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Ruthjersen, Anne Linda. "Neo-liberalism and health care." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2007. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16638/1/Anne_Linda_Ruthjersen_Thesis.pdf.
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Neo-liberal political-economic ideology, theory and practice have had an immense influence on public and private life across the world, including the delivery of health care, and neo-liberalism has become the dominant economic paradigm. Market practices, business management theories and practices, and private enterprise have become increasingly significant in health care, as the welfare state and public health services have been challenged by factors such as rising costs, economic efficiency, globalisation and increasing competitive demands. The question of how, and to what extent, neo-liberalism has influenced contemporary health care is, however, deserving of more critical attention.
This thesis examines the neo-liberal approach to, and effect on, contemporary health care, in the context of Western developed countries, and offers a conceptual analysis of the theoretical and ideological framework of neo-liberalism, especially regarding its ethical and moral underpinnings. Additionally, this thesis is concerned with the moral nature of health care.
The objectives of this thesis are to articulate and analyse the neo-liberal interpretive framework, moral values and language; and to articulate and analyse the neo-liberal approach to, and effect on, contemporary health care. Thus, it is the intention that this thesis will provide a framework for reflection on the context of contemporary health care in Western developed countries and the influence of neo-liberalism. To achieve these objectives, the research strategy of this thesis is that of philosophical inquiry, additionally drawing on political philosophy; and the research is, therefore, basic, theoretical research.
This thesis finds that neo-liberalism, and the neo-liberal approach to health care, is a highly complex theory and ideology, constituted of several intricate concepts and moral underpinnings.
It is found that the neo-liberal approach affects the nature and purpose of health care, for example by making health care part of the free, competitive market, by commodifying health care, and by replacing the notions of the common good, social justice and public health care with an emphasis on the rational, self-interested consumer, individual responsibility and self-sufficiency. Another essential aspect of the neo-liberal approach is that it emphasises the ability to pay (user-pays system), rather than health care need, as the dominant determinant in health care.
Furthermore, this thesis finds that the neo-liberal ideology excludes the ontological complexity and reality of the human condition, and in health care this has consequences in relation to, for example, interdependency, interrelationships, vulnerability and need.
In essence, this thesis finds that there are several pragmatic and moral problems with applying a neo-liberal approach to health care, and that the complexities, irregularities, and unpredictability of health care make a neo-liberal approach difficult to realise in health care. The neo-liberal approach undermines the moral purposes of health care, and it is concluded that the neo-liberal approach offers no well-founded moral alternative to the universalistic, solidarity based approach common in most Western developed countries (except in the United States).
This thesis seeks to add to the knowledge and literature concerning neo-liberalism, especially as regards its moral underpinnings and normative framework, and, furthermore, concerning the neo-liberal approach to, and effect on, contemporary health care in Western developed countries. Additionally, this thesis seeks to contribute to the knowledge of philosophical inquiry by documenting the method of 'doing' philosophical inquiry. Based on the research in this thesis, it is clear that there is a need for more empirical research into the pragmatic consequences of applying neo-liberal policies and practices to health care, and the analysis in this thesis could favorably serve as a basis for empirical inquiry.
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Ruthjersen, Anne Linda. "Neo-liberalism and health care." Queensland University of Technology, 2007. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16638/.
Full textAbstract:
Neo-liberal political-economic ideology, theory and practice have had an immense influence on public and private life across the world, including the delivery of health care, and neo-liberalism has become the dominant economic paradigm. Market practices, business management theories and practices, and private enterprise have become increasingly significant in health care, as the welfare state and public health services have been challenged by factors such as rising costs, economic efficiency, globalisation and increasing competitive demands. The question of how, and to what extent, neo-liberalism has influenced contemporary health care is, however, deserving of more critical attention. This thesis examines the neo-liberal approach to, and effect on, contemporary health care, in the context of Western developed countries, and offers a conceptual analysis of the theoretical and ideological framework of neo-liberalism, especially regarding its ethical and moral underpinnings. Additionally, this thesis is concerned with the moral nature of health care. The objectives of this thesis are to articulate and analyse the neo-liberal interpretive framework, moral values and language; and to articulate and analyse the neo-liberal approach to, and effect on, contemporary health care. Thus, it is the intention that this thesis will provide a framework for reflection on the context of contemporary health care in Western developed countries and the influence of neo-liberalism. To achieve these objectives, the research strategy of this thesis is that of philosophical inquiry, additionally drawing on political philosophy; and the research is, therefore, basic, theoretical research. This thesis finds that neo-liberalism, and the neo-liberal approach to health care, is a highly complex theory and ideology, constituted of several intricate concepts and moral underpinnings. It is found that the neo-liberal approach affects the nature and purpose of health care, for example by making health care part of the free, competitive market, by commodifying health care, and by replacing the notions of the common good, social justice and public health care with an emphasis on the rational, self-interested consumer, individual responsibility and self-sufficiency. Another essential aspect of the neo-liberal approach is that it emphasises the ability to pay (user-pays system), rather than health care need, as the dominant determinant in health care. Furthermore, this thesis finds that the neo-liberal ideology excludes the ontological complexity and reality of the human condition, and in health care this has consequences in relation to, for example, interdependency, interrelationships, vulnerability and need. In essence, this thesis finds that there are several pragmatic and moral problems with applying a neo-liberal approach to health care, and that the complexities, irregularities, and unpredictability of health care make a neo-liberal approach difficult to realise in health care. The neo-liberal approach undermines the moral purposes of health care, and it is concluded that the neo-liberal approach offers no well-founded moral alternative to the universalistic, solidarity based approach common in most Western developed countries (except in the United States). This thesis seeks to add to the knowledge and literature concerning neo-liberalism, especially as regards its moral underpinnings and normative framework, and, furthermore, concerning the neo-liberal approach to, and effect on, contemporary health care in Western developed countries. Additionally, this thesis seeks to contribute to the knowledge of philosophical inquiry by documenting the method of 'doing' philosophical inquiry. Based on the research in this thesis, it is clear that there is a need for more empirical research into the pragmatic consequences of applying neo-liberal policies and practices to health care, and the analysis in this thesis could favorably serve as a basis for empirical inquiry.
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Asquith, Nicole. "Positive Ageing, Neo-Liberalism and Australian Sociology." Sage, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3895.
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NoAustralian sociology has wrestled with most of the big issues facing this society; however, when it comes to one of the most significant changes to face Australia in the next 30 years, it has suddenly lost its capacity to engage with the nexus between demography, social processes and political structures. While governments have forged ahead with responsibilization agendas in health, welfare and unemployment, sociology has voiced its concern about the implications for Australia¿s most disadvantaged. Yet, when it comes to population ageing, sociology has been, in large part, silent in the face of neoliberal policies of positive ageing, which have framed the `problem¿ as a deficit that must be managed primarily by individuals and their families. This article maps the field of positive ageing, identifies key social concerns with this policy approach and asks, where is Australian sociology?
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Pham, Min Van. "Neo-realism, neo-liberalism and East Asia regionalism : the case of Vietnam /." Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/7782.
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Pham, Min Van 1980. "Neo-realism, Neo-liberalism and East Asia Regionalism: The Case of Vietnam." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/7782.
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vii, 103 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.East Asia regionalism emerged in the context of the end of the Cold War, the break-up of the Soviet Union and the outgrowth of regionalism in many parts of the world such as the unprecedented expansion of the European Union and the development of the North American Free Trade Agreement. It has been nearly two decades since its inception and almost every aspect of East Asian regionalism has been explored in depth with the exception of the application of theoretical explanations to East Asia regionalism. This paper is an attempt to apply international relations theories of neo-realism and neoliberalism to East Asia regionalism. The paper has found that both neo-realism and neoliberalism have found evidence in East Asia to support their assumptions about regionalism but neither has given fully appropriate explanations to East Asia regionalism. The case study of Vietnam' s regional cooperation is also supportive of that conclusion. In addition, the case of Vietnam indicates that concrete conditions of each country have played an important role in its incentives and participation into regionalism. The paper invites explanations for East Asia regionalism from other theories in international relations.
