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Journal articles on the topic 'Neo-conservatism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 19 February 2022

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1

Souza, Jamerson Murillo Anunciação de, and Marcelo Sitcovsky. "Direitos humanos, democracia e neoconservadorismo." Revista Katálysis 23, no. 2 (August 2020): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-02592020v23n2p193.

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2

Souza, Jamerson Murillo Anunciação de, and Marcelo Sitcovsky. "Human rights, democracy and neo-conservatism." Revista Katálysis 23, no. 2 (August 2020): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-02592020v23n2p196.

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3

Parguez, Alain, and Mario Seccareccia. "Note on Left-Wing Neo-Conservatism." Studies in Political Economy 26, no. 1 (January 1988): 181–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.1988.11675546.

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4

Weiler, Michael. "Neo-Conservatism: A Study of Ideological Argument." Argumentation and Advocacy 24, no. 1 (June 1987): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00028533.1987.11951355.

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5

Gandesha, Samir. "Neo-Conservatism: A ‘Third Way’ for Canada?" European Legacy 5, no. 2 (April 2000): 187–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770050013628.

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6

Apple, Michael W. "Creating Difference: Neo-Liberalism, Neo-Conservatism and the Politics of Educational Reform." Educational Policy 18, no. 1 (January 2004): 12–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904803260022.

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7

KAMPMARK, BINOY. "The first neo-conservative: James Burnham and the origins of a movement." Review of International Studies 37, no. 4 (October 12, 2010): 1885–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001117.

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AbstractThis article examines the origins of American neo-conservatism by assessing the contributions of one of its less known inspirations, James Burnham. In charting Burnham's political philosophies and various contemporary reactions to them, this article examines his legacy as it relates to the movement, specifically in his approach to foreign affairs and institutions. It argues that he was more a pioneer than is often acknowledged. In so doing this article also corrects misunderstandings that have arisen in critiques of neo-conservatism, suggesting that Burnham's oeuvre may offer more instructive guidance than some of his contemporaries in understanding the neo-conservative revolution in American foreign policy.

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8

Schneider, Andreas. "US Neo‐conservatism: cohort and cross‐cultural perspective." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 19, no. 12 (December 1999): 56–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01443339910788631.

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9

Silver, Jim. "The Ideology of Excellence: Management and Neo-Conservatism." Studies in Political Economy 24, no. 1 (January 1987): 105–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.1987.11675559.

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10

Levente, Nagy. "The Meaning of the Consept of (Neo)-Conservatism." Central European political science review (CEPSR) 11, no. 40, Summer (2010): 29–41.

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11

Teghtsoonian, Katherine. "Neo-Conservative Ideology and Opposition to Federal Regulation of Child Care Services in the United States and Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 1 (March 1993): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390000247x.

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AbstractThis article explores neo-conservative ideology in the industrialized West through a comparative analysis of the arguments advanced against a strong role for the federal government in regulating child care services in the United States and Canada. Existing analyses of neo-conservatism suggest that it is composed of many different elements which may lead to contradictory policy prescriptions; this literature also downplays the presence of a “pro-family” component in the Canadian context. The article illustrates the presence of an “anti-statist,” a “pro-market” and a “pro-family” strand of neo-conservatism in each country, and shows that they converge in opposing federal regulation of child care services. It also suggests that, while there appears to be a shared neo-conservative vision of the appropriate relationship between families and the state across national contexts, discussions of the state and its relationship to the market take on a distinctive tone in each country.

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12

이창희. "Politics and Morals of Neo - conservatism - Case of Movies." Journal of Moral & Ethics Education ll, no. 51 (May 2016): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.18338/kojmee.2016..51.193.

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13

Pal, Leslie A., and Stephen McBride. "Not Working: State, Unemployment, and Neo-Conservatism in Canada." Labour / Le Travail 32 (1993): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143745.

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14

Laxer, Gordan, and Stephen McBride. "Not Working: State, Unemployment and Neo-Conservatism in Canada." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 18, no. 4 (1993): 472. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3340905.

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15

Elden, Stuart. "Blair, Neo-Conservatism and The War on Territorial Integrity." International Politics 44, no. 1 (December 20, 2006): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800157.

