Dissertations / Theses: 'Neo-liberal'

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Souza, Martha Júlia Martins de. "Advertising in (neo) liberal times." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2016. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/174699.

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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Inglês: Estudos Linguísticos e Literários, Florianópolis, 2016.
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Abstract : This investigation addresses a semiotic investigation of advertisements at Avenida Paulista and subway stations in São Paulo in the context of a liquid modernity society influenced by the effects of neoliberalism. In this context, the present work investigates visual and textual elements of ads collected from three subway stations at Avenida Paulista (Brigadeiro, Trianon-Masp and Consolação), in order to reveal the meanings and values behind the process of text production. The analysis carried out here is based on the critical lenses of Systemic Functional Linguistics (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004) and Social Semiotics (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006) that will examine the aspects of Mood and Modality present in the texts. Moreover, the perspective of social theories (Bauman, 2000, 2007-1, 2007-2; Harvey, 2005; 2012), tackles and expands the relation between text and social context. The objectives pursued by this study was to: 1) to identify and describe possible interferences of the neoliberal ideology, 2) to interpret the visual and verbal meanings according to the discussion proposed by the authors used in the neoliberalism/liquid modernity society debate; and 3) to reflect on how the neoliberal discourse encourages a consumerist attitude on individuals. At a more descriptive level, results show that: i) there is a predominance of neoliberal characteristics on the ads, such as interconnectivity, cult of personality, meritocracy, just to mention a few ii) certain individuals are excluded from the ads representation, while others are put in evidence; iii) the representation of women is still related to beauty and cosmetics while men embody a more professional/serious role; iv) ads at Avenida Paulista are more up-to-dated, dynamic and interactive, while ads from the stations were less varied and traditional when comes to format; v) language exchange focused more on declarative sentences (50%), followed by imperatives (27%), nominal clauses (21%) and interrogatives (2%), which indicates that ad producers are more interested in convincing potential consumers by being assertive rather than impose an authoritative discourse. At a more interpretative level, individuals are not only lead to an unceasing pursuit for commodities, but they are also encouraged to behave differently in terms of lifestyle and social relations.

Esta investigação aborda uma análise semiótica da publicidade na Avenida Paulista e estações de metrô em São Paulo, no contexto da sociedade líquida moderna, influenciada pelos efeitos do neoliberalismo. Nesse contexto, o presente trabalho investiga elementos visuais e textuais dos anúncios coletados de três estações de metrô na Avenida Paulista (Brigadeiro, Trianon-Masp e Consolação), com o intuito de revelar os significados e valores por trás do processo de produção textual. A análise conduzida aqui é baseada na visão crítica da Linguística Sistêmica Funcional (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2004), Semiótica Social (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006), que irão examinar aspectos de Modo e Modalidade presente nos textos. Além disso, a perspectiva das teorias sociais (Bauman, 2000, 2007-1, 2007-2; Harvey, 2005; 2012), abordam e expandem a relação entre texto e contexto social. Os objetivos buscados nesse estudo foram: 1) identificar e descrever possíveis interferências da ideologia neoliberal, 2) interpretar os significados visuais e verbais de acordo com a discussão proposta pelos autores usados no debate sobre neoliberalismo / sociedade líquido-moderna, e 3) refletir sobre como o discurso neoliberal encoraja uma atitude consumista nos indivíduos. Em nível mais descritivo, os resultados mostram que: i) há predominância de características neoliberais nos anúncios, como a interconectividade, culto à personalidade, meritocracia, apenas para citar alguns, ii) alguns indivíduos são excluídos da representação dos anúncios, enquanto outros são colocados em evidência; iii) a representação da mulher ainda está relacionada a beleza e cosméticos, enquanto homens incorporam um papel mais profissional/ sério, iv) os anúncios na Avenida Paulista são mais atualizados e interativos enquanto anúncios das estações são menos variados e tradicionais no que diz respeito a formato; v) o intercâmbio linguístico focaliza mais em sentenças declarativas (50%), seguidas por imperativos (27%), orações nominais (21%) e interrogativas (2%), o que indica que os produtores dos anúncios estão mais interessados em convencer os compradores em potencial por ser assertivo do que impor um discurso autoritário. Em nível interpretative, os indivíduos não apenas são levados a uma incessante busca por produtos, mas eles são também encorajados a comportarem-se diferentemente no que diz respeito a estilo de vida e relações sociais.

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Cornish, Sara Elizabeth. "Imposing the Liberal Peace: State-building and Neo-liberal Development in Timor-Leste." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Language, Social and Political Sciences, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/10287.

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From the mid-1990s, the amalgamation of security, development, and humanitarian imperatives under the single umbrella of ‘state-building’ has provided a compelling justification for increasingly intrusive interventions into the political, economic, and social affairs of subject countries. Guided by the assumptions of liberal peace theory, state-building initiatives engage directly with states, seeking to achieve a reformulation of structures of government as a first step towards the implementation of wider socio-economic reforms. The state-building project is geared towards the construction of a particular form of statehood in subject states; state institutions are to be reconstructed in accordance with a liberal template, and tasked with establishing the necessary institutional environment for market-led development and the liberal peace. Contemporary discourses of state-building and development are fundamentally interlinked, representing a unified process of neo-liberal replication in subject states, whereby fundamental transformations of social, political, and economic structures are to be implemented and sustained through the construction of liberal state institutions. Pressure to court international approval due to conditions of aid dependence curtails the potential for meaningful democracy in subject countries. Key questions of social and economic policy are subsumed as technical matters of good governance and removed from domestic democratic contestation, facilitating a transfer of formerly domestic considerations into the international sphere. These interlocking processes of state-building and neo-liberal discipline have contributed to an inversion of sovereign statehood, whereby the state serves to channel inward an externally driven agenda, rather than acting as a sovereign expression of domestic interests. This reality raises important questions regarding the nature of democracy in post-conflict environments, and in particular the impact of state-building activities on the prospects for broadly inclusive democracy in subject states. This study will examine the evolution of state-building as a critical components of peace-building missions, its central assumptions and goals, and its implementation in practice in Timor-Leste. The state-building process in Timor-Leste has contributed to the formation of an insulated state with little basis in Timorese society. The democratic experience in Timor-Leste has been profoundly disempowering; conditions of aid dependence have constrained elected governments in key areas of social and economic policy, resulting in a loss of popular legitimacy and mounting public disenchantment. Closer examination of food and agricultural policy and management of Timorese oil reserves reveals the extent to which government policy remains constrained by international preferences. In these areas, the government’s inability to act in the interests of the Timorese public has compounded social hardships and popular discontent, contributing to the build-up of anti-government sentiment that manifested itself in the 2006 crisis.

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Pearse, Janet. "Ontario works : mothering and neo-liberal social policy." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31039.

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In 1995 the Government of Ontario introduced reforms that significantly changed the way welfare was delivered in the province. Welfare rates were cut and benefits became conditional on recipients participating in a workfare programme called Ontario Works. These reforms ignore women's responsibility for child care. Single mothers and their children will be the group most affected by these changes. Single mothers are interviewed about how these changes have affected them, with particular attention to their experiences with the Ontario Works programme and its impact on their ability to care for their children.

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Hafez, Karim Saleh. "Complex arbitration : the limitations of a neo-liberal institution." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251920.

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Low, Remy Yi Sang. "Schooling Faith: Religious discourse, neo-liberal hegemony and the neo-Calvinist ‘parent-controlled’ schooling movement." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/9827.

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This thesis brings the questions surrounding the new public visibility of religion to bear specifically on the issue of religious schooling in Australia. In the first half, I offer an extended genealogical account of how education in such schools has come to be officially defined as concerned with the transmission of private beliefs in supernatural objects alongside the delivery of state-mandated training requirements. The antecedents for this definition lie in the nominalist, Protestant and Anglo-liberal inheritance of the present neo-liberal regime. On the basis of this, I consider the effects of such a definition of religious schooling with reference to the case of the Neo-Calvinist ‘Parent-Controlled’ schooling movement in the latter half of this thesis. This religious schooling movement was initiated in the 1950s in explicit opposition to the mainstream education system in Australia, advancing instead an expansive view of religious discourse as affecting all educational practices. The movement remains insistent on its religiously distinctive ‘foundational values’ despite its present integration into the mainstream education system today. I examine how this is negotiated in the discourse of the NCPC schooling movement within the present conjuncture. Through this specific example, I submit that the new visibility of religious schooling in Australia is predicated on two conditions of acceptability defined by the hegemonic discourse of neo-liberalism: firstly, that religious schooling is able to conform to a broad consensus on the purpose of schooling as a means of training worker-citizens; and secondly, religion of the sort articulated by such religious schooling adopts a form marketable to consumers, who are free to choose schools on the basis of their private preferences. This has implications not only for the way religion is conceived in religious schools that are currently operant, but also for those whose religious discourses are less amenable to such articulations.

