Journal articles: 'Neocorporatism'

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MANSBRIDGE, JANE. "A Deliberative Perspective on Neocorporatism." Politics & Society 20, no. 4 (December 1992): 493–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329292020004007.

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Etchemendy, Sebastián. "Uruguay and Contemporary Theories of Wage Coordination: Origins and Stabilization of Segmented Neocorporatism, 2005–2019." Latin American Politics and Society 63, no. 2 (May 2021): 51–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2021.5.

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ABSTRACTThis study seeks to explain the rise and performance of “segmented neocorporatism” in Uruguay in light of contemporary theories of wage coordination, largely framed by the Varieties of Capitalism school and its recent critics. First it argues that the legacy of a centralized labor law framework, and a unified union movement, combined with Frente Amplio’s decisive labor empowerment from above to launch neocorporatist wage coordination in the period 2005–10. Second, it analyzes the stabilization of the coordinated model in 2013–19, in times of sluggish growth and labor tensions, evinced in the control of inflation pressures and social conflict. The article concludes that the macroeconomic combination of supply-side and Keynesian policies and the inclusion of precarious workers shaped an egalitarian version of corporatism with important challenges ahead.

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Nasiritousi, Naghmeh, Mattias Hjerpe, and Karin Bäckstrand. "Normative arguments for non-state actor participation in international policymaking processes: Functionalism, neocorporatism or democratic pluralism?" European Journal of International Relations 22, no. 4 (July 26, 2016): 920–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066115608926.

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The participation of non-state actors in multilateral institutions is often portrayed as one way of decreasing the perceived legitimacy deficit in global governance. The literature on non-state actors has identified several ways in which these actors can enhance the legitimacy of intergovernmental organisations and global governance arrangements. Three partially competing normative arguments, or rationales, for the inclusion of non-state actors in international policymaking — functionalism, neocorporatism and democratic pluralism — have been identified. Whereas functionalism highlights the contribution of non-state actors to output legitimacy in terms of expertise, neocorporatism emphasises the inclusion of affected interests, and democratic pluralism claims that non-state actors increase input legitimacy through procedural values. These three normative arguments thus offer different understandings of the motives for the inclusion and representation of non-state actors in international negotiations and diplomacy. Through a single case study of United Nations climate diplomacy, we analyse the extent to which the three rationales for non-state actor inclusion are found in views held by state and non-state actors participating in the annual United Nations climate change conferences. Our results show that different actor groups place varying degrees of emphasis on the different rationales for non-state actor inclusion, even though the neocorporatist rationale remains most favoured overall. We discuss the implications of our findings for the democratic legitimacy of increasing participation of non-state actors in intergovernmental affairs and recent trends in the participation of non-state actors in the international climate change policymaking process.

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Hicks, Alexander M., and Duane H. Swank. "Politics, Institutions, and Welfare Spending in Industrialized Democracies, 1960–82." American Political Science Review 86, no. 3 (September 1992): 658–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964129.

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We examine the roles of democratic politics and political institutions in shaping social welfare spending in 18 contemporary capitalist democracies. We explore the social spending consequences of government partisanship, electoral competition and turnout, and the self-interested behaviors of politicians and bureaucrats, as well as such relatively durable facets of political institutions as neocorporatism, state centralization, and traditionalist policy legacies. Pooled time series analyses of welfare effort in 18 nations during the 1960–82 period show that electoral turnout, as well as left and center governments increase welfare effort; that the welfare efforts of governments led by particular types of parties show significant differences and vary notably with the strength of oppositional (and junior coalitional) parties; and that relatively neocorporatist, centralized, and traditionalistic polities are high on welfare effort. Overall, our findings suggest that contrary to many claims, both partisan and nonpartisan facets of democratic politics and political institutions shape contemporary social welfare effort.

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Tyan, V. V. "Russian neocorporatism as antineocorporate: urgent management problems." UPRAVLENIE 6, no. 4 (2018): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2018-4-86-94.

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Preminger, Jonathan. "Effective citizenship in the cracks of neocorporatism." Citizenship Studies 21, no. 1 (November 8, 2016): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621025.2016.1252719.

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Ambler, John S. "Neocorporatism and the politics of French education." West European Politics 8, no. 3 (July 1985): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388508424539.

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Marks, Gary. "Neocorporatism and Incomes Policy in Western Europe and North America." Comparative Politics 18, no. 3 (April 1986): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421611.

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Gow, James Iain. "L'état, le citoyen et l'industrie: le cas de la MIUF." Canadian Journal of Political Science 29, no. 2 (June 1996): 335–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900007745.