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16

Langford, Tom, and Stephen McBride. "Not Working: State, Unemployment, and Neo-Conservatism in Canada." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 19, no. 3 (September 1993): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551629.

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17

Hatt, Ken, Tullio Caputo, and Barbara Perry. "Criminal Justice Policy under Mulroney, 1984-90: Neo-Conservatism, Eh?" Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 18, no. 3 (September 1992): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551810.

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18

Lattas, Andrew. "Consultancy, Neo-Liberal Conservatism and the Politics of Anti-Politics." Oceania 82, no. 1 (March 2012): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1834-4461.2012.tb00123.x.

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19

Elliott, Brian, and David McCrone. "Class, Culture and Morality: A Sociological Analysis of Neo-Conservatism." Sociological Review 35, no. 3 (August 1987): 485–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1987.tb00553.x.

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In Britain, as in many other western countries, there emerged in the mid-1970s a variety of business associations, policy and research institutes and political leagues, committed not only to the restoration of a Conservative government, but also to a much broader refurbishing of conservatism. A network of organizations, individuals and ideas grew up that became identified as the New Right. The New Right, which clearly has an international character, was generated by economic and political crises, but it was nurtured by a variety of resentments and discontents whose roots lay in structural and cultural changes that had developed over the whole post-war period. Drawing, in part, upon interviews with leaders of the organisations that did most to mobilize opinion behind the New Right in Britain, the article examines the major changes – particularly those in class structure and in culture – to which the new conservatives were reacting. It explores the major ideological strands – libertarian, neo-liberal and conservative – and looks at the attempts by the New Right to use these to produce changes not only in economic policy but in the cultural and moral fabric of society.

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20

Zafirovski, Milan. "‘Neo-Feudalism’ in America? Conservatism in Relation to European Feudalism." International Review of Sociology 17, no. 3 (October 15, 2007): 393–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03906700701574323.

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21

Carroll, William K., and R. S. Ratner. "Social Democracy, Neo-Conservatism and Hegemonic Crisis in British Columbia." Critical Sociology 16, no. 1 (April 1989): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089692058901600102.

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22

Ashbee, Edward. "The Politics of Contemporary Black Conservatism in the United States." Politics 17, no. 3 (September 1997): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00047.

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At first sight, the themes associated with contemporary black conservatism appear to replicate the concerns of the American right more generally. However, although there are black conservative intellectuals and activists who draw on US constitutional tradition and neo-classical economics, others derive their politics from notions of racial solidarity. This form of black conservatism rests on particular constructions of black masculinity, and invokes images of a past age when black communities were both intact and stable. It regards integrationism with suspicion and hostility. However, it also offers a relatively optimistic vision of future developments that can be contrasted with the more constrained ambitions which characterise ‘mainstream’ American conservatism today.

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23

Dietz, Bernhard. "The Neo-Tories and Europe: A Transnational Historyof British Radical Conservatism in the 1930s." Journal of Modern European History 15, no. 1 (February 2017): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-1-85.

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The Neo-Tories and Europe: A Transnational History of British Radical Conservatism in the 1930s This article analyses the British Neo-Tories of the 1930s as part of a pan-European counter-movement against political modernity. This network of right-wing intellectuals and allied Conservative politicians saw democracy, liberalism and capitalism in a state of degeneration and aimed at the establishment of a corporate state in Great Britain through a «revolution from above». The article concentrates on the importance on the transnational implications of this discourse and in particular of the exchange with their German intellectual counterparts. It emphasises how this exchange of ideas was affected by National Socialism on the British side and explores what the possibilities and limits of right-wing exchange between Germany and England were after Hitler's rise to power. The article argues that for the Neo-Tories, the European exchange of ideas was a source of inspiration, reassurance and hope; however, it also eventually meant their downfall, as the beginning of the Second World War marked the end of British participation in transnational radical conservatism.

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24

Ertuğrul, Kürşad. "AKP's neo-conservatism and politics of otherness in Europe-Turkey relations." New Perspectives on Turkey 46 (2012): 157–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001540.