Advisers: Diane M. Dunlap, Philip D. Young, Kathie Carpenter
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Dudley, Janice. "Higher education, Neo-liberalism and the Market Citizen." Thesis, Dudley, Janice (2009) Higher education, Neo-liberalism and the Market Citizen. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2009. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/4625/.
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Competition and success in the neo-liberal, globalised world both require and are contingent upon a new kind of citizen - a citizen for whom economic rather than political participation is privileged. The ‘imperative’ of neo-liberal globalisation demands that all domains of social and human activity become oriented towards maximising international economic competitiveness to ensure economic security and prosperity- and hence success. As the new globalised economy is increasingly argued to be a ‘knowledge economy’, it is education and skills - or human capital - which are important for maximising competitive advantage. Thus higher education has very particular roles in ensuring the nation’s international economic competitiveness – in developing the higher order skills necessary to workers in the knowledge economy, and in producing the innovation that a successful knowledge economy requires. Also, because of the role of higher education in the development of character – that is, the development of the subjectivities of citizenship - a study foregrounding the relationship between higher education and economic citizenship is particularly relevant.
This thesis makes a contribution to this issue both empirically and theoretically. Empirically, it considers the manner in which higher education policy – both internationally and in Australia – has become focussed upon maximising the nation’s international competitiveness in global capitalist markets through the development of human capital, and through research for innovation. It also considers the impact on staff and students. For, as a means of augmenting national competiveness, higher education institutions have been reformed and restructured so as to govern individuals and institutions into more entrepreneurial practice. Institutions and staff are required to exhibit entrepreneurial practice in the interests of competitive advantage in the knowledge economy - through innovation, through the commercialisation of research, and through promoting and expanding the sale of education services.
Theoretically, it reflects on the complex interactions between higher education and its associated policy changes over recent decades, and the changing conditions and subjectivities of citizenship. It draws upon a number of disciplinary terrains – higher education policy studies, citizenship theory, political economy, and post-structuralism (particularly the governmentality literature) - to contribute to the critical analysis of the relationship between citizenship and higher education at the beginning of the twenty-first century.
Citizenship is essentially about belonging - about membership of a community organised around national, political, social, and ethical axes. It is therefore constituted by “rules and norms of inclusion and exclusion” (Isin and Turner, 2000: 2). These rules and norms extend beyond the formal legal status of citizenship and include not only the political and social dimensions of citizenship, but also its ethical dimensions. The thesis argues that rather than inclusion in the ethical community of citizenship being a matter of the status of the rights bearing individual – as has traditionally been the case for liberal citizenship – ethical inclusion has become performative, with active economic participation a condition of inclusion in the ethical community of citizenship. This constitutes a new normative practice of citizenship – neo-liberal citizenship. The analysis makes use of the governmentality literature to illuminate the manner in which individuals are governed to adopt particular politico-ethical norms of conduct – that is, particular subjectivities of citizenship - to constitute them as active economic agents, that is, as neo-liberal citizens. Citizenship is reconfigured around the axis of the economy and the citizen becomes an economic, rather than a political, subject.
The thesis concludes with reflections on the relationship between higher education – the university - citizenship and democracy, arguing that neither neo-liberal citizenship nor an economically rational future for higher education is assured; rather, that the virtuous circle of higher education and democratic citizenship remains immanent in pluralist politics.
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Sothern, Matthew B. "'The extraordinary body' and the limits of (neo)liberalism /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/5663.
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Mlitwa, Nhlanhla Boyfriend Wilton. "Globalisation : democratisation, neo-liberalism, and development-aid in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52288.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study has set to describe and explain the causal relationship between the process of globalisation, and that of democratisation and development in South Africa. Understanding this process required an analysis of the political and economic patterns followed, and policy choices made by state elites in South Africa, and to compare these processes with other countries that are also integrating into the global political economy. In South Africa, the dominance of the external factor on the country's socio-economic and development policy making process is exposed in this study. Analysis of the progress of South Africa's macro-economic policy (GEAR) in creating sustainable economic growth, and in linking it with the locally defined notion of 'people-based development' (as per RDP document, 1994) over a five-year period reveals firstly, that while GEAR is portrayed as both an economic and a 'people-based development' policy, it is an externally oriented policy whose ends are largely the promotion of transnational capitalist interest. The contradiction is that while a redress of development discrepancies (i.e. by providing social-welfare, health, education, clean water, electricity, transport and housing) calls for an increase in government expenditure, GEAR's fiscal stance prohibits such spending. South Africa's development policy represents a much broader and a common problem in the global socio-economic superstructure, solutions for which cannot be derived by analysing the policy of only one country, but the whole transnational political-economic system. The problems of the current global political-economic order and its development programs remains naked for all to see. Even common sense indicates that the North-South power relations are one-sided, problematic and should not be allowed to continue indefinitely as they stand. In addition, that the underdeveloped countries should continue to play an active role in global structures such as the UN, the UNOs such as UNCTAD, the WTO, and other international institutions if they are to impact on policies that govern the North-South relations.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om die verhouding tussen die proses van die ontplooiing van globalisasie, demokratisering, neo-liberalisme en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in Suid- Afrika, te beskryf en te verduidelik. Om hierdie verhouding te kan verstaan is 'n analise van die politiese en ekonomiese patrone wat gevolg word en beleidskeuses wat deur staatselites gemaak word, van hierdie nuwe demokratiese staat, nodig. Die oorheersing van eksterne faktore oor die Suid-Afrikaanse beleidsmaking ten opsigte van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelings het in die studie na vore getree. 'n Analise van die vordering van die Suid-Afrikaanse makro-ekonomiese beleid (GEAR), in die skepping van behoudbare ekonomiese groei en die skakeling daarvan met die plaaslike nosie (RDP dokument, 1994) van "mens-gebasseerde" ontwikkeling oor 'n periode van vyf jaar, het geopenbaar dat GEAR, wat voorgestel is as 'n ekonomiese en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelingsbeleid, terselfdetyd 'n eksterne georienteerde beleid is wat transnationale kapitalistiese belange promotiseer. Daar bestaan kontroduksie tussen die oogmerke van GEAR. Eerstens beoog GEAR die vernouing van die ontwikkelingsgaping in Suid-Afrika (deur die voorsienig van maatskaplike dienste, gesonheidsdienste, opvoeding, skoon water, elektrisiteit, vervoer en behuising) iets wat 'n verhoging van staatsuitgawes tot gevolg sal hê, terwyl GEAR se beleid sulke verhoogde uitgawes aan bande lê. Dit is voor die handliggend dat die Noord-Suid magsverhouding eensydig is, en problematies is vir ontwikkeling en moet dus nie toegelaat word om voortgesit te word nie. Verder moet onderontwikkelende lande voortdurend 'n aktiewe rol speel in globale strukture soos die UNCTAD, die WHO, die VN en ander internasionale institusies as hulle enigsins 'n impak op die beleid wat die Noord-Suid verhoudinge beheer, wil maak.
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Wees, Eric Michael Carleton University Dissertation History. "The Attack on liberalism; Reinhold Niebuhr and European neo-orthodoxy." Ottawa, 1985.
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McMillan, Katherine Alexandra. "Citizenship Under Neo-Liberalism: Immigrant Minorities in New Zealand 1990-1999." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2347.