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AbstractFrom 1977 to 1982, the Canadian government funded the installation of urea formaldehyde foam insulation (UFFI) in Canadian homes, then banned the product and subsequently paid homeowners who wished to have it removed. Then, in 1991, the case brought by the “victims” against the makers was found in Quebec Superior Court to be not proven. This article argues that the best way to understand this sequence of events is through a combination of decision theory, neo-institutionalism and postpluralism or neocorporatism.

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Bohle, Dorothee, and Béla Greskovits. "Neoliberalism, embedded neoliberalism and neocorporatism: Towards transnational capitalism in Central-Eastern Europe." West European Politics 30, no. 3 (May 2007): 443–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380701276287.

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Etchemendy, Sebastián, and Ruth Berins Collier. "Down but Not Out: Union Resurgence and Segmented Neocorporatism in Argentina (2003–2007)." Politics & Society 35, no. 3 (September 2007): 363–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329207304318.

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CASTLES, FRANCIS G. "Neocorporatism and the 'happiness index', or what the trade unions get for their cooperation." European Journal of Political Research 15, no. 4 (July 1987): 381–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1987.tb00883.x.

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Alfonso R., Óscar A. "Arreglos neocorporatistas en la política habitacional. Un análisis de los Macroproyectos de Interés Social Nacional en Colombia." Territorios, no. 40 (January 1, 2019): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.12804/revistas.urosario.edu.co/territorios/a.6449.

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El Estado contemporáneo tiene varias facetas. La del neocorporatismo es una forma moderna de representación de intereses que, en el caso de la política habitacional en Colombia, tomó cuerpo en un arreglo para producir suelo edificable con proyectos habitacionales para hogares pobres que enfrentó el impasse de la autonomía local en el ordenamiento territorial. La manera como se resolvió tal inconveniente es analizada con el empleo de una periodización ad hoc que pone de manifiesto que el arreglo neocorporatista de los Macroproyectos de Interés Social Nacional se produjo para enfrentar la crisis recesiva del sector constructor ocurrida en la coyuntura de 2008.

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Rodrigues, Lúcia Lima, Delfina Gomes, and Russell Craig. "CORPORATISM, LIBERALISM AND THE ACCOUNTING PROFESSION IN PORTUGAL SINCE 1755." Accounting Historians Journal 30, no. 1 (June 1, 2003): 95–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.30.1.95.

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This paper introduces some significant developments in the history of the Portuguese accounting profession. It does so with a view to providing a facilitative foundation of knowledge upon which further analysis and critique can be undertaken. Five developmental periods since 1755 are identified: (i) Corporatist Absolute Monarchy (1755–1820) (ii) Liberal Monarchy (1820–1890) (iii) Waning Liberalism and Rising Corporatism (1891–1926) (iv) Corporatist Dictatorship (1926–1974) and (v) Emerging Liberal Democracy and Neocorporatism (1974 until the present). The accounting profession's chequered history is analysed through episodes of regulation and deregulation. These episodes are associated with Portugal's pervading social, economic and political context and are dichotomised broadly as either “corporatist” or “liberal”. Relationships between episodes of regulation and periods of “corporatism” are highlighted, together with associations between episodes of de-regulation and periods of “liberalism”. A better understanding emerges of factors instrumental in the emergence of a well respected and rapidly growing accounting profession in Portugal.

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HIWATARI, NOBUHIRO. "Adjustment to Stagflation and Neoliberal Reforms in Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States." Comparative Political Studies 31, no. 5 (October 1998): 602–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031005003.

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This article explains why the stagflation and neoliberal reforms that reinforced party polarization in the United Kingdom and the United States instead led to party convergence in Japan. In Japan, industry-centered adjustment and bureaucratic coordination distributed the costs of policy changes across societal groups and facilitated party convergence, whereas the lack of such societal and state institutions in the United Kingdom and the United States led to policy changes with polarizing consequences. Focusing on industry-centered adjustment brings the unions back into Japanese politics and provides an alternative to the pluralism-neocorporatism dichotomy of organizing societal interests. Bureaucratic coordination not only includes the opposition in the framework but also provides a more nuanced view than is assumed in the debate over whether the ruling party of the bureaucracy dominates the Japanese state. When combined, these conceptualizations of market and state go a long way toward explaining the dynamics of party competition.

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DeDominicis, Benedict Edward. "Global Interdependency and Strategic Neocorporatism: The Social Identity Dynamics of Progressive Social Movements Utilizing International Sustainable Development Regimes." International Journal of Climate Change: Impacts and Responses 14, no. 1 (2021): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1835-7156/cgp/v14i01/107-128.