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Boyes, Alison. "Neo-Liberal Governance through Toronto Press Discourse on Youth Misconduct." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/19896.

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This research considers the place of media in society by means of a Foucaudian genealogy of welfare and neo-liberal discourse surrounding youth misconduct in two Toronto newspapers. It was found that the overall “mode of talking” about youth misconduct has shifted from welfare to neo-liberal discourse, and that resistance or critical thought surrounding current neo-liberal discourse emerges in The Globe and Mail. I explore the role of newspapers in the process of governance by analyzing these discourses in terms of Foucault’s three rationalities for “the art of government” and also by analyzing the knowledge produced or titillated and the power outcomes or effects of these discourses. It is argued that newspapers can benefit governance by reflecting, validating and perhaps even rendering current neo-liberal governmentalities more efficient, by encouraging non-government groups to assist in the management of youth misconduct.

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Sahle, Eunice Njeri. "Democratisation in Malawi, state, economic structure and neo-liberal hegemony." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/NQ63452.pdf.

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Smith, Julie C. "Democratic agency and neo-liberal responsibilisation : leadership in Academy Schools." Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2017. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/5834/.

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Purpose: To explore how much democratic agency Academy Leaders have in practice in the field of education to work democratically in the public interest with those within their own academies and others within wider educational networks, and from this understanding inform the United Kingdom government’s education reform agenda Design: This qualitative research involves semi-structured interviews with 10 Academy Leaders who are directly involved in leadership in academies. Findings: At a conjuncture that is characterised by uncertainty and precariousness, Academy Leaders take up different positions on a spectrum of possible positions in the field of education in response to what is interpreted as the United Kingdom’s neo-liberal education reform agenda. The findings highlight that Academy Leaders who have a high commitment to neo-liberal responsibilisation of self feel they have agency to input into the government’s education reform agenda but Academy Leaders who oppose neo-liberalism, show a low commitment to neo-liberal responsibilisation of self and instead show a high commitment to democracy or public values, feel that they are given very little, if any, democratic agency. Contribution: This thesis makes a contribution to the existing body of knowledge in education by building on the work of Gunter (Gunter, 2001, Woods et al., 2007, Gunter et al., 2008, Gunter, 2011, Gunter, 2016) and Courtney (2014, 2015a, 2015b, 2015c and 2017), and using Bourdieu’s thinking tools to analyse Academy leaders’ habitus and the agency that they feel they have in practice in the field of education, to create new understanding of the emerging issues of democratic agency and neo-liberal responsibilisation of self, as discussed by Keddie (2015,2018), from the perspective of Academy Leaders at a particular conjuncture in the formation of academy schools in England. It does this by encouraging Academy Leaders to articulate how they respond to the United Kingdom government’s education reform agenda and the way that they carry out their work and analyses this in terms of: types of response to change and the extent to which Academy Leaders have a Commitment to Democracy or Public Values and/or a Commitment to Responsibilisation of self.

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Klaus, Viviane. "Desenvolvimento e governamentalidade (neo)liberal : da administração à gestão educacional." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/32163.

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A presente Tese, a partir das lentes teórico-metodológicas dos Estudos Foucaultianos, empreende uma análise genealógica sobre a Administração Educacional no Brasil, problematizando algumas das condições que a tornaram possível. Procura compreender como se deu a mudança de ênfase de uma concepção da administração educacional para a gestão educacional e o que tal mudança implica. Parte do contexto da década de 1990 — em que a centralidade da gestão educacional é evidente —, tendo como motes principais um documento produzido pela CEPAL e pela UNESCO e um documento produzido pelo Ministério da Educação Brasileiro segundo o acordo MEC/UNESCO. A partir do desenho de alguns contornos do contexto da década de 1990, a pesquisa traz um primeiro recuo histórico no sentido de compreender a constituição da CEPAL e da UNESCO e a sua inserção no contexto educacional brasileiro. Trata da importância da invenção do Terceiro Mundo e das decorrentes discussões sobre desenvolvimento e subdesenvolvimento, bem como a necessidade de administração pública e de administração da educação no contexto político, econômico e social do período pós Segunda Guerra Mundial. A noção de desenvolvimento aparece como uma das condições de possibilidade da emergência da administração educacional ao partir do pressuposto de que a administração coloca em funcionamento um conjunto de práticas que são utilizadas estrategicamente no governamento da população porque possibilitam maior planejamento, planificação e modernização. O estudo mostra como a administração científica, tanto no âmbito da produção quanto no âmbito das relações pessoais, se tornou um modo de vida e uma necessidade de ordem pública no contexto econômico, político e social do pós-guerra. Afirma que a Teoria do Capital Humano, aliada a outras mudanças sociais, econômicas e políticas, provoca uma série de descontinuidades nas formas de governamento da população nas décadas de 1970, 1980 e especialmente 1990. Por fim, o estudo aborda a importância das lutas por menos Estado e a importância da repulsa à rotina, à burocracia e à lógica da pirâmide para a mudança de ênfase da administração educacional para a gestão educacional, bem como para o funcionamento da governamentalidade neoliberal. Ao dar ênfase às discussões acima colocadas, a Tese sustenta que, na atualidade, a Teoria do Capital Humano e o empreendedorismo se tornaram valores sociais.
This Thesis, through the theoretical-methodological lenses of Foucauldian Studies, carries out an analysis of the Educational Administration in Brazil from a genealogical perspective, problematizing some conditions that have made it possible. It attempts to understand how a conception of educational administration has become a conception of educational management, and what this change means. Its starting point is the 1990s, a period in which the centrality of educational management was evident, considering a document produced by both CEPAL and UNESCO, and a document produced by the Brazilian Ministry of Education in accordance with a MEC/UNESCO deal. From some contours of the 1990s context, an initial historical movement has been made to understand the constitution of both CEPAL and UNESCO, as well as their insertion in the Brazilian education context. The research discusses the importance of the invention of the Third World and points out some deriving discussions about development and underdevelopment, as well as the need for both public administration and education administration in the political, economical, and social context after the Second World War. The notion of development has emerged as one of the conditions of possibility for the emergence of educational administration, considering the assumption that administration triggers a set of practices that are strategically used in governing the population, since they allow for planning and modernization. The study shows how scientific administration, both in terms of production and personal relationships, has become a life style and a public necessity in the post-war economic, political and social context. It claims that the Human Capital Theory, allied with other social, economical, political changes, caused a number of discontinuities in the forms of governing the population along the 70s, 80s and mainly the 90s. Finally, the study approaches the importance of both fighting for less State and rejecting routine, bureaucracy and the pyramid logic, so as to change the emphasis from educational administration to educational management and drive the functioning of neoliberal governmentality. By emphasizing these discussions, this Thesis claims that both the Human Capital Theory and entrepreneurship have presently become social values.

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Gumus, Ayse Nazli. "Becoming A Neo-liberal City: Ankara North Entrance Urban Transformation Project." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611956/index.pdf.

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Urban space has begun to be commodified to full extent by the affect of neoliberalism, which is bared upon free flow of capital over a global network of cities. By 1970&rsquo
s, the phenomenon of globalization made social, political and economic relations all around the world to be redefined under these circumstances. While nation states were altering their role in favor of capital power, early centers of production have come to lose their attractiveness and functions, and in especially developed countries there emerged necessity for the notion of &ldquo
urban transformation&rdquo
. On the other hand, in Turkey, urban transformation projects have begun to be applied lately, under specific conditions and with different reasons, but still under neo-liberal hegemony. The aim of this thesis is to make a comparative analysis of &ldquo
Ankara North Entrance Urban Transformation Project&rdquo
by understanding the notion of urban transformation together with altered role of nation state at the age of neoliberalism, by comparatively analyzing grand transformation projects applied at three capital cities in Europe, namely, London, Paris, and Berlin, during late 20th century. The comparison criteria for project preparation and application processes of the case of Ankara and European examples are, first, the scale and location within the city
second, reasons of application in terms of their legitimating processes
third, the ways of providing financial resources for projects
fourth, administrative dimension of urban policy making
fifth, architectural domain of the projects
and lastly participation conditions of urban inhabitants and social agents, including the professionals.

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Morais, Victor Antonio. "Governance and adjustment : Neo-liberal economic reform in Angola 1989-1998." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.516157.

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Saldana, Lucia. "Rural labour in neo-liberal Chile : Exploitation, vulnerability and cultural transformation." Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.511018.

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Turner, Rachel Suzanne. "Neo-liberal ideology : a conceptual study of Germany, Britain and America." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.419290.

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Ledger, Robert Mark. "A transition from here to there? : neo-liberal thought and Thatcherism." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8541.

