-se uma nova forma de dominação, não diretamente nas terras, mas no acesso aos recursos genéticos patenteados, expropriando as comunidades tradicionais e os países biodiversos de seus conhecimentos e de suas riquezas. Consideramos esse tipo de apropriação a versão contemporânea dos enclosures, dado que a propriedade cercada e o monopólio são os objetivos finais<br>Abstract: The 1990s faced the predominance of liberal-globalizing ideals, whose main result was the process of privatization in its many forms. The pressure exerted by core countries for the adoption of a system more appropriate industrial property to the interests of hegemonic groups, introduced a new legislative industrial property law in Brazil that opened the possibility of privatizing the natural resources contained in the national territory, such as those arising from biodiversity and the associated traditional knowledge. Taking into consideration the advances that are occurring in areas such as biotechnology and genetic engineering, considered as very promising among the new domain of the capital, the fact of possessing or having access to biodiversity has become strategic for the expanded reproduction of the investment. Considering this fact, the thesis analyzes the historical process in which one observes the increasing commodification of nature, the result of which is the expansion of commodity production from their resources, not to meet human needs, but to the meet the capital interests. The industrial property rights creates the possibility of proprietorship by large transnational companies of the existing natural resources in a given territory. With this, a new form of domination is imposed, not directly on the land, but on the access of the patented genetic resources, expropriating traditional communities and the biodiverse countries of their knowledge and their resources. We consider this type of ownership the contemporary version of the enclosures, as the fenced property and monopoly are the ultimate goals<br>Doutorado<br>Análise Ambiental e Dinâmica Territorial<br>Doutor em Geografia
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Previatti, Areta Held. "Autonomia universit?ria: o que revelam os representantes de institui??es p?blicas e privadas de ensino superior." Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica de Campinas, 2009. http://tede.bibliotecadigital.puc-campinas.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/620.
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Previous issue date: 2009-02-20<br>The subject matter of this study aims to context the university s autonomy regarding superior organs, considering the actual neoliberal scenario. Therefore, we have acknowledged the history of higher education in Brazil, investigating the factors that guide and interfere in the university s autonomy. Moreover, we aimed to investigate how social, political and economic factors influence and interfere in these institutions, indicating until what point the universities have autonomy in their educative, administrative and financial actions. Objecting to collect real data we did six interviews with both public and private university presidents in Sao Paulo state. This collected data was articulated with our theoretical referential in order to develop a critical and problematical analysis. The results obtained reflects that the universities still don t have the autonomy level desired by the majority of the people interviewed and the area experts. However, the fight for a more autonomous university is alive. The university s autonomy is a process that can be taken. We expect by the end of this research to contribute to the discussions regarding the higher education in Brazil.<br>O presente estudo tem como principal problem?tica a contextualiza??o da autonomia das universidades em rela??o aos ?rg?os superiores, dentro do atual ide?rio neoliberal. Procuramos conhecer a hist?ria da educa??o superior, investigar os fatores que regem e interferem na autonomia das universidades, analisar como os elementos sociais, pol?ticos e econ?micos influenciam e interv?m nessas institui??es e por fim, constatar at? que ponto as universidades t?m autonomia nas suas a??es educativas, administrativas e financeiras. A fim de coletar dados da realidade realizamos seis entrevistas com gestores de universidades p?blicas e privadas do estado de S?o Paulo. Esses dados foram articulados com nosso referencial te?rico para uma an?lise cr?tica da problem?tica. Os resultados mostraram que as universidades ainda n?o possuem o grau de autonomia desejado pela maioria dos entrevistados e estudiosos da ?rea, mas a luta por uma universidade mais aut?noma est? viva. A autonomia universit?ria constitui-se como um processo poss?vel de realiza??o. Esperamos, com o t?rmino deste trabalho, contribuir para as discuss?es em rela??o ao ensino superior brasileiro.
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Ferreira, Fran?ois de Oliveira. "Da crise do estado ? democracia como alvo: Observa??es sobre o neoliberalismo a partir de Friedrich Hayek e Milton Friedman." Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2009. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/13557.
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Previous issue date: 2009-03-13<br>The neoliberalism proclaims the crisis of the State in front of globalization , but, approaching two books taken as basic on this theoretical chain - The road to serfdom, of Friedrich Hayek, and Capitalism and Freedom, of Milton Friedman - to analyze this supposed dualism, the conclusion into which we arrive is another one. Remembering liberal tradition and quickly, later, analyzing critically the workmanships, can be perceived that others are the conflicts really gifts in the current capitalist reality - market versus State et capitalism versus democracy - and, from the understanding on the reading made and the theoretical trajectory of its authors, we may see as the neoliberalism locates itself in relation to these conflicts, which polar regions of these antagonisms privileges, what represents the State for itself, and what it intends as much more global philosophy than economic/politics thinking only<br>O neoliberalismo apregoa a crise do Estado diante da globaliza??o , mas, abordando dois livros tidos como fundamentais dessa corrente te?rica O caminho da servid?o, de Friedrich Hayek, e Capitalismo e Liberdade, de Milton Friedman para analisar essa suposta dualidade, a conclus?o a que chegamos ? outra. Recuperada rapidamente a tradi??o liberal e, depois, analisadas criticamente essas obras, pode-se perceber que outros s?o os conflitos realmente presentes na realidade capitalista atual mercado versus Estado et capitalismo versus democracia e, a partir da compreens?o sobre a leitura efetuada e a trajet?ria te?rica de seus autores, v?-se como o neoliberalismo se posiciona em rela??o a esses conflitos, que p?los desses antagonismos privilegia, o que representa o Estado para si, e o que pretende ele como filosofia muito mais totalizante do que meramente econ?mica/pol?tica