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17

Rehfeldt, Udo. "Industrial relations in France." Employee Relations 40, no. 4 (June 4, 2018): 617–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-02-2017-0033.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present the actors, institutions and changing rules of the French system of industrial relations (IR). It questions whether the traditional view of the French model as “state-centric” is still adequate. Design/methodology/approach Based on institutionalist IR theories of social regulation and neocorporatism, the paper analyses the evolution of the French IR system from a “State-centric” model to the development of collective bargaining, both at the sector and company level, as well as of tripartite concertation. Findings Initially based on adversarial relations between trade unions and employers, compensated by strong state interventionism, the French IR system has experienced a series of reforms, adopted under the pressure of the unions in the 1980s and mostly under the pressure of the employers’ organisations since the turn of the century. These reforms boosted collective bargaining at the workplace level and tripartite concertation at the peak level. The paper analyses the limits of both developments and explains why a reversal of the hierarchy of norms was imposed in 2016 by law without prior concertation. Originality/value The paper presents an original explanation of the change of the initial French IR model, stressing the importance of power relations and the role of IR experts in the different reform moments.

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Solé, Carlota. "Neocorporatisme." Papers. Revista de Sociologia 24 (January 1, 1985): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/papers/v24n0.1411.

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19

Krinsky, John. "Neoliberal Times." Social Science History 35, no. 3 (2011): 381–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011585.

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Recent interpretations of the neoliberal transformation of welfare states emphasize the formative role of crises in which old institutions are rolled back to make way for the “rollout” of neoliberalism’s program of austerity, markets, and privatization. Policy scholars and social historians argue, however, that major social changes combine long-term institutional development, sudden pivots, and cyclical trends. This article draws on a case study of municipal employee labor relations in New York City to examine the temporality of neoliberal transition. It acknowledges that actual neoliberalism involves a mix of policies that depart from its market-liberal ideal type and that include elements of statist, communitarian, and/or corporatist policies. Thus the article engages a puzzle: if paths to neoliberalism are not always sudden and are populated by policies that are not necessarily driven by neoliberal assumptions, how should we understand what neoliberalism is and how it develops? The article traces the history of municipal labor relations from the 1950s through the present to show that the transition to neoliberalism was characterized by the transition from a contentious corporatism that took shape in the 1950s and went through a neocorporatism forged in the fiscal crisis of the 1970s and that kept corporatist institutions in place while undermining their social power and laying the groundwork for neoliberal policies from the 1990s forward. The article shows how longer-term trajectories and shorter-term crises intertwine to produce a neoliberalism better understood as a repertoire of governance than as an undifferentiated set of policy preferences for market mechanisms.

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Schmitter, Philippe C. "Neocorporatismo y Estado." Reis, no. 31 (1985): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40183123.

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Ruffat, Michele. "A quoi sert le neocorporatisme?" Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 13 (January 1987): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769904.

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Solé, Carlota. "La recesión del neocorporatismo en España." Papers. Revista de Sociologia 33 (January 1, 1990): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/papers/v33n0.1549.

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23

Greenwood, J., and K. Ronit. "Organised Interests and the European Internal Market." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 9, no. 4 (December 1991): 467–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c090467.

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Relationships between interest groups and the European Community have generally been regarded as more pluralist than neocorporatist in character. In part, this is because of a prevailing view of Euro interest associations as weak ‘federations of federations’, often unable to agree and act upon meaningful common positions. Evidence from the pharmaceutical industry suggests that such a blanket generalisation cannot be sustained, not least because of the commonality of regulatory experiences across member states, and prior experience of the industry in transnational political action. These have been reproduced at the EC level to the point of a Euro private interest government. There are, however, other forms of interest representation besides the ‘super federation’, and a cursory examination of one area—biotechnology—reveals the multiplicity of these. Of interest is that here it is the Euro organisations themselves rather than an aggregation of national concerns which have been of prime importance in engaging the European level, a feature of the development of biotechnology at a time of the enhanced competence of the EC in the shape of the Single European Act. This may suggest the pattern for the future in newly emerging arenas of industrial activity. Only one of the many Euro aggregations in biotechnology—a direct firm membership forum—has proved to be an effective interest outlet. What appears to be a challenge to the possibility of the existence of a neocorporatist structure through a Euro federation in fact shows the importance of Euro federations in the creation of appropriate transnational representational structures, which may develop reciprocal relationships with the Commission which are characteristic of neocorporatist patterns. The explanatory power of neocorporatist ideas in revealing the dynamics of completing the internal market should therefore not be dismissed.

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Baumgartner, Frank R. "The Politics of Neocorporatism in France. By John T. S. Keeler. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. 369p. $39.95. - Interest-Group Politics in France. By Frank L. Wilson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. 324p. $39.50." American Political Science Review 83, no. 1 (March 1989): 325–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956500.