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Ideally, a citizen is an individual who is a formal member of a self-governing political community, with individual rights and freedoms that are equal to those of other citizens, and which are protected by law. This thesis investigates how closely the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities in New Zealand approximated this ideal during the 1990s. Its particular focus is on how the neo-liberal ideology of National and Coalition Governments between 1990 and 1999, and those Governments' understandings of the nature and political significance of ethnicity, affected the ability of those belonging to non-Maori ethnic minority groups to be full and equal members of the New Zealand political community, with an equal capacity for self-governance at the individual level and as members of the political community. The thesis takes the form of a survey of public policy and law over a period of nine years. Five broad areas or aspects of public policy are examined: the collection and dissemination of official 'ethnic' statistics; immigration and citizenship policy; civil rights provided for in domestic and international law; mechanisms for ensuring access to political decision-making; and social policy. The question asked in the thesis is whether the policies developed and administered in each of these areas during the 1990s enriched or detracted from the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities.
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Stimpson, Dennis. "Beyond ethical reflections : neo-liberalism, idolatry and Canadian catholic social teaching." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ54287.pdf.
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Strouss, William. "Neo-liberalism and the Public Interest| The Case for Social Democracy." Thesis, Franklin Pierce University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3730765.
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Beginning with the notion that the dominant economic ideology in society is in a position to direct and serve the public interest, it is reasonable to ask if the public interest is well served by that ideology. That is the objective of this dissertation. In contemporary America, the dominant economic ideology is neo-liberalism, an evolutionary form of capitalism with its foundation in market fundamentalism, and characterized by an acute focus on profit and material acquisition and minimal involvement of government in the economy. The prefix neo derives from the ostensible return of liberalism to those free market values after a detour in the mid-20th century when it appeared that state intervention in the economy would result in redistributionist social welfare policies.
This dissertation examines the research questions: Does neo-liberalism serve the public interest? If not, what alternatives to neo-liberalism exist that better serve the common good? Answering these questions requires the subject to be parsed into a number of additional questions, each of which is explored in an independent essay. The essays discuss the nature of the public interest and role of self-interest in forming neo-liberal values. In addition, the essays examine the institutional responses to neo-liberalism through business as manifested by the corporate social responsibility movement and through government as manifested by welfare capitalism and, in particular, social democracy.
The conclusion drawn is that neo-liberalism is not conducive to the public interest and that social democracy offers a structure for a more economically efficient and morally just society. Policy prescriptions and arguments favoring social democracy are offered.
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Orso, Paulino Jose. "Liberalismo, neoliberalismo e educação : Roque Spencer Maciel de Barros, um ideologo da burguesia brasileira." [s.n.], 2003. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/253108.
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Orientador: Maria Elizabete Sampaio Prado XavierTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-03T16:03:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Orso_PaulinoJose_D.pdf: 21560164 bytes, checksum: 0d5165c9ca3c70c23ae37f159aecdee2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003
Resumo: Esta Tese trata do liberalismo, do neoliberalismo e da educação em Roque Spencer Maciel de Barros. Procura analisar seu pensamento e sua obra, explicitar suas contradições e demonstrar que o liberalismo é a ideologia justificadora da sociedade burguesa, neste caso da burguesia brasileira. Na primeira parte apresentamos a trajetória intelectual do autor: sua formação e a construção de sua imagem de mundo e de homem. Na segunda tratamos do liberalismo. Abordamos como compreende a história do liberalismo, a relação com o "totalitarismo", a justificação e legitimação do liberalismo, as condições de possibilidade de uma vida ética e o liberalismo atual, o chamado "neoliberalismo". Na terceira tratamos da educação. Analisamos as razões do surgimento tardio da primeira universidade brasileira - a Universidade de São Paulo -, a criação da Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras e os motivos e os fins para os quais foram criadas; tratamos do surgimento da Faculdade de Educação e como o autor compreendia a relação entre a História, a Filosofia e a Educação. Após isto, analisamos a Campanha em Defesa da Escola Pública ocorrida no final dos anos 50, a Reestruturação da USP, a Reforma Universitária e como e porque foram realizadas. Como se trata de uma análise de larga duração, um tanto rara nestes dias, na medida em que passamos do plano abstrato para o concreto, desmistificamos tanto o liberalismo como a educação brasileira e mostramos que Roque Spencer Maciel de Barros revela-se um ideólogo da burguesia brasileira
Abstract: This thesis is about liberalism, neoliberalism and Roque Spencer Maciel de Barros' view of education. It once tries to analyses his thoughts and works as well as it tries to explain his contradictions and it tries to show that liberalism is an ideology that justifies the bourgeois society. In the first part it shows the author's intelectual trajectory: his background and the construction of his idea of world and mankind. In the second part it considers the liberalism itself, its relation to "totalism", the justification and ligitimacy of liberalism, the possibilities of an ethical life and the contemporary liberalism, the so-called "neoliberalism". In the third part it deals with education. It analyses the reasons of the late creation of the first university of Brazil - The University of Sao Paulo-, the creation of the "College of Philosophy, Science and Literature" and the reasons and purposes of these creations; it also considers the creations of the "College fo Education" and how the author understood the relations among history, philosophy and education. After that it ana1yses the campaign for the Public School at the end of the fifties, the restructuring of the University of Sao Paulo, the University Reform and how and why they happened. As it is a big ana1ysis, seldom enough these days, wich goes from abstract to concrete, it dispel the myth of liberalism and education
Doutorado
Historia, Filosofia e Educação
Doutor em Educação
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Geislerova, Marketa. "Building market democracy in Eastern Europe in the context of neo-liberalism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0020/MQ48387.pdf.
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Montaño, Emilio Allier. "Democracy and neo-liberalism in Mexican politics (1988-2006) : a discursive approach." Thesis, University of Essex, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.589470.
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The central aim of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of electoral and democratic discursive practices during the installation and reproduction of the neo-liberal regime in Mexico. Specifically, the thesis aims to clarify our comprehension of the ideological and political significance of Mexico's electoral and democratic dynamics over a twenty year period from the late 1980s to the mid 2000s. The thesis' main contention is that these discursive dynamics have a paradoxical role. On the one hand, they serve to alleviate particular political and social tensions. On the other, they preserve and legitimise an exclusionary politico- economic hegemony. The majority of scholars see this period as a crucial period of democratic transition and consolidation. Other scholars have made some important advances in our understanding by offering a nuanced and complex picture of this period in terms of the concrete economic struggles taking place in Mexico. Yet such efforts miss the exclusionary and legitimating effects of these practices, thereby weakening the explanatory dimension of these interventions. Drawing on the articulation of the Political Discourse Theory and Lacanian psychoanalysis I deploy a "logics" approach to explain these effects. This theory offers an important theoretical framework comprising three basic units of explanation: social, political, and fantasmatic logic. Contrary to the dominant thrust of the literature, I suggest: (1) that the most prominent economic and political changes during this period underpinned a shift to a neo-liberal economic regime, not primarily or only a transformation to a democratic polis; (2) that calls for electoral and democratic reform became crucial elements in wider, powerful political logics that helped institute, defend, and consolidate neo-liberal social norms; and (3) that the affective energy invested in the electoral and democratic dynamics legitimised and justified an exclusionary regime of practices. The thesis is structured around a qualitative methodological approach to a handful of key events in the recent political history of Mexico: the 1988 elections, the 1994-1996 period of political and economic turmoil and the 2000 and 2006 electoral process. I argue that viewing this crucial twenty- year period as a function of logics not only assists in the task of offering a more satisfying characterisation of Mexico's recent electoral and democratic practices, it also makes more visible, and helps us better assess, its ideological, political and economic import.
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Richards, Benjamin J. "A home of one's own : housing policy under neo-liberalism in Chile." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418094.
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Ozoliņa-Fitzgerald, Liene. "The ethics of the willing : an ethnography of Post-Soviet Neo-Liberalism." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3124/.
