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1
Melnychuk, Liubov. "Negotiation Process as an Integral Part of Romania’s Integration into the EU." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 11 (December 14, 2022): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2022.11.115-130.
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The author of the article analyzes European Union-Romania’s membership negotiations, that began on February 15, 2000 and exposes their basic problems. The author traced the dynamics of the negotiation process on the basis of EU and Romania documents and proved that the main purpose of negotiations was to comprehensively achieve Copenhagen criteria by Romania. The cooperation between EU and Romania developed on the basis of the provisions of the European Agreement within the framework of its institutions. The negotiation process of Romania’s accession to the European Union took place under the established procedure and was practically indistingui-shable from the negotiations of other CEE countries. It is substantiated that despite the real reforms, increasing Romania’s promotion in the process of preparation for EU membership and real assistance to the EU to intensify Romania preparation for membership in 2004, but in October 2002 the EU institutions agreed on Romania’s joining the EU after 2004. It was established that the intensification of Romania’s efforts to implement the criteria for admission and the adoption in February 2004 of the financial package for its accession contributed to the closure of the most difficult issues of negotiations in 2004.
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Millet, Montserrat, Benjamin Kienzle, and Patricia Garcia-Duran. "Revisiting European Influence: The Case of Agricultural Trade Negotiations." Journal of World Trade 48, Issue 5 (October 1, 2014): 1057–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2014037.
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In recent years, scholars have called into question the often-heard policy statements that link a stronger single voice of the European Union (EU) to more European influence in international negotiations. This article examines this challenge in an area where the EU has a particularly long tradition of establishing common policies: agriculture. By comparing in particular the international agricultural negotiations that have taken place in the framework of the Uruguay and the Doha Development Rounds (up until Cancún), it argues that internal coherence is actually not a sufficient condition for EU influence in these negotiations. On the contrary, by building on different strands of literature - International Relations, EU studies and trade policy - it shows that the EU's ability to influence outcomes has been increasingly affected by external developments. More specifically, the article draws on three crucial external processes in this regard: First, emerging powers have gained substantial commercial weight. Second, key countries, especially Brazil, have played an increasingly active role in the negotiations. Third, these countries have strengthened their positions through successful coalition-building. Consequently, if European policy-makers want to increase the EU's influence in agricultural trade negotiations, they have to more consciously adapt its negotiation approaches to the changing external negotiation environment.
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Horváth, Gy. "Regional Policy in Europe." Acta Oeconomica 51, no. 1 (February 1, 2001): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.51.2000-2001.1.6.
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Among European Union policies, regional policy has always been considered a key domain due to its considerable role in negotiation of interests between mem-ber countries and distribution of European Union funds. Its significance, however, is expected to increase further as soon as countries of the Central Eastern Euro-pean region join the European Union and start lobbying for the concentration of European Union resources in the area. The new member states of the EU will stand on the periphery – not only in the geographical sense, but also regarding their level of economic development.
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Kaveshnikov, N. Y. "DEVELOPMENT OF THE EXTERNAL ENERGY POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-82-91.
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The article analyses development of external energy policy of the European Union (EU). In spite of the Lisbon treaty didn’t substantially expend EU powers in external energy policy, European Commission (EC) became more active in recent years. Decision on exchange of information about bilateral energy agreements between Member States (MSs) and third countries may deprive producers of opportunity to differentiate terms of infrastructure projects and energy supply in different MSs. European Commission participation in MSs negotiations with third countries as a guardian of energy market provisions will inevitably increase negotiation power of MSs. Nevertheless, only smooth and modest extension of powers of the EC would be possible because of opposition of numerous countries which makes a search of consensus very difficult. Among priority activities of the EU external energy policy one could identify ‘export’ of energy market provisions in neighbor countries; diversification of suppliers and prioritization of politically selected supply routes; dramatic increase of regulatory activity at EU level. All these activities are partially successful, but they all have some shortages. Several EU legislative and regulatory measures risk to run counter to existing obligations of MSs.
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Ryabchikov, Anton A. "REGIONAL TRADE AGREEMENTS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: NEGOTIATION MECHANISM, CLASSIFICATION, GOALS." SCIENTIFIC REVIEW. SERIES 1. ECONOMICS AND LAW, no. 2-3 (2022): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4650-2022-2-3-06.