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Podolian, G. P. "SOCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF CORPORATE CULTURE." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 1 (2) (2018): 32–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2018.1(2).07.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of corporate culture as a new form of culture. The dynamic processes of the evolution of corporate culture from the time of the appearance of its individual elements at the beginning of the 20th century to the corporatization of many spheres of social life, the practice of implementing mechanisms of corporate social responsibility in the late XX сеntury remain topical for research. Dynamism of the corporate culture formation in the sphere of economic activity in the twentieth century influenced the rapid spread of its values and standards to other public spheres. Corporate culture as a sociocultural regulator gradually comes to the forefront of scientific, practical and cultural discussions. Recognition of culture as the defining basis of corporate culture allows us to consider neocorporativism as interconnected with it. Mutualities of neocorporativism and culture have become the basis for the emergence of the innovative nature of corporate culture with its focus on partnership and the consolidation of the multidirectional interests of key actors in the interaction. An innovative feature of neocorporativism as the main element of corporate culture is the orientation toward voluntary, legitimate alignment of interest groups and the achievement of cooperation, social partnership of participants in equidistant social interaction on mutually beneficial conditions. It is a non-violent means of forming corporate productive orders that fit into a broader democratic spectrum of interests at different levels of society's life. And in this you can see the social potential of neocorporativism and corporate culture. Like any new phenomenon, corporate culture revealed the ambivalent essence of the initial stages of the emergence of this innovation, showing the emergence of a list of complex moral-psychological and existential problems of human and societies during the period of grandiose changes. The corporatization of social spheres served as the basis for qualitative transformations of organizational, managerial, social and labol relations, opening additional prospects for the realization of social responsibility and integration.

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Oliveira, Nelson. "Neocorporatismo e estado: a construção do espaço de dominação setorial." Organizações & Sociedade 6, no. 15 (August 1999): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1984-92301999000200011.

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Neste artigo questiona-se tanto a reforma do Estado como o corporatismo como vias alternativas de saída para a crise. O argumento central é de que a reforma dotado e corporatismo são partes componentes de um mesmo processo de dominação de grupos setoriais. Estão ajustados à necessidade de reproduzir o capital num momento de clara crise estrutural. Deste ponto de vista, são ambos instrumentos conservadores e não vias alternativas.

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Baun, Michael J. "Governing with Judges: Constitutional Politics in Europe. By Alec Stone Sweet. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. 232p. $60.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (June 2001): 524–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540186202x.

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It is evident to any serious observer that the practice of governance in Western democracies is increasingly divergent from traditional theoretical and conceptual models. In West- ern Europe, traditional models of parliamentary democracy no longer accurately describe reality. The neocorporatist literature of the 1970s and 1980s pointed out the key role of organized interests and their (often formally recognized) privileged relationship with the state, creating arrangements that bypassed or subverted usual parliamentary processes.

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Lingard, Bob, Peter O'Brien, and John Knight. "Strengthening Australia's Schools through Corporate Federalism?" Australian Journal of Education 37, no. 3 (November 1993): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000494419303700302.

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The federal policy document, ‘Strengthening Australia's schools’ (SAS), signified a new approach to commonwealth—state relations in schooling policy making—corporate federalism. Corporate federalism extended the application of neocorporatist strategies for managing and responding to crisis (here, in particular, Australia's worsening national and international economic situation) from the private to the public sector This paper documents and evaluates the rationale for corporate federalism in SAS. Some possible future developments within federalism and schooling policy are also considered.

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Lanzaro, Jorge Luis. "Movimiento obrero y reconstitución democrática ¿Convencionalidad neocorporativa o aplicaciones neoliberales?" Revista Mexicana de Sociología 47, no. 2 (April 1985): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3540541.

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Bradley, David H., and John D. Stephens. "Employment Performance in OECD Countries." Comparative Political Studies 40, no. 12 (September 17, 2007): 1486–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006292609.

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This article provides the first comprehensive test of the frequent, sharply differing market liberal and insitutionalist political economy recommendations for employment creation. The statistical analysis is a pooled time series for 17 advanced capitalist democracies from 1974 through 1999. Consistent with both neoliberal and institutionalist hypotheses, long-term unemployment replacement rates, social security taxes, and employment protection laws have negative effects on employment levels. Contrary to neoliberal hypotheses but consistent with institutionalist hypotheses, the authors find that short-term unemployment replacement rates, active labor market policy, and neocorporatist bargaining have positive effects on employment levels and that total taxes have no effect on employment levels.

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Bosscher, D. F. J. "W. Albeda, M.D. ten Hove, Neocorporatisme. Evolutie van een gedachte, verandering van een patroon." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 103, no. 3 (January 1, 1988): 475. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.3014.