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This dissertation is an ethnographic exploration of neo-liberal political subjectivity formation in post-Soviet Latvia. While Latvia has been one of the ‘catching-up’ economies of Eastern Europe, striving to approximate metric and symbolic ‘European standards’, I put forward here an investigation of ‘catching-up’ subjectivities as the flipside of this process. This enquiry is based upon a premise that a political system is never sustained only by its institutional structure; it is always also a mode of life, ways of being and knowing, particular systems of intelligibility and ordinary ethics. Therefore this study integrates a Foucauldian approach with insights from anthropological theories of subjectivity and the state, and postcolonial theories to investigate the process of neo-liberal political reforms in post-1991 Latvia as underpinned by shifts in perceptions of self vis-à-vis the state. Enabled by the ethnographic perspective, this research puts these ‘catching-up’ subjectivities to scrutiny rather than taking them for granted. Locating this investigation in an unemployment office in Riga, I explore individuals’ engagement with notions of ‘work on self’, individual responsibility, and ‘livable’ life in an ethnographically grounded way. The empirical chapters of the dissertation can be read as a map of a quest to give sociological substance to the concept of neo-liberal political subjectivity in conversation with the participant observation and narrative data. I argue that it is not sufficient to posit the Latvian story as a case of top-down subjectification, instituted through the ‘catching-up’ discourse of the post-Soviet governing elites. Exposed to ethnographic scrutiny, the process of neo-liberal political change comes into sharper relief as not simply accepted or resisted by the subjects that it seeks to form. I argue that we need to consider the logic of neoliberalism in an inverted way and to theorise neo-liberal political subjectivity in affective terms, constituted through geo-politically and historically formed anxieties and intimacies.
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Geislerova, Marketa Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Building market democracy in Eastern Europe in the context of neo-liberalism." Ottawa, 1999.
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au, dweston@ncwa com, and Delys Eleanor Weston. "Democracy and political economy of genetic engineering." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070327.143205.
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This thesis aims to provide a more critical framework for the assessment of future technologies and therefore social directions and to help to bring an understanding to the relationship between global political economy, corporate power, ideology, science and technology. This is essential given the many issues facing contemporary society issues of sustainability and humanitys place in the broad ecology, of the need for a diversity of economies, societies and cultures, of the need for greater economic equality and equity across the globe.
The relationship between globalisation, science and technology, democratic governance and citizens is explored using the case of genetic engineering technologies. The thesis draws on a conceptual framework provided by the theory of political economy to facilitate the assessment of the impact of a technology on society . It provides a critical framework for looking at individualised, sectoral and short term interests versus the often conflicting interests of what is termed the common good. The juxtaposition of the neo-liberal, conservative and contemporarily dominant world view with that of the more radical, political economy stance exposes the tension between these two ways of viewing human history and the future of humankind.
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Rogers, Annette K. "Examining school managerialism in the context of crisis, neo-liberalism and education policy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0010/MQ32375.pdf.
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Maher, David John. "Civil war and uncivil development: neo-Liberalism, globalisation and political violence in Colombia." Thesis, University of Kent, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.594275.
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Macartney, Huw Thomas Lamont. "Transnationally oriented fractions of capital, variegated neo-liberalism and EU Financial market integration." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509737.
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Ledger, Robert Mark. "A transition from here to there? : neo-liberal thought and Thatcherism." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8541.
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This PhD thesis asks how ‘neo-liberal’ was the Thatcher government? Existing accounts tend to characterise neo-liberalism as a homogeneous, and often ill-defined, group of thinkers that exerted a broad influence over the Thatcher government. This thesis - through a combination of archival research, interviews and examination of ideological texts - defines the dominant strains of neo-liberalism more clearly and explores their relationship with Thatcherism. In particular, the schools of liberal economic thought founded in Vienna and Chicago are examined and juxtaposed with the initial neo-liberals originating from Freiburg in 1930s and 1940s Germany. Economic policy and deregulation were the areas that most clearly linked neo-liberal thinking with Thatcherism, but this thesis looks at a broad cross section of the wider programme of the Thatcher government. This includes other domestic policies such as education and housing, as well as the Thatcher government’s success in reducing or altering the pressures exerted by vested interests such as the trade unions and monopolies. Lastly, while less associated with neo-liberal theory, foreign policy, in the area of overseas aid, is examined to show how ideas filtered into the international arena during the 1980s. Although clearly a political project, the policies of Thatcherism, in so far as they were ideological, resonate most with the more expedient, or practical, Friedmanite strain of neo-liberalism. This encapsulated a willingness to utilize the state, often in contradictory ways, to pursue more marketorientated policies. As such, it sat somewhere between the more rules-based ordoliberalism and the often utopian Austrian School.
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Broughton, Christopher M. "The Institutionalization of Restorative Justice: A Canadian Perspective." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23115.
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Restorative justice emerged in the western world as an alternative to the existing retributive penal system. An alternative that no longer relied on lawyers and judges to resolve criminal matters and community disputes, but rather empowered victims, offenders, and community members to do justice themselves. Throughout the past thirty years restorative justice has distanced itself from the traditional criminal justice system by focusing on repairing the harm caused by an offence rather than charging an offender for committing a crime against the state. This study focuses on the institutionalization of restorative justice. Specifically, this thesis conducts a content analysis of five Canada institutionalized restorative justice programs with the purpose of answering one primary research question. This question asks: are institutionalized restorative justice programs within Canada structured to reflect the core values of restorative justice? In order to answer this question, this thesis analyzes all the available textual documents pertaining to the five selected restorative justice programs for evidence of core restorative justice values and values associated with the co-opting institution, the retributive criminal justice system. This thesis concludes that yes, the five analyzed restorative programs are structured to reflect the core values of restorative justice. Although, the programs are also structured to reflect the core values of the current political ideology of neo-liberalism.
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Butovsky, Jonah. "The decline of the New Democratic Party, the politics of postmaterialism or neo-liberalism?" Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ59073.pdf.
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Holmgren, Simon. "Hawks and doves on the Korean peninsula : A content analysis of United States and South Korea policy vis-à-vis North Korea in 2013." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-27350.
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This study examines the South Korea President Park Geun-hye and United States President Obama respective administration's policy vis-à-vis North Korea. The scope is narrowed down to the year 2013, during which the regime in Pyongyang conducted its third nuclear test. How to perceive and engage the regime in Pyongyang have been debated in the post-cold war era, divided into progressive (doves) and hard liners (hawks). Periods of policy discrepancy have occurred between Washington and Seoul, that have been observed to bear effect on North Korean behavior vis-à-vis South Korea. This study ties on to the contemporary policy debate in Seoul and Washington on North Korean engagement strategies. Moreover, expanding the scope and examines the respective administration's policy through a analytical framework based on a content analysis from a system level perspective. Furthermore, how neo-realism, neo-liberalism and the concept of reciprocity can shed light upon respective policies and give a sense of notion of alignment or discrepancy between Seoul and Washington.
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Greenberg, Joshua L. "Promotional communication and reflexivity : case studies in the media politics and problematization of neo-liberalism /." *McMaster only, 2003.
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Oldfield, Mark. "The probation service and the governance of the offender : discourse, power and politics in the probation service in England and Wales." Thesis, University of Kent, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369678.
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Rathbone, Mark. "Unemployment and "the gift" in the South African context / M. Rathbone." Thesis, North-West University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/9213.