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This article discusses the system of regional trade agreements (RTA) of the European Union (EU) as an instrument of trade policy and economic diplomacy of the Union. It analyzes the existing EU mechanism for negotiating RTAs with third countries as well as the main types of these agreements according to the classification of the European Commission. It outlines the main goals pursued by the Union when concluding the RTAs and gives an overview of the available information on the effectiveness of the EU’s network of bilateral trade agreements. It is concluded that the main objectives of the EU when using this instrument of trade policy are to promote the interests of European business, create leverage for exerting political influence on third countries and advance European ideals of democracy and a market economy around the world.
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Oosterhof, Albert. "Legal Aspects of the EU Enlargement Negotiations." Leiden Journal of International Law 7, no. 2 (1994): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002983.
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The recently concluded enlargement negotiations between the European Union and four applicant countries -Austria, Sweden, Finland and Norway-have so far been the last in a series of intensive negotiating efforts since the conclusion of the Treaty on the European Union (EU), the Agreement on the European Economic Area (EEA), the European Agreements with the Central and Eastern European countries and the conclusion of the Uruguay Round.
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Kusku-Sönmez, Eda, and Selin Türkes-Kiliç. "Dynamics of Technical Progress Towards the EU Accession: New Rules, Vetoes and Power Asymmetries." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Issue 2 (August 1, 2018): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018024.
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The current accession countries experience an observable slowness in the pace of their European Union (EU) negotiations. This article aims to assess the impact of the EU’s changing enlargement strategy on this accession inertia. Our comparative analysis of the post-2004 negotiation experiences reveal that the variation in the technical accession progress can be explained by modalities of the new negotiation framework including the Copenhagen-plus pre-accession criteria, settlement of border conflicts, benchmarks and the increased focus on the rule of law chapters, which all together provided a new opportunity structure to those veto players seeking to suspend the accession of the current candidates.
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Lempereur, Alain Pekar. "Leading Successful Negotiations on Behalf of Europe: An Analysis of the European Commission High-Ranking Officials’ Practices." European Review 17, no. 3-4 (October 2009): 541–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798709000945.
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Permanent dialogue, steered by continual negotiation, was the driving force behind the construction of Post-War Europe. In this context, the countries of the European Union have extended the mandate of the European Commission (EC) to negotiate an increasing number of topics, giving the EC’s high-ranking officials a pre-eminent role of agents in the process. It is, then, urgent and useful to investigate these negotiators’ practices, to list a number of recurrent features, and to compare them with current negotiation theories. In 2004, at the request of the EC, 15 in-depth interviews were conducted with high-ranking EC officials, from different directorates, in charge of top-level negotiations. An interview guide was drawn up to address the five following points:•the success factors in negotiation,•the reasons for failure,•the management of people, relationships, cultural aspects, the mandate, and the stakeholders’ map,•the management of substantive issues and their solutions, including the use of justification criteria,•the management of the process, agenda, multilateral mechanisms, and communication.Following the interviews, a report was submitted to the EC’s General Administration Directorate. The report highlights a number of features that may favour the success of European negotiators. In what follows, some keys to success are linked to three dimensions of negotiation: process, people, and problem.
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Murashko, M. M. "Implications of the New EU Carbon Border Tax for the EAEU." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 3 (November 30, 2021): 369–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-3-369-378.
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The article focuses on the interaction of the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union in the context of green technological transformation. The European Union is actively pursuing a policy of transition to a carbon-neutral economy. In this regard, it intends to implement a special tax mechanism, which may significantly limit export opportunities for the EAEU. Moreover, the EU is one of the key partners of the EAEU and plays a major role in the economic development of individual countries that are members of the integration association. The article further discusses the projected risks for the EAEU member states, and provides measures that can ensure trade security of the Union’s countries on the European markets. In particular, measures should be aimed at the development own environmental legislation, harmonization of the legislation of EAEU member states, and the creation of permanent negotiation mechanisms to bring together the positions of EAEU countries in the context of the climate policy pursued by the European Union.