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Pineda Pablos, Nicolás. "ENTRE EL NEOCORPORATISMO Y EL NEOLIBERALISMO. ALTERNATIVAS PARA EL AVANCE DE LA TRANSICIÓN DEMOCRÁTICA MEXICANA." Espiral Estudios sobre Estado y sociedad 11, no. 31 (September 1, 2004): 183–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.32870/eees.v11i31.1563.

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Labra, Maria Eliana. "Análise de políticas, modos de policy-making e intermediação de interesses: uma revisão." Physis: Revista de Saúde Coletiva 9, no. 2 (December 1999): 131–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0103-73311999000200008.

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O artigo aborda o tema da análise de políticas a partir de contribuições de diversos autores. Os marcos referenciais enfatizam: (1) a ordem social e a regulação do conflito, em particular a dimensão associativa enquanto base institucional adicional à comunidade, ao mercado político/econômico e ao Estado/burocracia; (2) as correntes neo-institucionalistas da escolha racional e do institucionalismo histórico; (3) os enfoques sociológico, regime político, coalizão de atores e sistema internacional; (4) componentes analíticos, como agenda, atores, arenas, processos e produtos; (5) relações entre modos de policy-making e tipos de intermediação de interesses organizados nas teorizações pluralista, neocorporativa e neopluralista.

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Alves, Giovanni. "Do "novo sindicalismo" à "concertação social": ascensão (e crise) do sindicalismo no Brasil (1978-1998)." Revista de Sociologia e Política, no. 15 (November 2000): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-44782000000200008.

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A trajetória do sindicalismo no Brasil de 1978 a 1998 aparece como uma passagem, no plano da estratégia sindical, da confrontação à cooperação conflitiva, ou ainda, da luta de classes na produção para uma "convergência antagônica", ou um sindicalismo de participação ou de "concertação social", que é, nada mais, nada menos, que um defensivismo de novo tipo, de cariz neocorporativo. O que procuramos caracterizar aqui é a prevalência progressiva na prática sindical hegemônica da CUT nos anos 90 desse neocorporativismo operário, que tende a debilitar a perspectiva de classe que caracterizou a luta política e sindical no Brasil dos anos 80.

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Andrade, José Célio Silveira, and Camila Carneiro Dias. "Intercâmbio neocorporatista e inovação tecnológica: o caso do padrão eucalipto na Aracruz S. A." Revista de Administração Contemporânea 5, no. 1 (April 2001): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1415-65552001000100006.

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Diversos estudos interpretam o dinamismo econômico do complexo agroindustrial de celulose mediante diferentes perspectivas: o progresso tecnológico neoschumpeteriano; a atuação de políticas públicas planejadas; a influência de lobbies de representação de interesses privados etc. Entretanto resta um domínio pouco investigado pelos pesquisadores: aquele onde se desenvolvem as relações Estado-agentes econômicos como uma via expressa de mão dupla, na qual se tecem acordos importantes para a construção de um ambiente político-institucional propício à configuração de novos paradigmas econômico-tecnológicos nas empresas. Tomando como ilustração a análise da emergência e consolidação do padrão eucalipto na Aracruz Celulose S.A, entre 1965-1992, o trabalho argumenta que este processo de inovação tecnológica foi resultado histórico de interações das estratégias tecnológicas empresariais com o ambiente político-institucional, construído a partir de um duplo movimento de interação política das agências governamentais com a auto-organização de interesses privados. Para tal, os autores se utilizam de uma grade analítica construída a partir da articulação entre a abordagem neochumpeteriana de progresso tecnológico e a abordagem institucionalista de intercâmbio político neocorporatista.

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Bernhagen, Patrick. "Business and International Environmental Agreements: Domestic Sources of Participation and Compliance by Advanced Industrialized Democracies." Global Environmental Politics 8, no. 1 (February 2008): 78–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep.2008.8.1.78.

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This article analyzes the political influence of business in the context of international environmental cooperation. Locating the sources of business power in three distinct factors—organizational strength, structural privilege, and informational advantage—the article evaluates the contributions of these factors to explanations of states' ratification of, and compliance with, international environmental agreements. Using data on 35 advanced industrialized democracies, the results suggest that business influence can be best explained by reference to informational asymmetries. While countries whose economies are exposed to international trade tend to participate less in international regimes, strong domestic environmental movements can counteract incentives for non-participation by providing political decision-makers with alternative information about the costs and benefits of participation. Regime compliance also increases with the availability of independent information through environmental groups, as well as with the degree of politico-economic integration found in neocorporatist systems of interest intermediation.

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Royo, Sebastián. "Beyond Confrontation." Comparative Political Studies 39, no. 8 (October 2006): 969–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005278246.