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Unemployment is a major problem in South Africa that has the potential to erode the democratic future of this country. In general, the main economic approaches that deal with unemployment are informed by neo-liberal and neo-Marxist perspectives. The problem is that these perspectives are in a dialectical tension with each other and can increase conflict and unemployment. This dialectical tension is reflected in language that can be informed by the reductionist aspects of the ontologies perspectives. The purpose of this study is to inquire whether the deconstruction of Jacques Derrida can provide an alternative perspective for the dialectical tension present between neo-liberal and neo-Marxist approaches that are being used to address the problem of unemployment in the South African context. In this regard, the critique of the language of reductionist ontologies by deconstruction provides a means to move beyond the tension between neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism, because deconstruction uncovers the ambivalence of the language of both perspectives, but without constructing a new synthesis that may result in new reductions of reality. This reduction of reality is evident in the use of “growth momentum”, referred to by Rodrik (2008:3), as a suggestion of a neo-liberal solution to the problem of unemployment. Growth is a reference to natural processes that can become a means to hide the mechanical structure of the economic cycle, which again has the potential to restrict growth through extreme forms of inequality and greed. Neo-Marxist perspectives utilise references to “equality” and “government intervention” to deal with injustice. This can result in extreme forms of control that diminish human dignity.
The role of deconstruction for the language of economic theory is illustrated by Jacques Derrida’s use of the word “Gift”. A gift is ambivalent because it contains a tension between self-interest and justice, which Jacques Derrida refers to as “hospitable narcissism”. It will be argued that this ambivalence is present in the language of the economic theory of John Maynard Keynes, which may provide important sustainable economic perspectives for dealing with unemployment in South Africa, thus providing a practical application of hospitable narcissism. In this regard, deconstruction is helpful to develop sensitivity to the language used and the ontologies that inform the language when addressing unemployment. The gift advances human dignity through responsible governance that is critical of 5 uncontrolled self-interest, greed and corruption. This happens through engagement with unemployed people – an act of accountability.
In this regard, the study aims at researching the following goals: Firstly, it aims to argue that unemployment in general is perpetuated by the dialectical tension between neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism; secondly, the deconstruction of language provides a critical perspective on reality that opens new perspectives for discussing the possibility of sustainable economic language, with reference to the word “gift”; thirdly, an aspect of “the gift” is present in the economic theory of Keynes that may provide sustainable perspectives for unemployment in the South African context.
In order to reach these goals, a praxis methodology is followed in which the practical reality of unemployment and the dialectical tension between neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism in South Africa are the points of departure. The implication is that the economic reality of unemployment and the political tension between neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism form the basis for further philosophical reflection. To do this, a deconstructive approach is followed as a means to explore the ontology of neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism. This is followed by a deconstructive reading of the economic theory that John Maynard Keynes follows in order to provide alternative perspectives for the problem of unemployment in South Africa.
The following resources were consulted in the research: Library catalogue of the North-West University, research articles through the database of Ebsco-host, statistics of unemployment from Statistics South Africa, and newspaper articles.
This mini-dissertation is presented in the form of an article, in accordance with rule A.7.2.5 of the “General Academic Rules” of the North-West University. The article will be presented for publication in the journal Acta Academica, at a later stage. In this regard, the guidelines for publication of this journal are included in the appendix. The article contains the following subdivisions:
1. Introduction
2. Neo-liberalism and neo-Marxism: Contemporary research of unemployment in South Africa
3. Deconstruction and “the gift”
4. John Maynard Keynes and unemployment
5. “The gift” and unemployment in the South African context
6. Conclusion
In the next section, the research article is presented with a bibliography and a summary of the article in English and Afrikaans, in accordance with the prescriptions of Acta Academica. In the final sections of the document some general conclusions, the limitations of the study and recommendations for further research, are presented. This is followed by the appendix with prescriptions for research articles submitted to Acta Academica.Thesis (MPhil)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.
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Sidorenko, Ewa Joanna. "Neo-liberalism after communism : constructing a sociological account of the political space of post-1989 Poland." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313988.
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Bates, John. "The globalisation discourse, neo-liberalism and its impact on the education and training of social workers." Thesis, University of Hull, 2008. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6700.
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This research is concerned with the implementation of the new degree in social work following the Care Standards Act of 2000. The degree was introduced against a backcloth of extraordinary changes in the provision of welfare, the practical delivery of social work services and the education of social work students within a higher education setting which itself has undergone profound changes. It examines the political and economic changes which have impacted on the welfare state and how those in turn, have affected what is taught to social work students and how it is taught in our universities. By exploring the implementation of the degree in Wales insights from academics and government officials were analysed to gain a better understanding of the policy drivers which lay behind the implementation of the degree and its impact on the various 'players'. Nine participants were interviewed from different settings including the University, the Care Council for Wales and the Social Services Inspectorate for Wales. People's accounts revealed a sharp difference in perception as to the way the degree was introduced, the nature of partnership working and the ultimate effectiveness of the new degree in improving the skills and knowledge of future social work practitioners. Several implications for policy and practice are presented. The analysis suggests the need for a broader debate as to what is taught on social work programmes and how it might be assessed, which should involve academics, practitioners, service users and government officials. The task is to create a curriculum which offers a less predetermined understanding of practice characterised by uncertainty, without losing a concern for safe practice. This may require a shift of authority towards practitioners' situated judgements and away from predetermined outcomes, both in respect of programme planning and policy guidelines on the specification of standards. A new alliance is proposed to encourage a more authentic engagement with the process from practitioners, service users and social work educators.
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Harvey, Donna Maree. "Structure and ideology : reworking the labour movement." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2006. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16236/1/Donna_Harvey_Thesis.pdf.
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During the 1990s within Australia, a regulated industrial relations system which had fostered the growth of collective bargaining and trade unionism was dismantled and replaced by a neo-liberal approach to labour law. During this period trade union membership declined dramatically. Although overall union density has dropped, some unions have managed to arrest membership decline. The Association of Professional Engineers, Scientists and Managers, Australia and the National Tertiary Education Industry Union have successfully traversed the neo-liberal environment despite having adopted different processes. Through an analysis of both external and internal contingencies of these two successful but different union types, lessons were drawn as to effective forms of unionism. A comparative analysis of the empirical information suggest the benefits of a participative structure and collective ideology to enact a range of activities including industrial, political, solidarity and service. It is through this process that unions have the best possible means to generate alternative methods of social organisation to protect the rights and wellbeing of wage earners within a neo-liberal political economy.
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Harvey, Donna Maree. "Structure and ideology : reworking the labour movement." Queensland University of Technology, 2006. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16236/.
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During the 1990s within Australia, a regulated industrial relations system which had fostered the growth of collective bargaining and trade unionism was dismantled and replaced by a neo-liberal approach to labour law. During this period trade union membership declined dramatically. Although overall union density has dropped, some unions have managed to arrest membership decline. The Association of Professional Engineers, Scientists and Managers, Australia and the National Tertiary Education Industry Union have successfully traversed the neo-liberal environment despite having adopted different processes. Through an analysis of both external and internal contingencies of these two successful but different union types, lessons were drawn as to effective forms of unionism. A comparative analysis of the empirical information suggest the benefits of a participative structure and collective ideology to enact a range of activities including industrial, political, solidarity and service. It is through this process that unions have the best possible means to generate alternative methods of social organisation to protect the rights and wellbeing of wage earners within a neo-liberal political economy.
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Knio, Karim. "A tale of two economic development perspectives : neo liberalism and its alternatives in the European Mediterranean Partnership." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433497.
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Looker, Gerard. "Trade union organisers in trade union organising strategies : building workplace unionism or reinforcing bureaucracy." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/12104.