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Cristani, Federica. "Concluding International Investment-Related Agreements with Non-EU Countries." Central European Journal of Comparative Law 3, no. 1 (February 22, 2022): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.47078/2022.1.41-56.
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The 2009 Lisbon Treaty has added an important exclusive competence for the European Union (EU) in the common commercial policy area, namely, foreign direct investment, thus making it a crucial actor in international investment protection. This has a huge impact on shaping international investment policy in Europe and has raised important questions, especially regarding the legal consequences of the EU’s exclusive competence in the negotiation process of international investment agreements (IIAs) with third countries. This article explores the role of the EU and its member states in negotiating and concluding IIAs with third countries. In the first part, the article illustrates when individual member states are authorized to conclude a new bilateral investment treaty with a third country, with a focus on the EU´s Regulation No 1219/2012 and its implementation. In the second part, the article questions what it means for the EU and its member states to conclude investment mixed agreements with third countries, how the negotiation processes are conducted, and what is the impact of the division of competences between the EU and its member states. The final part of the article shows the current issues of ius standi and financial responsibility in investment dispute settlement involving foreign investors, with a focus on the EU´s Regulation No 912/2014 and the negotiation processes of the EU with third countries.
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Aydin, Ulviyye. "The Syrian Refugee Crisis: New Negotiation Chapter In European Union-Turkey Relations." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 2 (July 2016): 102–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2016.19.2.102.
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Syria is one of the countries where a revolution wave named Arab Spring uprose in early 2011. The most radical discourse from Arab Spring into the still ongoing civil wars took place in Syria as early as the second half of 2011. At the beginning it was a civil protest against Assad’s government. Nobody could not estimate the future developments in Syria. The cost of the war in Syria increases every day. More than 250,000 Syrians have lost their lives in four-and-a-half years of armed conflict, which began with anti-government protests before escalating into a full-scale civil war. More than 11 million others have been forced from their homes as forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad and those opposed to his rule battle each other - as well as jihadist militants from Islamic State. Mixed featured developments and longer resistance of Assad’s regime than estimated escalated tension in Syria in last four and half years. As a result, many countries in the Middle East, such as Egypt, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon, also Turkey, Serbia, Germany, Sweden, Hungary, Austria, Netherlands, Bulgaria are the sides that should pay a cost of the Syrian war. These states spend a remarkable budget for the Syrian refugees. Economic expenditure is just one dimension of Syrian refugee crisis. Movement of Syrian refugees to the European countries passing Turkish borders is one of the biggest migration crisis of the modern world history. Considering multifaced impacts of the migration, the aim of this paper is to analyze the Syrian refugee crisis as a new negotiation headline between the Europan Union and Turkey.
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Innocenthia, Adieuva, Yosinta Margaretha, Febri One, Junita Christine, and Agnes Magdalena. "THE EUROPEAN UNION, CHINA AND SOLAR PANEL." Sociae Polites 21, no. 1 (August 8, 2020): 62–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v21i1.1585.
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The European Union and China are the two countries that have advantages in each of them. The European Union and China have a dispute regarding renewable energies, namely the problem with solar panels. China's policy of making solar panels prices have low bargaining power makes the European Union unable to accept the policy because it can cause a long trade conflict. The case study in this paper also illustrates that the EU is actively approaching it to overcome environmental challenges in China by involving the European Union in dialogue and negotiation on various issues and providing capacity-building support. China also introduced trade reforms and carbon emissions to environmental decision-making bodies in the European Union, and it was supported by the European Union, including through meetings to determine sustainable policies and development projects on energy and the environment.
Keywords: EU – China dispute, Environmental Challenges, anti-dumping, China’s policy, World Trade Organization.
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Jäntti, Jyri J., and Benjamin Klasche. "‘Losing Leverage’ in the Neighbourhood: A Cognitive Frame Analysis of the European Union Migration Policy." International Studies 58, no. 3 (July 2021): 302–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00208817211030643.