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The proponents of globalization contend that European countries are now converging on an Anglo-American model of capitalism. Contrary to this prediction, this article shows that in Spain, globalization and the European Monetary Union have promoted rather than undermined cooperation among economic actors. Unable to escape from economic interdependence, they have developed coordinating capacities at the macro and micro levels to address and resolve tensions between economic interdependence and political sovereignty. In particular, this article analyzes the resurgence of national-level social bargaining in Spain in the 1990s. This development was partly the result of the reorientation of the strategies of trade unions. They have supported social bargaining as a defensive strategy to retake the initiative and influence policy outcomes. This article shows that successful social bargaining depends on not only the organization of the social actors, the main claim of the neocorporatist literature, but also the interests and strategies of the actors themselves.

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CONTARINO, MICHAEL. "The Local Political Economy of Industrial Adjustment." Comparative Political Studies 28, no. 1 (April 1995): 62–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414095028001005.

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This article observes that local trade union responses to industrial restructuring in the 1970s and 1980s varied widely in Italy and that these variations reflect local economic, political, and organizational factors. Unions may oppose, accept, or seek to modify managerial restructuring; they may pursue their goals at the factory level or at the territorial level; and they may be generally successful or unsuccessful in accomplishing their objectives. The article argues that economic differences between Italy's “Industrial Triangle” of traditional “Fordist” mass production and the “Third Italy” of “flexible specialization” explain the generally greater activism of the unions in the former, where restructuring was a far more disruptive, traumatic phenomenon than it was in the latter. But the article also observes striking differences within the Industrial Triangle and within the Third Italy that cannot be explained in economic terms. Rather, these differences are shown to result from variations in the local unions' organizational strength and unity as well as from the existence or absence of local political authorities capable of involving the unions in “local neocorporatist” exchanges.

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Sousa, Henrique. "Há futuro para a concertação social? Os sindicatos e a experiência do modelo neocorporativo em Portugal." Configurações, no. 5/6 (January 1, 2009): 101–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/configuracoes.386.

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Cortes, Soraya Vargas, and Alfredo Gugliano. "Entre neocorporativistas e deliberativos: uma interpretação sobre os paradigmas de análise dos fóruns participativos no Brasil." Sociologias 12, no. 24 (August 2010): 44–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1517-45222010000200004.

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Este artigo propõe o debate a respeito dos principais paradigmas a partir dos quais, usualmente, vêm sendo estudadas as propostas de ampliação dos canais de participação dos cidadãos na gestão das políticas públicas, análises que investigam os processos participativos ou desde o prisma dos "arranjos neocorporativos", ou por meio de uma perspectiva baseada na concepção de "democracia deliberativa". Visando este objetivo, o presente texto centra seus interesses na trajetória de duas das principais instâncias participativas que, nas últimas décadas, foram desenvolvidas no Brasil: os orçamentos participativos e os conselhos de políticas públicas. Estas instâncias foram avaliadas levando em consideração, especialmente, quatro elementos a) relações institucionais com os governos; b) perfil dos participantes; c) âmbito decisório e, d) dinâmicas de funcionamento. A partir do estudo destas características, os autores discutem sobre a capacidade dos paradigmas neocorporativo e deliberativo constituírem um modelo analítico consistente para a investigação de estruturas participativas dessemelhantes.

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Brand, Donald R. "The War Against the New Deal: World War II and American Democracy By Brian Waddell. DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 2001. 236p. $39.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 650–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402640365.

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This book argues that the transition from the New Deal to a mobilized wartime economy during World War II restored corporate hegemony in collaboration with a state apparatus dominated by military elites. The purported losers in this transition were New Deal reformers committed to a planned economy and an extensive social welfare state, and groups like labor and small business whose interests were represented by reform elites. Organized chronologically, Waddell's account traces the development of the military-industrial complex from the War Industries Board in World War I to what Waddell asserts is a neocorporatist pattern of governance that had become established by the late 1940s and early 1950s. For the intervening years, he devotes attention to the trade association movement of the 1920s, the National Recovery Administration in the early 1930s, the New Deal turn to Keynesian economics, Harry Truman and the Marshall Plan, and the National Security Act of 1947; but the book focuses on the three periods associated with mobilization for World War II. These three periods are prewar mobilization from September, 1939 to December, 1941; the institutionalization of wartime mobilization from early 1942 through early 1943; and the battles over postwar reconversion that began in 1943 and continued into the immediate postwar era.

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Nelson, Moira. "Revisiting the role of business in welfare state politics: Neocorporatist versus firm-level organization and their divergent influence on employer support for social policies." Comparative European Politics 11, no. 1 (September 17, 2012): 22–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2012.16.

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Ordóñez Barba, Gerardo. "La participación social organizada en la lucha contra la pobreza: la experiencia del PRONASOL en tres estados del norte de México." Estudios Fronterizos 4, no. 8 (July 1, 2003): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21670/ref.2003.08.a05.