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This PhD thesis asks how ‘neo-liberal’ was the Thatcher government? Existing accounts tend to characterise neo-liberalism as a homogeneous, and often ill-defined, group of thinkers that exerted a broad influence over the Thatcher government. This thesis - through a combination of archival research, interviews and examination of ideological texts - defines the dominant strains of neo-liberalism more clearly and explores their relationship with Thatcherism. In particular, the schools of liberal economic thought founded in Vienna and Chicago are examined and juxtaposed with the initial neo-liberals originating from Freiburg in 1930s and 1940s Germany. Economic policy and deregulation were the areas that most clearly linked neo-liberal thinking with Thatcherism, but this thesis looks at a broad cross section of the wider programme of the Thatcher government. This includes other domestic policies such as education and housing, as well as the Thatcher government’s success in reducing or altering the pressures exerted by vested interests such as the trade unions and monopolies. Lastly, while less associated with neo-liberal theory, foreign policy, in the area of overseas aid, is examined to show how ideas filtered into the international arena during the 1980s. Although clearly a political project, the policies of Thatcherism, in so far as they were ideological, resonate most with the more expedient, or practical, Friedmanite strain of neo-liberalism. This encapsulated a willingness to utilize the state, often in contradictory ways, to pursue more marketorientated policies. As such, it sat somewhere between the more rules-based ordoliberalism and the often utopian Austrian School.

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Pereira, Neiva dos Santos. "A CRISE DE AUTORIDADE NA EDUCAÇÃO E O DISCURSO (NEO)LIBERAL." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás, 2009. http://localhost:8080/tede/handle/tede/1258.

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The considered study it has for objective to investigate problematic referring to the crisis of authority in the education, being been this resultant, amongst other factors, of the speech (neo) liberal. For in such a way, we appeal to the reflections carried through for Hannah Arendt in two of its works: The crisis of the education , thematic gift in the book Between the Past and the Future, dated of 1958 and the other work meets in the book the condition human being, also of 1958, more specifically the prologue and the chapter destined to the quarrel of the concept of Action . In the first text, Arendt points the pragmatism and modern psychology as estimated that they collaborate for this crisis, no longer as it argues the effect of science and the technique in the modern society. The elements detached for Arendt, make possible to extend us reflections to think the current pedagogical speech about the context (neo) liberal, mainly in what it says respect to the constructivism, knowing to them psychological and the politics of Education to Distance. Such elements will be read and interpreted, in this work, having as reference the Foucault s theories on speech to be able and to know. This because, Foucault to be able and to know if intercross in the citizen, that is its product concrete, being the speech the promoter of this joint. Thus, to be able, to know and speech if they constitute as authority. In this manner, the authority is related to the articulation, therefore the speech alone will be authorized e, consequently efficient, he will be recognized as such, and if that one that pronounced will have the recognition and the legitimation of the social group in which this citizen if inserts. In this context, we can say that the crisis of authority in the education is related the crisis to know carried for the professor, provoked for the discursive effect of modern psychology, the pragmatism and the liberal speech, that rebirth contemporarily in the psychological speeches and of the constructivist pedagogy, captured for the speech (neo) liberal. It fits to stand out that we will take as theoretical support of this study, especially, two works of Foucault where the author theorizes on speech: The order of the speech (1970-2006) e What and an author? published in Said and writings III (1969- 2006).
O estudo proposto tem por objetivo investigar a problemática referente à crise de autoridade na educação, sendo essa resultante, dentre outros fatores, do discurso (neo)liberal. Para tanto, recorremos às reflexões realizadas por Hannah Arendt em dois de seus trabalhos: A crise da educação , temática presente no livro Entre o Passado e o Futuro, datado de 1958 e o outro trabalho encontra-se no livro A condição humana, também de 1958, mais especificamente o prólogo e o capítulo destinado à discussão do conceito de Ação . No primeiro texto, Arendt aponta o pragmatismo e a psicologia moderna como pressupostos que colaboram para essa crise, já no segundo discute os efeitos da ciência e da técnica na sociedade moderna. Os elementos destacados por Arendt, possibilita-nos ampliar reflexões para pensarmos o discurso pedagógico atual no contexto (neo)liberal, principalmente no que diz respeito ao construtivismo, aos saberes psicológicos e as políticas de Educação a Distância-EAD. Tais elementos serão lidos e interpretados, neste trabalho, tendo como referência as teorizações foucaultianas sobre discurso, poder e saber. Isso porque, para Foucault poder e saber se entrecruzam no sujeito, que é o seu produto concreto, sendo o discurso o promotor dessa articulação. Assim, poder, saber e discurso se constituem como autoridade. Desse modo, a autoridade está relacionada à enunciação, pois o discurso só será autorizado e, consequentemente eficaz, se for reconhecido como tal, e se aquele que pronunciou tiver o reconhecimento e a legitimação do grupo social no qual esse sujeito se insere. Nesse contexto, podemos dizer que a crise de autoridade na educação está relacionada a crise de saber portado pelo professor, provocada pelos efeitos discursivos da psicologia moderna, do pragmatismo e do discurso liberal, que renasce contemporaneamente nos discursos psicológicos e na pedagogia construtivista, capturado pelo discurso (neo)liberal. Cabe ressaltar que tomaremos como suporte teórico deste estudo, especialmente, dois trabalhos de Foucault em que o autor teoriza sobre discurso: A ordem do discurso (1970-2006) e O que e um autor? publicado em Ditos e escritos III (1969-2006).

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Duffin, Shelley. "Male bias in structural adjustment, Chilean women's experience with neo-liberal reform." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0002/MQ30711.pdf.

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Cakmakci, Eda. "Imperial memories and neo-liberal genealogies in the Alevi-Bektashi transnational networks." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43121.

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This ethnographic research attempts to capture the discursive contradictions and strategic alliances in the recently emerging Alevi-Bektashi transnational networks between Turkey and several Southeast European countries. Tracing the networking endeavours of a major Alevi organization located in Istanbul the research shows how, while lobbying for Alevi rights to faith in Turkey, a major Alevi organization becomes an advocate of Islamic pluralism in its transnational ventures. While the narrative of “love for humanity” underpins both the Alevi and Bektashi stakes on “moderate Islam” in the post-9/11 era, I seek to highlight how this narrative is incorporated by Turkish nationalism on the one hand, and how it travels in the context of Turkish “humanitarian aid” efforts in post-socialist countries on the other. In a post-socialist geography where property relations have been radically transformed in the last two decades, the rhetoric of “owning” Rumeli shrines as Turkish heritage cannot be separated from the prospective claims of their ownership as property. By following these threads, this thesis explores the re-making of Alevi genealogies in transnational processes.

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Gaus, Nurdiana. "The Indonesian state university in flux : academics and the neo-liberal turn." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-indonesian-state-university-in-flux-academics-and-the-neoliberal-turn(61156cdd-4d61-47ca-b859-c817ab2ac6d4).html.

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This thesis aims to better understand the under life of Indonesian academics during implementation of major policy changes associated with the Higher Education Act 2012. More specifically the study sought to explore and analyse the principal changes as experienced by academics in Indonesian state universities, how academics responded to these changes and the impact of these changes upon the nature of academic work and organisations. The research undertaken was in the form of a multiple-embedded case study using semi-structured interviews, observations, and document analysis as instruments to collect data. Interviews were conducted with 30 academics in three state universities in Indonesia. The findings demonstrate how Indonesian academics' work is moving away from their traditional functions and roles towards new prescribed roles revealing tensions between maintaining their existing identities and pressures from the external environment to adapt. Using Scott's notion of 'weapons of the weak' the study reveals how Indonesian academics have resisted and accommodated policy reform in ways that have taken largely discursive and unobtrusive forms. It is anticipated that the study will both contribute to a better understanding of the dynamics of academics' work lives as they encounter large scale reform, and offer guidance for policy makers in the formulation and enactment of relevant policy.

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Mothe, Svein. "Rationalizing social democrats: Neo-liberal policies and practice in Norwegian higher education." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284152.

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The overall purpose of this study has been to examine how international patterns of neo-liberalism and rationalization have contributed to changes in higher education policy in Norway in the 1990s and explore how these changes have been experienced and enacted among faculty and students in different fields and institutions. The study is informed by several social science theories, particularly Max Weber's ideas of rationalization and modern extensions of this theory to modern phenomena, neo-liberal political theory, process theories of professionalization, and postmodern perspectives emphasizing the role of consumers and consumption in contemporary society. Empirically, the study is based on a structured qualitative research design. Data collection methods consisted of interviews with faculty and students and analysis of public policy texts. The main conclusion in the study is that two contradictory forces influence Norwegian higher education: rationalization processes emphasizing efficiency, control, standardization and predictability, and an increasing dominance of neo-liberal market ideology in public administration requiring more room for ambitious institutions to develop new capacities and engage in entrepreneurial activities. The study suggests that Norway is struggling to find a "third way" in the space between these two forces, but that social democratic rationalization processes and state dependence still dominate higher education in Norway. The structure of faculty work is changing, but contrary to the development in many other countries Norwegian faculty are more concerned about being increasingly managed than pressured to engage in entrepreneurial activities. Reduced professional autonomy and increased intensification of academic work have resulted in rational organizational behavior in which faculty pursue their individual goals and implement pragmatic coping strategies to reach calculated rewards. Norwegian students are becoming increasingly consumer-driven actors concerned with freedom in pursuing their academic interests, flexibility and useful education. They are generally very satisfied with their existence as students, but are often disengaged from their studies. Being a student is for many only one among several identities, often not the most important.