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The European Union (EU)–Turkey deal consolidated a shift in the EU’s migration policy. The deal is the culmination of the dominance of the security frame and depicts the continuous externalization of the EU’s responsibility of asylum protection and burden sharing. The strengthening of the security frame has weakened the humanitarian norms that previously dictated EU’s behaviour. This has led to the EU losing some of its comparative advantages in negotiations. Simultaneously, the instrumentalization of the value of asylum, paired with an increased number of asylum seekers, has given negotiation leverage to the neighbouring countries turned service providers. These changes in perception and norms have created a power shift, at the disadvantage of the EU, creating a more leveled playing field for negotiations between the parties. This article tracks the historical shifts in the global refugee regime to explain how today’s situation was created. Hereby, the existence of two competing cognitive frames—humanitarian and security—is assumed, tracked and analysed. While looking at the EU–Turkey deal, the article shows that the EU has started treating refugees as a security problem rather than a humanitarian issue, breaking the normative fabric of the refugee regime in the process. The article also displays how Turkey was able to capitalise on this new reality and engage with negotiations of other neighbouring countries of EU that point towards a change of dynamics in the global refugee regime.
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Hurt, Stephen R., Donna Lee, and Ulrike Lorenz-Carl. "The Argumentative Dimension to the EU-Africa EPAs." International Negotiation 18, no. 1 (2013): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341250.
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Abstract Not only is the participation of developing countries in international trade negotiations growing, so is their influence over the global trade agenda. This article highlights the increasing activism and impact of African states through a detailed study of the current Economic Partnership Agreement (EPAs) negotiations with the European Union (EU). In examining African resistance to EPAs, the article develops a constructivist approach to North-South trade negotiations that pays close attention to the role of development discourses. We argue that the growing willingness of African states to challenge the EU to deliver on its development promises during the decade-long EPA process was crucial to informing their sustained opposition to the EU’s goal of completing a comprehensive set of sub-regional economic agreements. We document African resistance to EU trade diplomacy in the EPAs, exploring how these otherwise weak countries were able to pursue normative-based negotiation strategies by recourse to the EU’s promise of a ‘development partnership.’
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Natens, Bregt. "Chronicle of a Death Foretold? The Cultural Exception for Audio-Visual Services in EU Trade Negotiations." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 41, Issue 4 (November 1, 2014): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2014021.
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In 2013, the European Union (EU) initiated negotiations for regional trade agreements (RTAs) with the United States (US) and Japan, key trading partners and two of the largest economies in the world. Both countries have strong offensive interests in audio-visual services, a sector that is a sensitive defensive interest to the EU. In this article, it is argued that, besides the likelihood of it being unacceptable to the US and Japan, the 'cultural exception' for audio-visual services as applied in EU trade policy is ill-fitting for its purposes. First, it is too narrow at a cross-sectoral level and, second, it is too wide at the sectoral level. Therefore, it is claimed that the EU should reassess its negotiation strategy vis-à-vis audio-visual services. For inspiration in doing so, this article analyses four cases in which the US and Japan have negotiated bilaterally on audio-visual services with counterparties with defensive interests somewhat similar to the EU's, i.e., Canada, Korea, Switzerland, and India. It concludes that whilst the Canadian approach, i.e., exclusion, is unlikely to be acceptable to the EU's negotiating partners, the Korean, Swiss and, to a lesser extent Indian, approaches provide ample guidance for the EU to rethink its negotiation strategy for audio-visual services.
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Elgström, Ole, Natalia Chaban, and Linda Sheahan. "Benign Partner or Benign Master? – Economic Partnership Agreement Negotiations between the European Union and the Pacific Islands." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 3 (August 1, 2010): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010025.
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Abstract. In 2002, Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations were initiated between the European Union (EU) and the Pacific Island states. As of 2009, interim EPAs have been initialled with two Pacific countries, while no agreements have been made with the remaining Islands. Why such meagre results? We offer an explanation to this puzzle by pinpointing fundamental incompatibilities in basic beliefs and role conceptions. Behind the superficial consensus on negotiation goals, we find incongruent understandings of what development means and of the role of EPAs in this context. We demonstrate the existence of incompatible role conceptions: the EU’s representation of itself as a generous benign partner is contrasted with the Pacific view of the EU as a benign master. Furthermore, the EU was perceived throughout the Pacific as putting undue pressure on their negotiators during the negotiations. These findings can inform the EU’s general role as a normative power: such power depends on shared understandings of basic ideas and values, as well as on coherence between EU rhetoric and practice.