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El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar, por medio del análisis de información empírica referente a tres estados del norte de México, una aproximación al estudio de las organizaciones vecinales que se incorporaron o surgieron al amparo del Programa Nacional de Solidaridad (Pronasol) con el propósito de coadyuvar a las tareas involucradas en la puesta en marcha y operación de proyectos de beneficio colectivo. Dada la envergadura que llegaron a alcanzar estas organizaciones en la estrategia del programa y en el ámbito social, diversos analistas de la época comenzaron a poner en duda los supuestos que justificaban la constitución de los Comités de Solidaridad, argumentando sus posibles nexos con esquemas de control neocorporativo o aduciendo sus limitaciones para superar una forma de participación meramente instrumental. Independientemente de sus peculiaridades, en el fondo estas posiciones críticas coincidían con una hipótesis general: la participación organizada en el marco de Solidaridad no representa una alternativa de cambio efectiva en los procesos de reforma democrática del Estado mexicano. En este trabajo se pretenden explorar algunas respuestas a la hipótesis anterior, dividiendo a los Comités en dos planos: como instancias de participación y gestión comunitaria, y como organizaciones vinculadas con posibles esquemas de control corporativo.

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Labra, Maria Eliana. "Associativismo no setor saúde brasileiro e organizações de interesse do empresariado médico." Physis: Revista de Saúde Coletiva 3, no. 2 (1993): 193–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0103-73311993000200008.

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O objetivo deste artigo é o de introduzir a reflexão a respeito das possibilidades de construção de um pacto social ou formas de concertação entre os atores organizados do setor saúde, tendo em vista a implantação do Sistema Único de Saúde e seus impasses, A exposição aborda aspectos teóricos colocados pelo enfoque neocorporativo quanto às relações Estado-sociedade civil, a dimensão associativa da ordem social, o intercâmbio político entre as esferas pública e privada e a intermediação de interesses organizados no policy-making nas democracias contemporâneas. Passa-se em revista o padrão de organização de interesses estruturado historicamente no Brasil, salientando o formato híbrido ou dual da representação. Com base em um quadro sinóptico que ilustra a evolução do associativismo setorial vis-à-vis as políticas de saúde, são examinadas particularidades tais como formatos de representação (dual, tricotómica) e densidade da constelação de associações representativas dos interesses das profissões, dos produtores de tecnologia em saúde e, em particular, do empresariado médico assistência). Finalmente, em face da maturidade e complexidade do universo analisado, indaga-se a respeito das condições de eficácia política do Conselho de Saúde enquanto instrumento criado para operar transformações estruturais e culturais no sistema de saúde e locus adequado para a concertação coletiva entre os interesses organizados ali representados.

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Cortes, Soraya Vargas. "Policy community defensora de direitos e a transformação do Conselho Nacional de Assistência Social." Sociologias 17, no. 38 (April 2015): 122–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/15174522-017003806.

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O artigo examina a ação estratégica de um ator coletivo, a policy community defensora da assistência social como direito dos cidadãos, a qual resultou não apenas na criação do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS), mas também na redefinição das funções do Conselho Nacional de Assistência Social (CNAS), ao final da década de 2000. Membros dessacommunity aproveitaram sucessivas janelas de oportunidades para apresentar aos decisores políticos propostas de solução para os problemas da extremada desigualdade social e pobreza, colocados no centro da agenda política e governamental desde o Governo Lula, iniciado em 2002. Uma dessas janelas de oportunidades abriu-se com a Operação Fariseu, em 2008, que expôs a existência de relações ilícitas entre conselheiros e entidades que recebiam certificação como beneficentes de assistência social e, portanto, vultosas isenções fiscais. A communityteve sucesso em retirar do fórum a prerrogativa de certificar e controlar as atividades de entidades 'beneficentes', transferindo-a às burocracias governamentais das áreas de assistência social, saúde e educação. Dessa forma, o CNAS, uma organização intermediária neocorporativa criada pela Lei Orgânica da Assistência Social, consolidou o seu papel na intermediação de interesses entre os diversos atores societais e estatais visando viabilizar a implementação das políticas definidas no nível federal de gestão que resultaram na estruturação do SUAS.

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Labanino, Rafael, Michael Dobbins, and Brigitte Horváthová. "Explaining the density of post-communist interest group populations—resources, constituencies, and regime change." Interest Groups & Advocacy, July 26, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41309-021-00130-3.