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AbstractThis study uncovers the neo-conservative “style of thought” informing the ideology of theAdalet ve Kalkinma Partisi(Justice and Development Party, AKP). The AKP's politico-cultural strategy in pursuing Turkey's goal of full membership to the EU is constituted on this ideological ground. Based on critical constructivism, this article argues that the AKP constitutes a domestic-foreign policy nexus of change characterized by a neo-conservative “style of thought” that aims to redefine the identity of Turkey. Along this line of politics, Europe appears as a politico-cultural space, as an ideational structure, enabling and limiting the AKP to act as a political and cultural agent. While the AKP adopts and sublimates the position of the “other” in the ideational structure of Europe, it reconstitutes the identity and interests of Turkey through neo-conservative ideas. Both are mutually reinforcing.

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25

Acar, Feride, and Gülbanu Altunok. "The ‘politics of intimate’ at the intersection of neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism in contemporary Turkey." Women's Studies International Forum 41 (November 2013): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2012.10.001.

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26

Peterson, Trista. "Red Toryism and Neo-Liberalism in Alberta Conservative Party Ideology." Political Science Undergraduate Review 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur134.

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This paper explores the topic of Alberta conservatism and how economic conditions influence elections. Through a survey of Alberta general elections dating from 1971 to 2019, this paper surveys the pattern of election red tory governments in times of economic wellbeing and neo-liberal governments when the economy is unstable.

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27

YABE, Takuya. "Urban Fortunes: Regional Revitalization, Conservatism, and Neo-liberalism in Local Cites." TRENDS IN THE SCIENCES 21, no. 12 (2016): 12_26–12_39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5363/tits.21.12_26.

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28

Huber, Gregory A., and Thomas J. Espenshade. "Neo-Isolationism, Balanced-Budget Conservatism, and the Fiscal Impacts of Immigrants." International Migration Review 31, no. 4 (1997): 1031. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2547423.

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29

Huber, Gregory A., and Thomas J. Espenshade. "Neo-Isolationism, Balanced-Budget Conservatism, and the Fiscal Impacts of Immigrants." International Migration Review 31, no. 4 (December 1997): 1031–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839703100410.

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A rise in neo-isolationism in the United States has given encouragement to a new fiscal politics of immigration. Growing anti-immigrant sentiment has coalesced with forces of fiscal conservatism to make immigrants an easy target of budget cuts. Limits on legal alien access to social welfare programs that are contained in the 1996 welfare and immigration reform acts seem motivated not so much by a guiding philosophy of what it means to be a member of American society as by a desire to shrink the size of the federal government and to produce a balanced budget. Even more than in the past, the consequence of a shrinking welfare state is to metamorphose legal immigrants from public charges to windfall gains for the federal treasury.

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30

CHORNEY, HAROLD, and PHILLIP HANSEN. "Neo-conservatism, social democracy and ‘province building’: the experience of Manitoba." Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie 22, no. 1 (July 14, 2008): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-618x.1985.tb00715.x.

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31

Mazumdar, Surajit. "Neo-Liberalism and the Rise of Right-Wing Conservatism in India." Desenvolvimento em Debate 5, no. 1 (June 20, 2017): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51861/ded.dmds.1.011.

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This paper assesses the origins and the consequences of the decisive right wing shift in Indian politics ushered in by the 2014 elections. Tracing this to long-term but not linearly developing tendencies in Indian politics, the paper relates these with the distinctive nature and history of capitalist development in India, particularly the sharply polarizing growth and accumulation regime of the neo-liberal era and the crisis it now confronts. Asserting that the electoral success of the Narendra Modi-led BJP was based on it being the political agent of not change but of a reassertion by India’s economic elite, the paper explains the challenge of managing sharply contradictory interests that this places in the path of the consolidation of the new regime.

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32

Wolin, R. "False Criteria: the New Criterion or the Cultural Politics of Neo-Conservatism." Telos 1985, no. 66 (January 1, 1985): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/1285066115.

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33

Krajnc, Anita. "Wither Ontario's Environment? Neo-Conservatism and the Decline of the Environment Ministry." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 26, no. 1 (March 2000): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3552259.

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34

Shaffer, Ryan. "Bourgeois Liberty and the Politics of Fear: From Absolutism to Neo-Conservatism." History: Reviews of New Books 42, no. 3 (May 12, 2014): 101–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2014.887973.