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This thesis considers the role of union full time officers in union organising strategies. Two decades of promoting union organising influenced by models developed by the AFL-CIO, has failed to arrest the decline of UK trade unions let alone produce evidence of renewal. Focusing mainly on one region in the UKs largest public sector trade union, Unison, the research provides for a detailed account of how organising strategies affect union work, presenting thick and deep data from full time officers (Regional Organisers), Regional Management, Senior National Officials, other Unison staff and lay representatives. The research focuses on the previously neglected role of full time officers in union organising strategies and considers how such strategies can change both the role of the full time officer and relations with other union constituencies. The research contributes to the ongoing study of trade union attempts to renew in the cold climate of globalisation and neo-liberalism. In doing so it also considers the much ignored area of the role of union bureaucracy in union organising strategies and the potential distortion or opposition it may present. Consequently the research also synthesises literature on union organising with classical theories of trade unions. Unison embraced the TUC’s promotion of grassroots organising and, it has been claimed, has been transformed into an organising union. The research questions this judgement by revealing a disconnection between organising strategies from workplace realities, resulting in an increasing managerialism and attempts to extend control over full time officers. A key consequence of these developments is the deterioration in the ability of Unison to represent members, both collectively and individually, leading to a potential crisis in representational capacity and ability providing the prospect for further union decline.
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Davids, Rochelle Nicolette. "An assessment of recent ethical discourses on globalization: comparing the critique of Joseph Stiglitz on global capital with ecumenical globalization debates on the Accra declaration." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4836.
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Magister Artium - MA (Ethics)This research will investigate how globalization developed its own ethical discourse, based on perceived benefits and failures; also how it could be transformed within the global economic sphere, based on critique and advice given by Joseph Eugene Stiglitz, a world renowned economist. Globally, historically and currently, there has been a misunderstanding about the concept and dynamics of globalization among government officials, economists and ordinary citizens. This resulted in an economic imbalance that benefited [and still benefits] the rich and leaves the poor outside in the cold. In this research I wish to explore the critique of Stiglitz on globalization, specifically on global capital. The aim is to bring the Stiglitz critique into alignment with critical debates within ecumenical circles on the responsibility of human agents – based on middle-ground (shared ground) ethical discourse. The normative framework for such a comparison of responses to globalization, delivering middle axioms in ethical discourse, is taken from various strands of “Responsibility Theory”, especially the contributions of authors such as Tödt, Schweiker and Sacks. The important goal of this inter-disciplinary exercise is to bring about a balance between the discrepancy of the proclaimed benefits and the extreme negative effects which globalization has for millions of people worldwide, as expressed by Stiglitz and confirmed by various ecumenical discourses. For the purposes of this study ecumenical debates on globalization, called forth by the impact of the Accra Declaration on Globalization (2004), are discussed in some detail: the Agape Process within the World Council of Churches, the Stackhouse Project on Globalization and the joint Project on Globalization of the Uniting Reformed Church of Southern Africa and the Reformed Church in Germany. The results of the study show a convergence in ethical concerns and the strengthening of ethical discourse between critical economists and ecumenical theologians, especially on extreme and ever-growing discrepancies between rich and poor, and the effect of unbridled economic activity on the future of our planet. It is hoped that this study will contribute towards ongoing inter-disciplinary work on the burning social-ethical issues facing humanity and our earth.
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Louw, Louis Nel. "Learnerships and employability: A Case Study of a private provider's delivery of a learnership in the Information Technology sector." University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7793.
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Magister Philosophiae - MPhilIn this research paper, I explore the relationship between learnerships and employability. Will I get a job after completing a learnership? This question is posed by many if not most learners participating in learnerships. Learnerships have been promoted as improving the skills level of the population as integral part of economic growth in South Africa. This is still in process as the impact of completed learnerships still has to be felt and seen in industry, especially in increased employment or improving the possibility of employment. In this paper I investigate the relationship between a learnership and employment.
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Mubecua, Mandla Abednico. "The role of Non-Governmental Organisations toward addressing poverty in the Nkomazi Local Municipality in Mpumalanga." Thesis, University of Zululand, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1732.
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A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Masters of Development Studies in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University Of Zululand, 2018The aim of this study is to assess the role of NGOs in addressing poverty, and it was conducted in the Mpumalanga province, under Nkomazi Local Municipality. This study situates the development of NGOs within the theoretical frameworks of Keynesianism, the neo-liberal economic system, and from the theory of NGOs as a third sector. The Keynesian system holds that increased government expenditure results in a corresponding increase in economic output. The Keynesians welfare system supports the active participation of government in the economy. However, at the height of the Keynesian economy, NGOs did not receive due attention. The policies of the Keynesian economy did not support NGOs until the role of the multilateral organisations rose to prominence, and it was then that NGOs gained recognition. Problems with Keynesian economics led to the emergence of neo-liberalism, and neo-liberalism shaped policy in a way that favoured economic growth through the Market. It was within the framework of neo-liberalism that NGOs arose to prominence. This occurred under the auspices of multilateral organisations which encouraged the rise of NGOs. However, the poor performance of the State and the Market, with regards to poverty and development gave rise to the emergence of NGOs as a third sector. Literature relating to this study further shows that the operation of NGOs as a third sector depended on factors such as leadership, management, adaptability, financial capacity, corruption, and accountability. The present study adopts a mixed-method approach. This entails the integration of positivism and interpretivism into a philosophy of post-positivism. Therefore, this study uses both qualitative and quantitative data. Qualitative data was collected through structured interviews, while quantitative data was collected by questionnaires. The qualitative data were analysed by content analysis, the quantitative data were analysed by SPSS. The findings of this study show that NGOs mostly experience the following challenges: high staff turnover, mostly because of low wages; limited resources, and a lack of permanent structures from which to work. Even though NGOs experience these challenges, the results of this study show that the NGOs in the study area are able to adapt and work in an environment characterised by limited resources. Lastly, regardless of the challenges experienced by NGOs, this study shows that NGOs have a role in poverty reduction. In terms of recommendations, this study recommends that NGO sponsors should pay attention to the challenges relating to the buildings structures where NGOs’ operate. The study also recommends that NGO sponsors have to review the wages of NGO workers against the wages of retails workers. Moreover, it is further recommended that NGO staff needed to be capacitated by developing some skills, such as proposal writing. Lastly, this study recommends that NGOs develop new strategies for sustaining themselves, such as starting other income streams. All-in-all, the study concludes that NGOs in the Nkomazi Local Municipality play a meaningful role in addressing symptoms of poverty.
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Shen, Julia/Ching-Min. "(Re)Envisioning autonomy: Neo-liberalism, performance-based school management and the development of ideal global citizens in Taiwan." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Educational Studies and Human Development, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7175.
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Within a neo-liberal world polity, the concept of autonomy is increasingly perceived as conducive to postmodern nations’ rational progress in developing knowledge societies. In accordance with global trends, the Taiwanese government implemented a policy of performance-based school management in 2005 to enhance educational accountability, efficiency, equity and quality. This autonomy-based reform perceives all educational stakeholders as self-interested, utility-maximizing market egoists who are capable of realizing their maximum potential by ceaselessly making consumer-style choices. The government assumes that the provision of choices will give everyone an equal chance of educational success.
The negative socio-political consequences brought about by the adoption of neo-liberalism’s beliefs and practices have been explicitly acknowledged and illustrated in the literature. Nonetheless, the ways neo-liberalism has affected Taiwan’s socio-educational reality have scarcely been acknowledged or examined, and even on a theoretical level there has been little thought given to the provision of alternative socio-educational possibilities. Thus, this research, grounded in the context of Taiwan, analyzed neo-liberal ideologies to discover their implications for socio-educational practices. Moral and philosophical insights from various theorists were synthesized and advanced as a substitute for neo-liberalism.
This research was based on the method of deconstruction and reconstruction of textual discourse. For deconstructive analysis, the aim was to investigate and problematize how certain neo-liberal values have come to be globally/nationally institutionalized, and utilized to manipulate citizens’ consciousness for the maximization of economic efficiency, productivity, and profitability in the education market. The reconstructive synthesis, then, aimed to initiate possible socio-educational changes through reconceptualising these same values in respect to Taiwan’s contextual specificity.