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Murphy, Breda. "No Place for Self: Rethinking Indigenous malaise in Neo-liberal Political Economy." Thesis, Department of Anthropology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7209.

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There are widespread crises in Aboriginal society, evidenced by dysfunctional communities trapped in a paralysing malaise. The reasons cannot be adequately explained by legacies of colonisation, government neglect, misguided policies, or prevailing attitudes within Australia‟s mainstream society. Although past government policies of assimilation and faux‟ self-determination, as well as enduring community prejudices, have stymied Indigenous prospects and ensured the marginalisation of many Indigenous people consigned to chronic socio-economic disadvantage, these do not adequately account for what is occurring in contemporary Indigenous Australia. Numerous anthropologists and other social scientists have focused on the confounding effects of government policy, historical legacy, and the conditions of modernity, but there is no unanimous agreement as to what is causing the acuteness of the social malaise. There is validity in distinguishing the variations of opportunity and lifestyles associated with geographic locality but, broadly speaking, Indigenous communities Australia-wide have, over the past three decades, experienced an escalating deterioration in community and individual well-being that has similar expressions and, I will argue, similar origins. The complex and compounding effects of the contributing external drivers, combined with the interplay of coping responses and cultural determinates within Indigenous cultures, means that clearly identifying singular causal links is not an adequate way to advance understandings of what exactly is going on. What is, however, common to all Indigenous communities is the political economy of which they are part. Though there is no shortage of discussion and community angst, little attention has been paid to the political economy of which Aboriginal people are a part, even by anthropologists directly examining the present social malaise. I take the position that distinctive characteristics of the neo-liberal order that currently characterises Australia‟s political economy, which has influenced policy direction and governance, has contributed to a major dislocation in the ways Indigenous people reproduce meaningful social identities and practices.

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Scott, Michael William. "New Zealand’s Pop Renaissance: A creative industry as ‘after neo-liberal’ social policy." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/5595.

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Whole document restricted until March 2011, see Access Instructions file below for details of how to access the print copy.
This thesis argues that the popular music policies of New Zealand's fifth Labour government can be understood as a form of 'after neo-liberal' social policy. In doing so, this thesis contributes to the literature on the state and popular music, work and entrepreneurship in the creative industries, and the sociology of cultural policy. On coming to power in 1999 Labour signalled both a renewed interest in supporting the arts and culture and a new enabling role for the state in the market economy. An explosion of national cultural production ensued. Popular music was at the forefront of this 'arts and cultural revival' as sales, airplay, and exports rose dramatically. This thesis investigates the macro-micro dynamics of this state-supported pop renaissance. At the macro-scale how Labour brought popular music into a strategic policy to address economic growth, employment, and national cultural identity is examined. How the state constituted an audience for Kiwi pop while simultaneously working to facilitate artists into global music markets through new institutional innovations is also explained. These policies illustrate emerging 'after neo-liberal' practices whereby the enabling state becomes another player in existing markets. At the micro-scale this state facilitation of pop production sees its agencies come to act as cultural intermediaries. This feature constructs a competitive game for pop producers who seek state support. Using Bourdieu's sociological concepts of fields and alternative forms of capital this thesis analyses how pop producing creative entrepreneurs - as entrepreneurs sans economic capital - use mostly non-market modes of exchange to construct the symbolic capital necessary to access state support. The 'after neo-liberal' state also seeks to repair the social dislocations of earlier neo-liberal reform. Using Bourdieu's concepts of new petit bourgeoisie and social trajectories it is argued Labour's music policies offer a way to include and provide meaning to an increasing number of potentially marginalised youthful agents and is thus homologous to the inclusionary pyramid of the earlier welfare state. Moreover it is argued music policy as social policy offers youthful creative entrepreneurs a belief that they may reconvert their alternative forms of capital - via the state - into an upward social trajectory

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Cahill, Damien Connolly. "The radical neo-liberal movement as a hegemonic force in Australia 1976-1996 /." Access electronically, 2004. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20041217.152455/index.html.

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Tödtling, Franz, and Michaela Trippl. "Regional innovation policies for new path development - beyond neo-liberal and traditional systemic views." Taylor & Francis, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09654313.2018.1457140.

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How new regional growth paths emerge and what policy concepts are most adequate for nurturing their evolution constitute recurring themes in regional innovation and development studies. New industrial paths are often portrayed as the result of market-driven processes and Schumpeterian entrepreneurial efforts. This view goes along with a neoliberal policy approach that restricts the role of public interventions to setting up a suitable regulatory frame and supporting an entrepreneurial climate. The theoretical underpinnings and policy perspectives of this approach have been challenged by the innovation system literature, which offers a systemic view on the rise of new growth paths and advocates a more proactive role of public policy. This paper investigates the role of policy models beyond these traditional ones. We contrast different variants of systemic and multi-scalar policy concepts for new regional industrial path development. Our literature-based study shows that more recent models go beyond new path development and growth per se, paying more attention to the direction of innovation and change, and to policy approaches for achieving more sustainable forms of development. We scrutinize the theoretical and empirical bases of these new policy models and discuss why they are superior to neoliberal and older systemic ones.

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Patten, Steve. "The rise of reform, a political economy of neo-liberal populism in the 1990s." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0019/NQ27314.pdf.

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Bennett, Darcie. "Securing the neo-liberal city : risk markets, gentrification and low-wage work in Vancouver." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5156.

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Private security guards have become an increasingly visible presence in urban centres across North America -- Vancouver is no exception. This research explores the growth of the private security industry and the working lives of frontline guards within the context of neo-liberal economic and governance policies at the national, provincial and municipal levels, inner-city revitalization projects, and the emergence of a two-tiered post-industrial labour market. Private security firms are conceptualized first and foremost as selling security as a commodity. The demand for security services, or ‘risk markets’, have developed in Vancouver due in large part to the contracting out of formerly public services, dissatisfaction with public policing services among groups and individuals with resources to purchase alternatives and mounting social tensions resulting from inner-city gentrification and growing poverty and homelessness. Low wages, lax labour standards and limited regulation make private security services both affordable for clients and profitable for security entrepreneurs. Based on interviews with frontline security guards and representatives from management at private security firms, this research finds that guards occupy a contradictory social location as both low-wage workers and as agents of social control contracted to police some of the poorest and most marginalized members of society. This study asserts that while the presence of private guards can address some of the real and perceived security concerns in Vancouver’s increasingly economically and socially polarized inner-city, there are contradictions inherent in the city’s current approach to both urban development and policing. These contradictions include the reality that urban gentrification and government policies aimed at attracting investors, tourists and upper-income consumers to Vancouver inevitably contribute to the social problems that make the inner-city undesirable, that the security industry has a vested interest in generating demand for their product, and that low-wage guards have little stake in the order they have been contracted to uphold.

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Tellis, Cyprian. "Humanizing Neo-liberal Globalization: A Christian Vision and Commitment in the Context of India." Thesis, Boston College, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2932.

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Thesis advisor: Thomas J. Massaro
There is a substantial and growing corpus of literature that describes, with convincing statistics and analysis, globalization as the greatest achievement in the history of our modern world and that it has brought the greatest degree of prosperity and economic growth to poor countries. However, seen from the perspective of the poor and the marginalized, the current globalization has not helped them to end their misery and marginalization; indeed in most cases it has actually worsened their situation. The Christian community cannot remain an idle spectator of this unjust, inhuman and sinful global reality. Analyzed from a Christian theological perspective, it is not only an economic issue but also a moral issue. It is a social sin to violate human dignity, to commodify human labor, and to marginalize the poor. Based on the teachings of the Federation of Asian Bishops Conferences, the Catholic Bishops Conference of India and some prominent Asian theologians, I contend that dialogue with other faith traditions, cultures and the poor must be an essential part of her mission of humanizing the current globalization. I argue that the Church in India should avoid the presumption that she already possesses a vision of the common good adequate to the Indian society. While remaining committed to gospel values, the Church must be an open-minded listening and learning
Thesis (STD) — Boston College, 2011
Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry
Discipline: Sacred Theology

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Considine, Gillian. "Neo-liberal reforms in NSW public secondary education: What has happened to teachers' work?" Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8596.