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35

Altunok, Gülbanu. "Neo-conservatism, Sovereign Power and Bio-power: Female Subjectivity in Contemporary Turkey." Research and Policy on Turkey 1, no. 2 (July 2, 2016): 132–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23760818.2016.1201244.

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36

Bashevkin, Sylvia. "Confronting Neo-conservatism: Anglo-American Women's Movements under Thatcher, Reagan and Mulroney." International Political Science Review 15, no. 3 (July 1994): 275–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251219401500304.

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37

Dodds, Klaus, and Stuart Elden. "Thinking Ahead: David Cameron, the Henry Jackson Society and British Neo-Conservatism." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 10, no. 3 (August 2008): 347–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2008.00327.x.

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38

Avraham, Doron. "German Neo-Pietism and the Formation of National Identity." Church History 88, no. 1 (March 2019): 87–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719000544.

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In the early nineteenth century, a neo-Pietist circle of awakened Protestants emerged in Prussia and other German lands. Disturbed by the consequences of the French Revolution, the ensuing reforms and the rising national movement, these neo-Pietists—among them noble estate owners, theologians, and other scholars—tried to introduce an alternative meaning for the alliance between state and religion. Drawing on seventeenth- and eighteenth-century pietist traditions, neo-Pietists fused their keen religious devotion with newly constructed conservative ideals, thus rehabilitating the legitimacy of political authority while investing the people's confession with additional meaning. At the same time, and through the same pietistic source of inspiration, conservative neo-Pietists forged their own understanding of national identity: its origins, values, and implications. In this regard, and against the prevailing view of the antagonist stance taken by Christian conservatives toward nationalism in the first half on the nineteenth century, this article argues for the consolidation of certain concepts of German national identity within Christian conservatism.

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39

Rutkevich, Alexey M. "Liberal Democracy vs Conservative Populism." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 66 (February 20, 2019): 344–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-1-344-380.

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The origins of democracy date back to the Ancient World, and parliamentarism appeared in the Middle Ages. Their fusion to create representative democracy took nearly two centuries with this evolution process resulting in the appearance of present-day liberal democracy, where the latest form of liberalism have little to do with the laissez faire liberalism of the 19-th century or the Keynesian neo-liberalism of the 20-th. It serves the interests of financial oligarchy and imposes its rules upon the whole world. The former right- and left-wing parties are now merged into the same ruling elite. Nor did the former conservatism stand the test of time, resorting to alliance with neo-conservatism. Various opponents of this elite in the West today are called «populists». The most colorful example of this «populism» of the last decade is the movement of «yellow jackets» in France. Its participants unite socialist and anarchist slogans with the conservative ones and demand the «direct democracy». In Russia we have our own tradition of such unity, beginning with the early Slavophils, and supported by A.I. Solzhenitsyn as «democracy from below».

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40

Jedliński, Marek. "Rosyjska opozycja wobec świata modernizmu." Studia Rossica Posnaniensia, no. 42 (June 19, 2018): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strp.2017.42.2.

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Modernity is typically defined as a post-traditional historical period. Central to modernity is emancipation from religion and consequent secularization. In my article I analyze and interpret the ideological foundations of contemporary Russian neo-Euroasianism. This movement is led by Alexander Dugin, an important representative of Russian traditionalism and conservatism. What he postulates is to build an ideocratic orthodox-soviet state, which should include Ukraine.

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41

Agarwal, Bina. "Women's Land Rights and the Trap of Neo-Conservatism: A Response to Jackson." Journal of Agrarian Change 3, no. 4 (October 2003): 571–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1471-0366.00067.

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42

Yabuno, Yuzo. "NEO-conservatism in Japanese politics: Some comparisons with the USA and the UK." Japanese Studies 10, no. 2 (September 1990): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10371399008522178.

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43

Blokhin, Konstantin V. "Leo Strauss and His Neoconservative Disciples (on the Problem of the Sources and Genesis of Neoconservatism)." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 729–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-729-744.