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AbstractThe article tests the energy–stability–area (ESA) model of interest group population density on a sample of different 2018 Czech, Hungarian, Polish and Slovenian energy, higher education and health care interest organisation populations. The unique context of recent simultaneous political, economic and in the cases of Czechia and Slovenia, national transitions present a hard test for population ecology theory. Besides the area (constituency size) and energy (resources, issue certainty) terms, the article brings the stability term back into the center of analysis. The stability term, that is, the effect of a profound change or shock to the polity is operationalised as Communist-era population densities. As all three policy domains are heavily state controlled and tightly regulated, the effect of neocorporatist interest intermediation is also tested. The article finds strong support for the energy and neocorporatism hypotheses and provides evidence for the effect of communist-era organisational population density on post-transition densities: The size of 2018 organisational populations is found to be dependent on pre-transition densities. The relationship is, however, not linear but curvilinear. Nevertheless, the analysis indicates that the effect of pre-transition population size is moderated by other environmental level factors.

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Busemeyer, Marius R. "Policy Feedback and Government Responsiveness in a Comparative Perspective." Politische Vierteljahresschrift, February 22, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-022-00377-8.

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AbstractThis paper focuses on the transferability of policy feedback and responsiveness theories. These theories have enjoyed a great deal of scholarly interest in the past years and are widely applied in different country contexts. However, this theory transfer tends to be more focused on the empirical challenges while neglecting the fact that it also involves normative implications about representative democracy. These implications, I argue, are strongly influenced by the real-world example of the United States, where the theories were originally developed. More specifically, I contend that bringing in theoretical approaches that are more influenced by European experiences such as neocorporatism and party difference theory affects the depiction of the role of interest groups and party government in policy feedback and responsiveness theories. I conclude by highlighting the contours of an empirical research agenda that might further elaborate on these issues.

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Assis Shikida, Pery Francisco, Márcia Azanha Ferraz Dias de Moraes, and Lucilio Rogerio Aparecido Alves. "AGROINDÚSTRIA CANAVIEIRA DO BRASIL: INTERVENCIONISMO, DESREGULAMENTAÇÃO E NEOCORPORATISMO." Revista de Economia e Agronegócio 2, no. 3 (June 1, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.25070/rea.v2i3.39.

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O propósito deste trabalho é analisar, à guisa do referencial teórico doneocorporatismo, o novo paradigma institucionalizado na agroindústria canavieira e asnovas formas de gestão e articulação política pós-desregulamentação. Com o final dointervencionismo estatal, tem-se a explicitação do processo de diferenciação econômicae social do setor, entre e dentro das duas regiões produtoras, Norte/Nordeste e Centro/Sul. O segmento produtivo dualiza entre aqueles com capacidade para enfrentar asnovas exigências e os que não apresentam essa característica. É preciso reconhecer quepara o seu desenvolvimento e crescimento, dadas as limitações institucionais, impera anecessidade da auto-gestão, cujo grande desafio é conciliar os interesses dos agentes daprópria cadeia produtiva, das outras que se inter-relacionam e da sociedade.

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Muntean, Aurelian. "A New Century of Corporatism. Neocorporatist Arrangements in Post-Communist Romania." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1658065.

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Teubner, Gunther. "Transnational Economic Constitutionalism in the Varieties of Capitalism." Global Perspectives 1, no. 1 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gp.2020.13412.

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Among the remarkable results of globalization are economic constitutions, which have emerged independently from the political constitutions of the nation-states. Against ordoliberal as well as critical theorists, who expected a uniform economic world-constitution, a fragmented meta-constitution dealing with massive constitutional conflicts has emerged. Moreover, the conflicting economic constitutions are no longer delineated by the boundaries of nation-states but by different boundaries of various transnational production regimes. The constitutional alternative for the national economies—ordoliberal economic constitution versus social-democratic economic democracy—which had been formulated by the classics of economic constitutionalism, Franz Böhm and Hugo Sinzheimer, has been replaced by the opposition in the Western Hemisphere between neocorporatist production regimes in Northern Europe and the financial-capitalist production regimes of the Anglo-American world. Against all predictions of their failure, the neocorporatist constitutions of European economies, after the financial crisis, have undergone a reorganization that resulted in their remarkable resilience. Moreover, they have developed a potential for strengthening economic democracy. In particular, public good–oriented corporate codes of conduct, which emerged in large numbers in the sweep of globalization, have contributed considerably to this potential. The codes opened, beyond the protection of workers’ rights, a new opportunity for societal actors. The oppositional power of civil society—the media, public debate, spontaneous protest, protest movements, NGOs, labor unions, intellectuals, and the professions—as well as the legal norms created by state intervention exercise such massive pressure on corporations that the latter are compelled to enact binding self-restrictions oriented to the public interest: environmental protection, antidiscrimination, human rights, product quality, consumer protection, data protection, freedom of the internet, and fair trade.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Neocorporatism'

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