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As the neo-liberal public sector reform agenda took hold in the late 1980s an ideology of choice began to dominate education policy in many western countries, including Australia (Gewirtz 1997; Helsby 1999; Marginson 1997a). This thesis focuses on the specific range of market mechanisms that have been used in the NSW public secondary school system to introduce competition between schools and facilitate parental choice. One of the key characteristics of the reform agenda in NSW has been the diversification and expansion of a differentiated public secondary school system (Esson, Johnston & Vinson 2002). The differentiated system is now characterised by five different types of public secondary schools: 1) comprehensive schools; 2) selective schools; 3) specialist schools; 4) junior campuses; and, 5) senior campuses. The main aim of this thesis is to explore how teachers’ work has changed as a result of this differentiation and to examine the extent to which teachers’ work differs between the different types of schools. Through the analysis of original quantitative and qualitative data this thesis demonstrates that school differentiation has dramatically transformed teachers’ work in NSW and that the experiences of teachers differ depending on the type of public secondary school in which they work. In addition, the experiences of teachers provide insights into the effect of these changes on the secondary system more broadly and on the experiences of students within the system. The implications of these findings are discussed with reference to the effect of neo-liberal reforms on educational equality and on the sustainability of a system that has exacerbated staffing challenges and issues of teacher retention within particular types of schools.

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MacDonald, Keith D. "An Archaeological Analysis of Canadian Immigration Legislation: From Welfare State Liability to Neo-Liberal Subject." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/19860.

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This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

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Presland, Susanne. "The neo-liberal alliance in the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266031.

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30

Benbow, David Ian. "A critical analysis of neo-liberal reforms to the English NHS since the year 2000." Thesis, Keele University, 2018. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/4584/.

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Solidarity was important in the creation and maintenance of the English NHS, which was the product of class compromise. Its founding principles were that it was to be free (at the point of access), universal, comprehensive and primarily funded from general taxation. In recent decades, successive governments have renewed the neo-liberal project. This has involved new governance mechanisms (quasi-markets and targets) being emplaced in the NHS and private healthcare companies (which have influenced government policy) being afforded increasing opportunities to deliver NHS services. Such privatisation is antagonistic to patient needs. I undertake an ideology critique of the NHS reforms of the New Labour governments and of governments since 2010. I examine the influences on, justifications for, resistance to, and potential reifying effects of, such reforms. Misrepresentations and mystification may legitimate and obscure legal changes. I identify the ideological modes and strategies that governments have employed to justify their reforms. I also analyse several modes of reification (identity thinking, instrumental rationality, depoliticisation and the legitimation effect of law) to assess whether the reforms produced estrangement, which is the opposite of solidarity. Many of the justifications for successive reforms were contested. Although such reforms have rendered healthcare more opaque, solidarity endures. Neo-liberal norms compete with residual norms (including the NHS’ founding principles) and emergent norms (which developed due to the problems of welfare states, such as their failure to empower recipients and the persistence of health inequalities). As validity has been given to residual and emergent norms, which have been superficially articulated within government discourse, but which are undermined by neo-liberal policies, a legitimation crisis may arise as public experience increasingly diverges from them. I advocate amending legislation which has undermined residual norms, democratising the NHS to empower patients and the public and increased intervention in capitalism to address health inequalities.

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Persson, Johan. "Skolan som politisk påverkare : Hotet mot den liberal demokratin." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-28114.

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The purpose with this essay is to find out if neo-fascist connection will change the next generations citizens (in this specific case ninth graders) opinions about a specific political party. In modern day Sweden, only one political party stands for political ideas that can be seen as neo-fascist (Sverigedemokraterna). What would happen if the next generation citizens saw this connection and how would they respond? That’s what this essay is all about, are the students “positive”, “negative” or “on changed” to a neo-fascist political party? The studies research type is mainly of a qualitative nature but quantitative elements occur. The data is coming from two classes of ninth graders that answered eight questions each. The questions remained the same for all students but with one crucial difference. One of the classes answered the questions before they had been informed of the neo-fascist connections that Sverigedemokraterna can be linked too. And the other class answered the questions after they had been informed. The difference in data seems to point out that the next generations citizens seem to think that it´s worse to be a fascist then a racist. It seems that if a political party is seen as racist party the image deters possible voters. Simultaneously the same racism that deter people also gain votes, therefore it could be said that racism has two faces. If you compare racism and fascism it seems like fascism don´t follow the same pattern.

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Hernandez, Bastar Martin. "Évolution et perspectives des petites et moyennes entreprises (PME) dans la phase néo-libérale mexicaine, 1982-2013." Thesis, Paris Est, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PESC0107.

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Il est nécessaire d’effectuer de profonds changements pour adapter les pays aux nouveaux paradigmes universels reconnaissant aux économies sans frontières une modernisation démocratique. La tâche à peine en partie terminée implique d’orchestrer des réformes qui recouvrent depuis les systèmes juridiques et de justice, la formation des réseaux actif de sécurité sociales, la lutte contre la corruption, jusqu’à la supervision bancaire modernisée. Par ailleurs, la tâche de la politique économique ne consiste pas seulement à produire plus avec une efficacité hors du commun, sinon à articuler une société moyennement équitable, à faire en sorte que démocratie et marché s’équilibre entre eux, refluant le despotisme du pouvoir politique absolu ou le darwinisme polarisant de marché, à équilibrer l’ajustement vers l’extérieur, l’adaptation aux marchés universels, avec l’ajustement vers l’intérieur qui compense et ouvre des opportunités aux entreprises, aux travailleurs et, en général, aux groupes perdants du changement. Ensembles, au cours de ces années, on a appris que le développement est possible, mais pas automatique, que celui-ci n’assure pas toujours la diminution de la pauvreté, que les peuples doivent être non seulement bénéficiaires, mais participer également a leur propre progrès
It is necessary to make significant changes to adapt the countries to the new universal economic paradigms recognizing without borders a democratic modernization. Task only partially completed involves orchestrating reforms covering since legal systems and justice, training networks active social security, the fight against corruption, to modernized banking supervision. Moreover, the task of economic policy is not only to produce more with unusual efficient, but to articulate a moderately equitable society, to ensure that democracy and market balance between to ensure that democracy and market balance between them, flowing despotism of power absolute political where Darwinism’s market polarizing, balance adjustment outward, adaptation to universal markets, with the adjustment that compensates for inward that compensates and opens opportunities to companies, the workers, and in general, change losers groups. Together, over the years, we have learned that development is possible, but not automatic, that it does not always ensure the reduction of poverty, the people must not only beneficiaries but also to their participation own progress

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Cesnulyte, Egle. "Limited agency in a neo-liberal world : the case of female sex workers in Mombasa, Kenya." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4974/.

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Neo-liberal practices based on economic theory and supported by appropriate discourses are explored in this thesis to show how these processes affect social, economic and patriarchal structures, and explore their gendered effects. The sex industries are analysed as an example to show how women who are in a disadvantaged position in society manoeuvre the socio-economic and patriarchal scene, ‘bargain with patriarchy’, and attempt to make a living or progress socially and economically through unconventional choices. This task is undertaken through the analysis of Mombasa self-identified sex workers’ life stories and narratives. Neo-liberal practice resulted in increased poverty and ruptures in social structures. Even though some women manage to manoeuvre the patriarchal and economic systems of Kenya to their own advantage through unorthodox choices (selling sex being one of them) and manage to change their initial disadvantaged position, many women are unsuccessful in this undertaking. An analysis of sex workers’ work strategies and plans for the future shows that women aim to capitalise on gender and economic inequalities that marginalise them in order to advance. In order to succeed in this endeavour, women have to find entrepreneurial ways to perform certain socially accepted gendered roles. Therefore, it will be argued that in a socio-economic system influenced by neo-liberalism that builds on gender inequality, the individuals who internalise neo-liberal logic can succeed in improving their initial disadvantaged position to some extent, but that such individual agency is limited because it fails to challenge socio-economic and patriarchal structures.