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The article discusses the problem of Leo Strauss’ influence on the political culture of the United States and analyzes the current historiographic situation pertaining to the problem. The authors demonstrate that both in the USA and in modern Russia the question of the degree and nature of L. Strauss’s influence on the neocons remains open. Meanwhile, it is obvious that Strauss had a significant impact on the formation of neoconservative ideology, which is manifested in the similarity of the basic ideas of the philosopher and his disciples. The formation of the philosopher’s views took place during the crisis of the Weimar Republic and the Nazis’ rise to power in Germany, which postulated Strauss’ idea about the need for strong democracy and its ability to defend itself against tyranny. The concept of strong democracy that can withstand totalitarianism and authoritarianism is one of the key ideas of neo-conservatism. The similarity of Strauss’ philosophical views to those of the neoconservatives is seen in criticism of the liberal world order and moral foundations of the West, which gave rise to relativism and nihilism. The conformity of neoconservative worldview, including and its variants, such as straussianism, to the ideas of Strauss is manifested in advocating the interests of Israel, which the founders of neo-conservatism view as an outpost of the Western world.

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44

RUDDICK, SUE. "At the Horizons of the Subject: Neo-liberalism, neo-conservatism and the rights of the child Part Two: Parent, caregiver, state." Gender, Place & Culture 14, no. 6 (December 2007): 627–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09663690701659101.

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45

De La Rasilla Del Moral, Ignacio. "Review Essay - Remarks On Post-Sovereignty And International Legal Neo-Conservatism: Reading Jeremy Rabkin." German Law Journal 8, no. 8 (August 1, 2007): 801–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200005952.

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46

Kiely, Ray. "What difference does difference make? Reflections on neo- conservatism as a liberal cosmopolitan project." Contemporary Politics 10, no. 3-4 (September 2004): 185–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1356977042000316673.

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47

Preparata, Guido Giacomo. "Suburbia’s “Crime Experts”: The Neo-Conservatism of Control Theory and the Ethos of Crime." Critical Criminology 21, no. 1 (December 6, 2012): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10612-012-9168-x.

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48

Kaya, Ibrahim. "Conceptualizing the current clashes between modernist republicans and Islamic conservatives in Turkey." Social Science Information 51, no. 1 (March 2012): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018411425831.

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Resume This article aims to foster a deeper understanding of the current clashes between modernist republicans and Islamic conservatives in Turkey. Through an examination of the relation of conservatism to modernity, I argue that there exists a conservative goal of ‘overcoming modernity’, though in a paradoxical form, which is crucial for our comprehension of this conflict. Central here is the Islamic conservative resistance to the ‘cultural program of modernity’. Indubitably, it would be fallacious to impute to (neo-)conservatism an orientation that challenges modernity in toto. Indeed, one need only consider the economy and technology to see how far the modern has captured the conservative imagination. However, the culture of modernity is a different matter and this is the aspect I concentrate on here. After first examining the (old) conservative reaction against the great transformations of modernity, I consider the contention that Turkish society has recently become conservative, and end with an analysis of republican opposition to recent government acts.

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49

Crawford, Keith. "Neo-Conservative Perspectives on Culture and Nationhood and Their Impact upon the School Curriculum in England and Wales." Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 1, no. 3 (September 1996): 208–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/csee.1996.1.3.208.

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This paper explores the ideological perspectives of Neo-Conservatism discourse in England and Wales and the manner in which it has shaped notions of culture and nationhood. The paper presents a critical analysis of recent writing by a coalition of politicians, educators and social commentators who have taken as their themes cultural relativism, the abandonment of a dominant historical narrative and a claimed decline in the spirit of nationhood. The paper attempts to place this debate within a wider context by linking it to similar debates in mainland Europe and the USA.

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50

Matiuhin, V. V. "Understanding Dominance of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey: the Ideological Dimension." RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 2 (December 15, 2016): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2016-2-25-38.

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The article examines the ideological dimension of dominance of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish political process. Analysis of the party's doctrine and its leaders’ statements reveals the pivotal elements of the ideology that facilitated strengthening of the JDP's stance as a dominant party, i.e. liberal and democratic values, social conservatism, modernism, globalism and Neo-Ottomanism. These center-right orientations, being vague and eclectic, helped “democratic Islamists” to show both ideological rigidity and flexibility necessary to mobilize broad masses of Turkish voters and to keep long-term public support.

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