Overlooking the need to address neo-liberalism’s belief in individualism, inequitable socio-economic structures and monistic, decontextualised and mechanistic epistemology, the Taiwanese government’s promotion of autonomy was found to perpetuate socio-economic inequalities, power imbalances, human monism and intellectual inflexibility in education.
A shift in epistemology wherein autonomy was reconceptualised as “heteronomous autonomy” was found to be capable of reorienting the overall frame of democratic reference towards a communitarian paradigm that would contribute to greater social equity and solidarity. This finding is extremely important as heteronomous autonomy takes human diversity as its foundation, so the emphasis changes from the rights of the individual to the self’s unconditional responsibility to and for differences. Thus, a
heteronomous-autonomy-based education would forsake neo-liberalism’s standardized pedagogical approaches in favour of a creative framework-in-context. Committing to increased democratic justice and social intellectualism, this alternative education model has more capacity to transform Taiwan into a true knowledge society, where a high level of social cohesion is an absolute precondition.
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satybaldieva, Elmira. "The nature of local politics in rural Kyrgyzstan : A study of social inequalities, everyday politics and neo-liberalism." Thesis, University of Kent, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529395.
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Pereira, Margaret A. "Governing drug use among young people : crime, harm and contemporary drug use practices." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2013. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/63631/1/Margaret_Pereira_Thesis.pdf.
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Taking an empirical, critical approach to the problem of drugs, this thesis explores the interaction of drug policies and young people's drug use in Brisbane. The research argues that criminalising drug users does not usually prevent harmful drug use, but it can exacerbate harm and change how young people use drugs. Contemporary understandings of drug use as either recreational or addictive can create a false binary, and influence how illicit drugs are used. These understandings interact with policy responses to the drug problem, with some very real implications for the lived experiences of drug users. This research opens up possibilities for new directions in drug research and allows for a redefinition of drug related harm.
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Park, Kwang-Hyung. "After the Crossroads: Neo-liberal Globalization, Democratic Transition, and Progressive Urban Community Activism in South Korea." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12988.
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The main purpose of this study is to understand the historicity of the dynamics of socio-economic changes and the characteristics of social and political mobilization in the case of progressive activists' ongoing search for new strategies of progressive urban community politics in Seoul, South Korea, after the historical conjuncture of democratization and neo-liberal globalization. This study is conducted through participant observation, interviews, and post-fieldwork historical research. By adopting the concept of "multiple-layeredness" as the underlying perspective, this study aims to capture the complexity and hybridity of past and recent socio-economic transformations. The progressive community activists are products of historically specific circumstances of state repression and radical social movements in the 1980s and the 1990s, and the influences of their past activist experiences are visible in their community activism. Historically, the state has been implicated in popular mobilizations for the national goals of economic development and democratization, which resulted in two-party domination in local politics. Under this unfavorable political condition, the community activists seek to acquire their places in public institutions through local elections and to organize grassroots resistance against local "growth machines" by mobilizing various social ties.
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Parra-Rosales, L. P. "The reconfiguration of the state in an era of neoliberal globalism : state violence and indigenous responses in the Costa Chica-Montaña of Guerrero, Mexico." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3199.
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The adoption of the neo-liberal model in the mid-1980s has forced the governing elites to reconfigure the Mexican State. However, the consolidation of a neoliberal State continues to be incomplete and it has been problematic to fully integrated the Mexican economy in the global market due to the increasing organized crime, the dismantling of previous post-revolutionary control mechanisms, and the growing mobilisation of organised indigenous opposition ranging from the peaceful obstruction of hydroelectric mega-projects in their territories to armed struggle. In view of the State crisis, this thesis argues that there has been a shift in the system of control mechanisms of the State that is leaning towards a more recurrent use of open violence to implement its neo-liberal State project. From a theoretical perspective, the research proposes an innovative approach to understanding the formation of the post-revolutionary State, which transcends the State violence dichotomy established between the ´corporatist´ and the ´critical´ approaches in the contemporary literature. The research highlights the wide spectrum of control mechanisms from hegemonic domination to violence used by the governing elites to compensate the unfinished State formation process in order to maintain socio-political stability without profound structural changes. It explores the enhanced tendency of State violence to replace incorporation in Statesociety relations since the efforts to restructure the economy from the 1980s onwards. The thesis analyses how this tendency has grown particularly in response to indigenous movements in the South of Mexico. The argument is substantiated empirically with two case studies undertaken in the sub-region of Costa Chica-Montaña of Guerrero with data from 79 semi-structured interviews with a wide range of social and political actors, and participant observation in ten indigenous communities. The case studies explore the different State control mechanisms used to advance the State formation model in the post revolutionary period; the impact of the crisis of those mechanisms in the sub-region; the violent resistance of local bosses to the loss of power, and the multiples indigenous responses to the implementation of neoliberal policies in their territories. This research also includes a comparative study to explain some factors that strengthen indigenous articulations, as well as their limits in an era of neoliberal globalisation. One of the most important research findings is that neoliberalism has further weakened the 'civilianisation' power of the State to deal peacefully with civil society sectors, particularly with indigenous peoples, while it has strengthened its 'centralised-coercive' power to carry out the imposed State model. Another finding is that the indigenous initiatives that have reinvented themselves through a new version of their practices and broader alliances have consolidated their alternative models. In contrast, the indigenous responses that have reproduced their traditions have failed.
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Sung, Minkyu. "The biopolitical otherization of North Korea: a critique of anti-North Koreanism in the twilight of neo-liberalism and new conservatism." Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/604.
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My main argument in this dissertation is that popular nationalism in post-war South Korea, unlike the conventional claim to it among many South Korean critical intellectuals and unification policy-makers, cannot serve as an antidote to anti-North Koreanism. On the contrary, it is problematic that the cultural politics of national identification, prescribed as an authentic critical tool of challenging anti-North Koreanism, helps program hierarchical inter-Korea relationships by exposing the South Korean public to anomalous cultural-political characteristics of North Koreans. It also does so by creating popular discourses that have reinforced unification policy agendas that frame the development of North Korea in terms that would make it amenable to the needs of transnational capitalism and the legitimacy of liberal human rights discourse. This critical endeavor claims that the critique of anti-North Koreanism cannot be successful without problematizing the idea of discontinuity that stresses there is a rupture between cold war and post-cold war forms of anti-North Koreanism. This is because any un-scrutinized presumption of the historical transition can only confuse critical interpretations of the role of national identification while thereby reinforcing policy-driven resolutions for inter-Korea sociability. Thus, I locate the significance of my work in a democratic call for South Korean critical communication and cultural studies as well as the public to effectively deconstruct the contingent discursive collaboration of national identification and anti-North Koreanism that complies with transnational globalization.
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Örjebo, Desirée. "Känslan av att inte räcka till : En kvalitativ studie av fyra skolkuratorers arbetssituation." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för socialt arbete, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-33946.
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Den insamlade empirin syftar till att besvara studiens frågeställningar gällande hur skolkuratorerna i denna studie påverkas av resursbrister inom skolan, samt vilken hjälp och stöd de får när de ställs inför utmaningar i arbetet. För att besvara dessa frågor har fyra verksamma skolkuratorer under intervjuer berättat om sina olika upplevelser inom yrkesrollen. Empirin har strukturerats med hjälp av innehållsanalys och har därefter tolkats och analyserats utifrån tidigare forskning och ett neo-liberalistiskt perspektiv. Det teoretiska perspektivet har tillämpats för att empirin ska kunna förstås i samband med hur samhället påverkar den individuella skolkuratorn. Studiens resultat visar att de rådande resursbristerna för skolkuratorerna får konsekvenser både gällande yrkesutövandet och den egna hälsan. Slutsatsen av resultatet är att samhällets ekonomiska prioriteringar medför en risk för att elever inte kan ges bästa möjliga hjälp och att kuratorerna vid oförbättrade förutsättningar i arbetet riskerar utbrändhet.2018-06-05
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Stewart, Iain. "Raymond Aron and the roots of the French Liberal Renaissance." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/raymond-aron-and-the-roots-of-the-french-liberal-renaissance(80d5362a-6256-40f2-821d-06eaec43e4c3).html.