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Holtz, Brigitte Elke. "Resistance and reactions to neo-liberal economic globalisation and its institutions : exploring the 'anti-globalisation' movement." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53031.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recent years, so-called "anti-globalisation" protesters have become an expected, though to many an unwelcome feature at almost all meetings of international institutions and at intergovernmental summits. The protesters are usually portrayed as senselessly violent anarchists, ridiculed in the media as eccentrics and outsiders, while academics have as yet paid them little or no attention. This study attempts to determine whether the predominantly negative perception of the protesters is justified, or whether there is some merit to their concerns. The vague umbrella term anti-globalisation protesters tends to disguise the fact that many different and diverse groups are involved in the protest. Elements of social movement studies are drawn upon to structure the analysis of a number of groups that are represented on occasions of protest. The analysis reveals that the protests are well-organised, active in international networks, and rely very much on the internet to co-ordinate their efforts. From the perspective of social movement studies, the anti-globalisation league represents an interesting new phenomenon. This is due to its simultaneous presence in a multitude of countries, as well as its non-state focus. Effectively, the movement transcends state boundaries and state structures. The changing face of international politics is at the root of the formation of the antiglobalisation movement. A perceived loss of sovereignty and increased international multilateral co-operation has reduced the effectiveness of domestic and state-based campaigning and created an opportunity, if not the necessity, to form transnational groups that have international institutions as their focal point of protest. It is submitted that the movement may be a source for unconventional ideas that could go some way in addressing various problems related to the ever-advancing process of globalisation. This may be accomplished by way of greater formalisation of the movement, and possibly with support from other prominent voices who are not anti-globalisation activists as such, yet in essence share many of the concerns of the protesters. In this way, the anti-globalisation movement could develop into a credible entity to complement the functioning of existing international institutions.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Protes aksies teen globalisering is gedurende die laaste paar jare 'n bekende, maar nie noodwendig 'n welkome verskynsel by feitlik alle vergaderings van internasionale organisasies en staatsberade. In die algemeen word die protesteerders beskou as gewelddadige anargiste, en word hulle in die pers as eienaardige buitestaanders beskryf. Academici het tot dusver ook nie veel aandag aan hierdie verskynsel bestee nie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stelof die meestal negatiewe opvattings van deelname in aktiewe protes teen globalisering geregverdig is. Die besware van die aktiviste is dalk realisties en nie ongegrond nie. Die vae begrip van anti-globalisering protesteerders is misleidend, omdat dit die groot aantal verskillende groepe tydens die protesaksies verberg. Beginsels van sosiale bewegingsstudies is geraadpleeg om die analise van verskeie groepe wat by protesaksies teenwoordig is, te struktureer. Hierdie analise wys dat die deelnemers aan protesaksies goed georganiseerd is, en dat hulle baie aktief is in internasionale netwerke, en hoofsaaklik op die internet staat maak om hulle bedrywighede te koordineer. Vanuit die standpunt van sosiale bewegingsstudies is die anti-globalisering aksie 'n baie interessante verskynsel omdat die beweging in baie lande teenwoordig is, en omdat dit nie staatsentries is nie. Staatsgrense en tradisionele staatstruktuure word dus oorskry. Veranderinge in die internasionale politieke arena is beslis die rede vir die vorming van die anti-globaliseringsbeweging. Dit word beweer dat die toename in internasionale multilaterale samewerking die trefkrag van aktivisme binne die grense en die konteks van die staat verminder het. Die geleentheid, en dalk noodsaaklikheid, is dus geskep om internasionale groepe te vorm wat hul protes op internasionale organisasies fokus. Die studie stel voor dat die beweging dalk die oorsprong van onkonvensionele idees kan wees wat baie van die negatiewe effekte en probleme wat verbonde is met die globaliseringsproses, sal aanspreek en help om hulle op te los. Voordat dit kan gebeur, moet die beweging egter 'n meer formele vorm aanneem, 'n proses wat beslis gesteun sal word deur groepe en indiwidue wat nie noodwendig anti-globalisering aktiviste is nie, maar wel baie van dieselfde belange het. Op hierdie manier sal dit dalk moontlik wees vir die anti-globaliseringsbeweging om "n geloofwaardige entiteit te word, wat die werk van bestaande internasionale organisasies sal komplimenteer.

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Park, Kwang-Hyung. "After the Crossroads: Neo-liberal Globalization, Democratic Transition, and Progressive Urban Community Activism in South Korea." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12988.

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The main purpose of this study is to understand the historicity of the dynamics of socio-economic changes and the characteristics of social and political mobilization in the case of progressive activists' ongoing search for new strategies of progressive urban community politics in Seoul, South Korea, after the historical conjuncture of democratization and neo-liberal globalization. This study is conducted through participant observation, interviews, and post-fieldwork historical research. By adopting the concept of "multiple-layeredness" as the underlying perspective, this study aims to capture the complexity and hybridity of past and recent socio-economic transformations. The progressive community activists are products of historically specific circumstances of state repression and radical social movements in the 1980s and the 1990s, and the influences of their past activist experiences are visible in their community activism. Historically, the state has been implicated in popular mobilizations for the national goals of economic development and democratization, which resulted in two-party domination in local politics. Under this unfavorable political condition, the community activists seek to acquire their places in public institutions through local elections and to organize grassroots resistance against local "growth machines" by mobilizing various social ties.

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Yeoman, Sara. "Do neo-liberal ideologies disadvantage those with mental illness within the Australian mental health care system?" Thesis, Department of Sociology and Social Policy, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7143.

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Within current academic literature pertaining to the social policy of mental health, there is a general acknowledgement that the mental health system utilised in Australia is inadequate. The history of the mental health system is tumultuous and yet recent times have shown a marked move towards the incorporation of systems aimed at aiding those who suffer from mental disorders. Given the constantly changing nature of how mental illness itself and its treatment are perceived it has been studied, and is continually studied under a variety of paradigms. Currently, in conceptualising and analysing the mental health system, it is considered within academic discourse through Social Policy. In the past, social policy has been analysed using several different theoretical frameworks including Marxism and social democratism. However, this thesis argues that neither are adequate in explaining the current issues within the mental health system, and argues that the current system is better conceptualised within a neoliberal framework. Furthermore, it is considered that the employment of this ideology has had detrimental effects on the current mental health system employed within New South Wales. As such, this thesis argues that the employment of neoliberal ideologies has resulted in disadvantaging those with mental illness. This conclusion was reached through three different methodological approaches. The first two were aimed at ascertaining different attitudes and involved interviews with social workers within the system and a content analysis of the media. The final approach served two purposes, to analyse the usability of the Australian Government’s website and to ascertain the facilities available to those with mental illness. Despite methodological flaws it was surmised that the employment of neoliberal ideologies within the mental health system of Australia significantly disadvantages those with mental illness.

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Clark, Judith. "To Hell in a Handcart Educational realities, teachers' work and neo-liberal restructuring in NSW TAFE." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/590.

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This thesis examines the impact of neo-liberal economic restructuring on teachers, specifically teachers in technical and further education. Historically, there has been limited research undertaken on teachers as workers, and even less on TAFE teachers. During the period covered by the study, TAFE was buffeted by the massive changes, social, political, cultural and economic, that were occurring on a global scale. As a result, TAFE has been a system in crisis. The consequences are addressed by an empirical study that examines NSW TAFE teachers' experience of the great changes that have occurred to their work since the late 1980s. Forty-one teachers were interviewed in tape recorded sessions lasting around one hour each. The respondents were drawn from twenty-seven teaching sections across all the major industry areas represented in TAFE. Twenty of the teachers were from metropolitan locations, twenty-one were regional. Nine managers were also interviewed, from Head of Studies to senior management levels, covering those with local as well as state-wide responsibilities. The changes to TAFE have been driven by a pervasive neo-liberal ideology adopted by both major parties in Australia. This study documents the experience of TAFE teachers as that ideology led to a corporatised vocational education and training system strongly oriented to the market. It also records their responses to the narrowing of curriculum that resulted from the "industry-driven" vocational education and training policies of governments. The study gives voice to their grief, frustration and anger as their working conditions deteriorated and their commitment to quality education was undermined. The study documents the teachers' resistance to the processes of organisational fragmentation, the increasing incidence of cost-driven, rather than educational, decision-making, and the commodification of curriculum driven by a series of policy decisions taken at both national and state level. The study compares these experiences with those of the TAFE managers, whose response to the crisis, while differing from that of the teachers, supports the teachers' commitment to public education as a social good. The study concludes that the NSW TAFE teachers' resistance has continued to act as a brake on the excesses of neo-liberalism. Some possibilities for an alternative vision of technical and further education thus remain.

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Clark, Judith. "To Hell in a Handcart Educational realities, teachers' work and neo-liberal restructuring in NSW TAFE." University of Sydney. Education, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/590.

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This thesis examines the impact of neo-liberal economic restructuring on teachers, specifically teachers in technical and further education. Historically, there has been limited research undertaken on teachers as workers, and even less on TAFE teachers. During the period covered by the study, TAFE was buffeted by the massive changes, social, political, cultural and economic, that were occurring on a global scale. As a result, TAFE has been a system in crisis. The consequences are addressed by an empirical study that examines NSW TAFE teachers' experience of the great changes that have occurred to their work since the late 1980s. Forty-one teachers were interviewed in tape recorded sessions lasting around one hour each. The respondents were drawn from twenty-seven teaching sections across all the major industry areas represented in TAFE. Twenty of the teachers were from metropolitan locations, twenty-one were regional. Nine managers were also interviewed, from Head of Studies to senior management levels, covering those with local as well as state-wide responsibilities. The changes to TAFE have been driven by a pervasive neo-liberal ideology adopted by both major parties in Australia. This study documents the experience of TAFE teachers as that ideology led to a corporatised vocational education and training system strongly oriented to the market. It also records their responses to the narrowing of curriculum that resulted from the "industry-driven" vocational education and training policies of governments. The study gives voice to their grief, frustration and anger as their working conditions deteriorated and their commitment to quality education was undermined. The study documents the teachers' resistance to the processes of organisational fragmentation, the increasing incidence of cost-driven, rather than educational, decision-making, and the commodification of curriculum driven by a series of policy decisions taken at both national and state level. The study compares these experiences with those of the TAFE managers, whose response to the crisis, while differing from that of the teachers, supports the teachers' commitment to public education as a social good. The study concludes that the NSW TAFE teachers' resistance has continued to act as a brake on the excesses of neo-liberalism. Some possibilities for an alternative vision of technical and further education thus remain.

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Greenslade, Lyndal. "Social Work Activism: Resistance at the Frontier." Thesis, Griffith University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367865.

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When social and economic systems disadvantage individuals and groups, social workers have historically been amongst those who protest. The contemporary context provides particular challenges for social workers discontent with welfare service delivery influenced by neo-liberal ideology. Recent research reports on a range of barriers to activist practice, with participants identifying the negative impact of contemporary welfare ideologies, which have contributed to a dominance of technical practice models and an accompanying loss of structural, activist approaches. Participants in these studies informed that contemporary welfare organisations have led to a concealing of activist activities, for fear of reprisal should more open forms of radical practice be attempted. This thesis explores the motivations and behaviours of social workers employed in statutory workplace settings who identified that they undertook covert activist activities as a response to challenges resulting from the current service delivery model. The overarching research question was: What are the experiences of Australian statutory social workers regarding the types of covert activism they practice, and their reasons for doing so? Findings from this research are aimed at informing current discussions on the relevance of radical practice methods in challenging the contemporary welfare model and the role of social workers as agents of change. This study involved fifteen professional social workers involved in statutory work within the fields of health, mental health, child protection and income support in Australia. Qualitative interviews were conducted over a six month period via the method of Email Facilitated Reflective Dialogue. The purpose of the dialogues was to investigate how social work practitioners utilised covert resistance strategies within statutory welfare organisations to challenge organisational-professional conflict and what the experience of doing is like for them. Additionally, the dialogues also explored the identity of this group of practitioners, with the goal of understanding more about who contemporary social work activists are.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Human Services and Social Work
Griffith Health
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40

Zanotto, Juliana M. "Public Spaces, Homelessness, and Neo-Liberal Urbanism: A Study of 'Anti-Homeless' Strategies on Redeveloped Public Spaces." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1342104311.

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Chimhete, Nathaniel. "Gold mining, the Wanyamongo moral economy and neo-liberal economic reforms in Tarime district, Tanzania, 1930s - 2009." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6556.

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This dissertation examines the history of gold mining among the Wanyamongo people of Tarime District from the 1930s to 2009. It argues that the establishment of gold mines in Nyamongo in the early 1930s created intra-community conflicts among the Wanyamongo people. These conflicts divided the community, turning young men against elders and wives against their husbands. This tension rarely reached overt levels during the colonial period, although violent confrontations were not totally absent. However, the conflicts are discernible in the narratives about gold mining. The dissertation argues that these conflictual discourses about gold mining continued into the post-colonial era, although their content changed over time. From the turn of this century these conflicts increasingly became violent. Often characterized as evidence of local communities' opposition to the intrusion of foreign companies I draw on oral sources and Tanzanian archives to argue that such turbulence is best understood by examining the social and economic relations of the residents of such communities. In Nyamongo this violence often pitted unemployed young men against fellow Kuria-speaking men who were employed by the mine as guards and in the Community Relations Department. I also argue that the young men who invaded the mine did not want the mine to close because their very survival was dependent upon the presence of a large company that can bring deeper ore to the surface. The dissertation also argues that, contrary to common wisdom that recognizes the Second World War as the beginning of the decline of the gold mining sector, in the Lake Province gold production actually continued to increase until the late 1950s. I also argue that when these mines closed in the 1960s and early 1970s it was not because of Julius Nyerere's economic policy, as is commonly believed. When Nyerere's government nationalized the industry in 1973, all of Tanzania's big gold mines had already closed. In the 1970s and 1980s Tanzania experienced an economic crisis marked by high inflation and a shortage of basic commodities. I argue that the miners of Nyamongo escaped this crisis because gold allowed them to engage in a lucrative trade that revolved around the smuggling of gold to Kenya. The dissertation also shows that when the Tanzanian government adopted neo-liberal economic reforms in the mid-1980s, the residents of Nyamongo embraced large-scale foreign investment in the form of an Australian-owned mining company. This embrace challenges the conventional view that depicts foreign mining companies as unwanted intruders in Tanzania's mining communities and the local small-scale miners as victims of neo-liberal economic policies.

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Ho, Wing-yin Cecilia, and 何穎賢. "Governing injecting drug users in the context of risk environment under neo-liberal drug policy in Macao." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/209482.

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This thesis analyses the construction of the risk environment with the emergence of a harm reduction policy in Macao, which, I propose acts as a regulatory regime to address the HIV/AIDS epidemic among injecting drug users (IDUs). On the one hand, the policy has endeavoured to address the various levels of the risk environment on the IDUs; on the other hand, it is also portrayed as a bio-political project situated in the history of drug control and public health surveillance in Macao. With harm reduction imperatives such as the methadone maintenance treatment (MMT) and needle and syringe programme (NSP), addict citizens are refashioned and made up to be a particular form of drug using subject – health conscious citizens who rationally and calculatingly perform in the use of drugs in a controlled manner in order to minimise drug-related harm to themselves as well as the general society. With the conferral of neoliberal subjectivity, they are offered political benefits in symbolic and material resources, such as recognition, trust and legitimate status, to obtain welfare. However, the tradeoffs are their freedom and mobility in being constrained by the methadone treatment, which is metaphorically represented as “liquid handcuffs”. The study utilises ethnographic research methods, such as video-recording, photo-taking, field observations and in-depth interviews, as its data sources. The data analysis is informed by a thematic approach, especially discourse and content analyses. Inspired by risk governmentality, IDUs are not passively subjugated to the surveillance of the treatment regime. Contrarily, they actively display modest amounts of agency, which they assert themselves by developing various streetwise risk strategies to handle overdosing. A code of ethics with regards to moral economy and responsibility are cultivated in the drug user community under the impacts of harm reduction (expert) discourses. In the face of entrenched double stigma around drug addiction and HIV/AIDS which shape their risk environment and spoiled identity as junkies, the drug users in this study endeavour to innovate strategies of resistance with the use of harm reduction measures to properly manage their spoiled identity and reclaim their citizenship. This gives them more freedom, autonomy and pleasure in their life experiences through the negotiation process that is embedded in the risk environment. The theoretical implications of this study include: the integration of risk governmentality with risk environment, and an assessment of harm reduction imperatives, including their effect as a newer form of governance on IDUs, which might conceal the material constraints that they face. In short, harm reduction requires a critical focus on the benevolence of biopolitical projects, such as the MMT and NSP, which, while not intentional, might legitimise the repressive measures directed at drug users – who ultimately are not willing to trade their freedom to take part in ―healthy self-care‖ projects under a neoliberal drug policy.
published_or_final_version
Sociology
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy

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Sugden, Fraser. "Agrarian change and pre-capitalist reproduction on the Nepal Terai." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4357.

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Nepal occupies a unique global position as a peripheral social formation subject to decades of relative isolation from capitalism. Although the agrarian sector has long been understood to be dominated by pre-capitalist economic formations, it is important to examine whether contemporary changes underway in the country are transforming the rural economy. There has been an expansion of capitalist markets following economic liberalization and improvements in the transport infrastructure. Furthermore, neo-liberal commercialisation initiatives such as the Agriculture Perspective Plan provide the ideological justification and pre-conditions for the broader process of capitalist expansion, despite the pro-poor rhetoric. However, just as neo-liberal poverty alleviation strategy is flawed, there are also shortcomings in many Marxian understandings of the transition from pre-capitalist to capitalist agriculture in peripheral social formations. There is a tendency for political-economic theorists to assume the inevitable ‘dominance’ of capitalism, contradicting considerable evidence to the contrary from throughout the world. The central objective of this thesis is to understand how pre-capitalist economic formations have been able to ‘resist’ capitalist expansion in rural Nepal. There is a necessity to understand the mechanisms through which older ‘modes of production’ are reproduced, their articulations with other economic formations – including capitalism – and how they are situated globally. As a case study, one year’s fieldwork was completed on Nepal’s eastern Terai using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The research suggested that surplus appropriation through rent in a mode of production which can only be described as ‘semi-feudal’, has for a majority of farming households impeded accumulation and profitable commercialisation, a precondition for the emergence of capitalist relations. Semi-feudalism has been reproduced for decades internally by the political control over land and externally by Nepal’s subordinate position in the global economy. The latter process has constrained industrialization and rendered much of the peasantry dependent upon landlords who have no incentive to lower rents. The economic insecurity which has arisen in the context of semi-feudal production relations has allowed further forms of surplus appropriation in the sphere of circulation to flourish, through for example, interest on loans and price manipulation on commodity sales. This further hinders profitable commercialisation amongst both semi-feudal tenants and also owner cultivators who farm under what can be termed an ‘independent peasant’ mode of production. Even wealthier independent peasant producers who could potentially become capitalist farmers are constrained both by high cultural capital expenses, oligoposnistic activity by industry in the capitalist grain markets, and Indian rice imports which depress local prices. Furthermore, development initiatives which could potentially facilitate capitalist transition through the introduction of productivity boosting techniques have had limited success under the prevailing relations of production and the associated ideological relations of caste and gender. The above findings are of crucial significance if one is to develop policies and political strategies for equitable change in peripheral social formations such as Nepal.