Full textAbstract:
Raymond Aron is widely recognised as France's greatest twentieth-century liberal, but the specifically liberal quality of his thought has not received the detailed historical analysis that it deserves. His work appears to fit so well within widely accepted understandings of post-war European liberalism, which has been defined primarily in terms of its anti-totalitarian, Cold War orientation, that its liberal status has been somewhat taken for granted. This has been exacerbated by an especially strong perception of a correlation between liberalism and anti-totalitarianism in France, whose late twentieth-century renaissance in liberal political thought is viewed as the product of an 'anti-totalitarian turn' in the late 1970s. While the moral authority accumulated through decades of opposition to National Socialism and Soviet communism made Aron into an anti-totalitarian icon, his early contribution to the rediscovery of France's liberal tradition established his reputation as a leader of the renaissance in the study of liberal political thought. Aron's prominence within this wider renaissance suggests that an historical treatment of his thought is overdue, but while the assumptions underpinning his reputation are not baseless, they do need to be critically scrutinised if such a treatment is to be credible. In pursuit of this end, two main arguments are developed in the present thesis. These are, first, that Aron's liberalism was more a product of the inter-war crisis of European liberalism than of the Cold War and, second, that his relationship with the French liberal tradition was primarily active and instrumental rather than passive and receptive. The first argument indicates that Aron's liberalism developed through a dialogue with and partial integration of important strands of anti-liberal crisis thought during these inter-war years; the second that earlier liberals with whose work he is frequently associated - notably Montesquieu and Tocqueville - had no substantial formative influence on his political thought. These contentions are interrelated in that Aron's post-war interpretation of his chosen liberal forebears was driven by a need to address specific problems arising from the liberal political epistemology that he formulated before the Second World War. It is by establishing in detail the link between Aron's reading of Montesquieu and Tocqueville and these earlier writings that the thesis makes its principal contribution to the existing literature on Aron, but several other original interpretations of his work are offered across its four thematic chapters on 'Political Epistemology', 'Anti-totalitarianism', 'The End of Ideology' and 'Instrumentalizing the French Liberal Tradition'. Regarding Aron's relationship with the wider late twentieth-century recovery of liberal political thought in France, it contends that the specific liberal renaissance to which he contributed most substantially emerged not as part of the anti-totalitarian turn, but in hostile reaction to the events of May 1968. This informs a broader argument that French liberal renaissance of these years was considerably more heterogeneous than is often assumed.
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Hathaway, Wendy Ann. ""Ethnographizing" service-learning creating a politically engaged anthropology /." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0001373.
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Berry, Jonathan. "An investigation into teachers' professional autonomy in England : implications for policy and practice." Thesis, University of Hertfordshire, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2299/10337.
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The current coalition government in England has expressed its commitment to establishing an autonomous teaching profession. This study argues that such autonomy cannot exist in a system that is ideologically driven by market forces and neo-liberal policy. The best situation that most teachers can hope to experience – barring a seismic shift in material conditions – is an earned and scrutinised autonomy, which is an oxymoronic concept. It is argued that the tight control exercised by the state over what happens in schools through its promotion of market forces, reinforces the ideological nature of schooling in England. The theoretical and ontological basis of the study resides in an orthodox Marxist perspective and analyses the way in which neo-liberalism has formed the basis for the material conditions under which teachers currently work. It develops this idea to demonstrate how this dominant ideology pervades current discourse about pedagogy and curriculum, reducing such discourse to a narrower consideration of ‘standards’. It considers how this diminution of what the curriculum has become has, in its turn, had an impact on teachers’ view of their professional autonomy. Data are gathered from two rounds of interviews with 22 serving teachers complemented by some written responses from them. Six others with a professional interest in education policy-making, four of whom are headteachers, are also interviewed. The conclusion is drawn that teachers’ autonomy remains restricted, with any independence of action largely contingent upon the production of outcomes measured against limited, pre-determined and ideologically driven outcomes. The study identifies a disconnection between the aspirations of teachers with regard to their professional autonomy and those of some, but not all, headteachers. A further disconnection between the aspirations of teachers and the policies of central government is also identified. Significantly, teachers may enjoy more professional autonomy in those schools which currently, and possibly temporarily, enjoy market popularity. In terms of a contribution to the debate about teacher autonomy, the study demonstrates that, notwithstanding the effects of the current policy ensemble, teachers maintain a sense of what education could offer young people that goes beyond the existing, reductive models that frame their working lives.
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Taniguchi, Rie. "Dueling Development Models: Japan's Challenge to the Washington Consensus in the 1990s." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104886.
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Thesis advisor: Sarah BabbIn the early 1990s, at the height of the Washington Consensus, its hegemonic model of neoliberal development was strongly challenged by Japan, the U.S.’s greatest ally. The key event characterizing this challenge occurred when Japan’s Overseas Economic Cooperation Fund (OECF) began criticizing the World Bank’s famous Structural Adjustment Loans (SALs). This subsequently led to the publication of the “East Asian Miracle Report” by the World Bank financed by the Japanese government. This poses a great puzzle considering Japan’s historically submissive and politically deferential relationship with the U.S. since the end of World War II. I address two questions in my thesis to solve the above puzzle: (1) why did the Japanese state choose to oppose American ideological hegemony in the 1990s? (2) how did the ideas involved in this challenge develop within and beyond the institution of Japanese policy bureaucracy? The theory and methods used in this paper are inspired by the historical institutionalist tradition in sociology and political science. I argue that the shift in Japan’s foreign aid strategy in the late 1980s was driven by a mixture of economic, institutional and political factors. This along with the escalating influence of the Washington Consensus and its interference with Japanese aid policy, drove Japan to oppose American ideological hegemony in the 1990s. Furthermore, tracing the policy discourses of the OECF during this period revealed that not only economic and political factors, but also the developmentalist idea that valued the central role of the state in its economic development was essential in instigating Japan’s construction and promotion of its own development model. I conclude that Japan’s challenge was both a local and a global social construct, developed in the processes of transnational interaction with other states and their actors, and drawing on internationally available economic ideas
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology
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Newey, Peter. "Wine tourism in Argentina and Spain : a neoliberal perspective." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/4392.
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The wine industries of Argentina and Spain have undergone significant structural change over the last thirty years that has coincided with a period of trade liberalisation and as part of neoliberal economic reforms. In addition new markets have emerged in North America, Europe and Australasia, domestic consumption has declined, competition has increased and there has been a shift in consumer tastes to better quality, fine wines. As a result the patterns of supply and demand have changed and there has been a transition from a protected productivist to a post-productivist regime. Wine tourism has provided the medium through which these post productive features of transition brought about by neoliberalism have been investigated. The analysis uses and extends the work of Marsden (1995) and Wilson (2001) by emphasising the importance of locally assembled networks and clusters and the integration of the producers with their local communities. It also reworks Le Heron (2001; 2005) to argue that reconfigurations of the supply chain are indicative of the post productive transition. The research specifically looks at the wine industries in Argentina and Spain from the point of view of the producer. It compares and contrasts wine tourism in these countries with wine tourism in the English speaking world and it looks at the rationale and benefits of wine tourism. Consequently, it broadens our knowledge of wine tourism and post productivism beyond the boundaries of the English speaking world where both have been adequately documented, to Spanish cultures in the Old and New Worlds, in Europe and Latin America.