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CHRISTEN, KATHERINE CARR. "CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL LEADERS' PERCEPTIONS OF THE EFFECTS OF GLOBALIZATION TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS, AND NEO-LIBERAL EDUCATION IDEOLOGY ON AN URBAN MIDWESTERN TOWN." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1108409101.

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Mcginity, Ruth. "An investigation into localised policy-making during a period of rapid educational reform in England." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/an-investigation-into-localised-policymaking-during-a-period-of-rapid-educational-reform-in-england(ebcdba9d-217c-46a8-8868-b2b87fba61aa).html.

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The research reports on an ethnographic study undertaken at Kingswood, a secondary school in the North West of England, during a period of rapid reform within educational policy-making in England. The research project sets out to offer an empirical account of localised policy-making and a conceptual analysis as to how and why different social actors within and connected to the school are positioned and position-take in response to the schools’ localised development trajectory. In order to do this, the study operationalises Bourdieu’s thinking tools of field, capital and habitus as a means of theorising the complex relationship between structure and agency in the processes of localised policy-making. In order to present a detailed analysis of the positioning and position-taking I develop and deploy the conceptualisation of the neoliberal policy complex. I use this to describe and understand how the political and economic fields of production penetrate localised decision-making in which the connected agendas of performativity and accountability frame much of the localised policy processes at the research site. The neoliberal policy complex is defined by an on-going and increased commitment to legislative interventions, not least through an approach to the modernisation of public service in which autonomy and diversification are hailed as hallmarks for success. Drawing on data collected in a year long embedded study, from interviews and, observations with 18 students, five parents, 21 teachers, and seven school leaders, and documentary analysis, it is argued that within this neoliberal policy complex, the field of power is located as a centralising force in structuring the policy-making development and enactments at the local level. In order to achieve distinction within the schooling field and thus be acknowledged as legitimate within the neoliberal policy complex, Kingswood’s localised development trajectory reveals how the discourses of neoliberalism have been internalised by the social actors within the study, to produce subjective positioning which reveals a commitment to the neoliberal doxa. Within this theorisation certain knowledges, capitals and ways of doing and thinking are privileged and presented as common sense. At Kingswood, the conversion to an academy in April 2012 and the attendant re-organisation of the school provision into a Multi-Academy Trust, which has on site a ‘professional’ and a ‘studio’ school, are presented as a necessary construction for the school’s future, and the employability skills that will be subsequently embedded within the curriculum are framed as a common sense development of the purposes of education. The study concludes that such position-taking ultimately reveals how the centralising and hierarchical notions of power work to produce a narrative of misrecognition with regards to how the school must develop localised policy-making in order to remain a viable and legitimate entity in the schooling field. The research makes a contribution to the field of policy scholarship by applying Bourdieu’s thinking tools to the empirical findings from a range of social actors in and connected to the school in order to construct an understanding of the relationships between power and positionality in localised policy-making in neoliberal times.

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Larsson, Johan. "Neo-liberal ideas in Social Democratic arguments? : A look at the privatization debate regarding the Swedish railway sector." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, politik och ekonomi, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-3381.

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Privatization is said to be fundamentally a neo-liberal idea and deregulation is one form of privatization. The Swedish railway sector has been deregulated gradually over the years. Some of the policy changes towards more deregulation have been done with the Swedish Social Democrats in government. This thesis analyzes the arguments for and against privatization on two occasions, 2000 and 2009 with the Social Democrats in government and opposition respectively, to see if the party’s argumentation has been influenced by neo-liberal ideas and if that change depending on whether they are in government or not. The analysis shows that there has been influence of neo-liberal ideas on arguments from the Social Democrats and that their view on privatization and deregulation differed depending on whether they were in government or in opposition.

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Johnson, Jay W. "Sidewalk shops and back room factories, the urban informal sectors in neo-liberal Mexico; a path towards development?" Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0017/MQ49378.pdf.

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Rodriguez-Ahumada, Mariano. "Alleviating poverty in Latin America : neo-liberal reforms and their compensatory social programmes in Chile, Mexico and Peru." Thesis, University of Essex, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.438122.

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Peck, Mikaere Michelle S. "Summerhill school is it possible in Aotearoa ??????? New Zealand ???????: Challenging the neo-liberal ideologies in our hegemonic schooling system." The University of Waikato, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2794.

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The original purpose of this thesis is to explore the possibility of setting up a school in Aotearoa (New Zealand) that operates according to the principles and philosophies of Summerhill School in Suffolk, England. An examination of Summerhill School is therefore the purpose of this study, particularly because of its commitment to self-regulation and direct democracy for children. My argument within this study is that Summerhill presents precisely the type of model Māori as Tangata Whenua (Indigenous people of Aotearoa) need in our design of an alternative schooling programme, given that self-regulation and direct democracy are traits conducive to achieving Tino Rangitiratanga (Self-government, autonomy and control). In claiming this however, not only would Tangata Whenua benefit from this model of schooling; indeed it has the potential to serve the purpose of all people regardless of age race or gender. At present, no school in Aotearoa has replicated Summerhill's principles and philosophies in their entirety. Given the constraints of a Master's thesis, this piece of work is therefore only intended as a theoretical background study for a much larger kaupapa (purpose). It is my intention to produce a further and more comprehensive study in the future using Summerhill as a vehicle to initiate a model school in Aotearoa that is completely antithetical to the dominant neo-liberal philosophy of our age. To this end, my study intends to demonstrate how neo-liberal schooling is universally dictated by global money market trends, and how it is an ideology fueled by the indifferent acceptance of the general population. In other words, neo-liberal theory is a theory of capitalist colonisation. In order to address the long term vision, this project will be comprised of two major components. The first will be a study of the principal philosophies that govern Summerhill School. As I will argue, Summerhill creates an environment that is uniquely successful and fulfilling for the children who attend. At the same time, it will also be shown how it is a philosophy that is entirely contrary to a neo-liberal 3 mindset; an antidote, to a certain extent, to the ills of contemporary schooling. The second component will address the historical movement of schooling in Aotearoa since the Labour Party's landslide victory in 1984, and how the New Zealand Curriculum has been affected by these changes. I intend to trace the importation of neo-liberal methodologies into Aotearoa such as the 'Picot Taskforce,' 'Tomorrows Schools' and 'Bulk Funding,' to name but a few. The neo-liberal ideologies that have swept through this country in the last two decades have relentlessly metamorphosised departments into businesses and forced ministries into the marketplace, hence causing the 'ideological reduction of education' and confining it to the parameters of schooling. The purpose of this research project is to act as a catalyst for the ultimate materialization of an original vision; the implementation of a school like Summerhill in Aotearoa. A study of the neo-liberal ideologies that currently dominate this country is imperative in order to understand the current schooling situation in Aotearoa and create an informed comparison between the 'learning for freedom' style of Summerhill and the 'learning to earn' style of our status quo schools. It is my hope to strengthen the argument in favour of Summerhill philosophy by offering an understanding of the difference between the two completely opposing methods of learning.

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Rivera, Rigoberto. "The rise of temporary rural work in Chile under the neo-liberal development policy : regional effects and household strategies." Thesis, Durham University, 1985. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/7040/.

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This thesis deals with the development of a now social sector of Chilean society: the temporary wage workers who live in rural shantytowns. The research, which was carried out in 1982, aimed to obtain a general overview of this population, focussing on four main fields: population changes, employment, household income and expenditure, and living conditions. The theoretical framework aims to relate the general processes of socio-economic change to the actual behaviour of households in an environment characterized by high unemployment and uncertainty. It does this through using concepts such as styles of development and differential regional capitalist expansion, together with the notions of social marginality and survival strategies. The research project was implemented by surveying 20 localities throughout the country, where new rural shantytowns had developed. These surveys wore combined with the collection of case studies of households in order to illustrate the general social tendencies. Special efforts were made to obtain labour histories, through administering questionnaires and taped interviews. Four localities were selected for special attention so that one might develop a comparative analysis of regional processes and their importance in shaping household patterns.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Neo-liberal'

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