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Bjelic, Predrag. "Model spoljnotrgovinske politike Evropske unije." Ekonomski anali 44, no. 156 (2003): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0356131b.
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When the European Economic Community, the forerunner of the European Union was formed in 1958, it was agreed that the new integration would be a tariff union with common tariffs toward third countries, but also that it would have a common foreign trade policy. As the Union's executive body, the European Commission is responsible for proposing and implementing foreign trade policies. However, the main subject in creating foreign trade policies still remains the Council of Ministers as the EU's main decision-making and legislative body. The Commission negotiates trade agreements with outside countries on behalf of the Union. However, on foreign trade issues the Commission must report to a committee (the "133 Committee"), which assists the Commission in the course of the negotiations and before becoming valid all agreements must be ratified by the Council of Ministers. The Commission ensures that the European Parliament is kept quickly and fully informed at all stages of the negotiation and conclusion of international agreements, in such a way as to enable the Commission to take account of the European Parliament's view, but its role is purely consultative. The EU is trying to establish closer partnership relations with the USA through establishing transatlantic marketplace. However, as the EU is becoming a respectable economic power, an increasing number of trade disputes arise between the EU and the USA. The EU is trying to establish a closer relationship with the European countries since they are candidate countries for EU membership. However, some of them are closer to the membership than others. Therefore the agreements that the EU conclude with certain groups of countries differ among themselves. The EU has special relations with the countries in Africa the Caribbean and the Pacific, former European colonies, that have been granted a preferential treatment allowing preferential trade with the EU. Close relations have been established with countries and regional groups in Latin America as well. The EU has become a significant factor in international economic organizations. However, in order to become an economic power as respectable as the USA and Japan and to give strategic support to its companies in global competition, the EU must integrate politically as well.
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Dralle, Tilman. "Sketching the Contours of the Prospective EU-Russia Investment Architecture." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 41, Issue 4 (November 1, 2014): 331–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2014020.
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Since the Lisbon treaty entered into force in 2009, the European Union (EU) is vested with the exclusive competence in the field of foreign direct investment (FDI). In principle, this competence encompasses the negotiation and conclusion of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) with third countries including the negotiation of the standards of treatment applicable to foreign investors, which has been the domain of the EU Member States so far. The advent of the new EU competence for FDI has also had an impact on EU-Russia relations. The European Commission identified Russia as a priority country for EU investment negotiations. Eventually, all existing BITs between the Russian Federation and EU Member States will be substituted by a new investment law regime between the EU and Russia. Drawing on the investment treaty practice of the Russian Federation and the slowly emerging contours of the EU's investment policy, this article attempts to give a first impression of how the future EU-Russia investment architecture may look like. For this purpose, the article will take stock of the Russian BIT practice of the past and then analyse discrepancies with regard to the EU position.
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Nevskaya, Anastasia Alekseevna. "Are the Visegrad countries independent players in European politics and economics?" Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 11 (November 19, 2021): 839–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2111-03.
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The article examines the degree of independence of the Visegrad Group countries in the European Union in terms of economic prerequisites and actual implementation. It has been suggested that the countries of the Visegrad Group, having reached a certain level of economic prosperity and diversified their foreign economic relations, began to strive to play a more independent role in making integration decisions in the EU, including on issues of basic common European values. This hypothesis is tested on the example of the negotiation process of the EU countries on the adoption of the MultiYear Financial Plan for 2021–2027 and the creation of a Next Generation EU Fund to work together to tackle the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. The main directions of the negotiations, the positions of the participants and the general results are analyzed. Particular attention is drawn to the fact that Poland and Hungary have succeeded in achieving ambivalent language on the issues of linking the allocation of funds to member countries with their provision of the rule of law and observance of other democratic principles. It is shown that in practice the European Commission still does not abandon this linkage. It is concluded that during the EU membership, the Visegrad Group countries have succeeded in demonstrating their economic capabilities, and their ability to influence the solution of common European issues has increased, but the real degree of autonomy of the Visegrad countries within the EU has not reached a qualitatively new level, including and due to contradictions in the positions of countries within the bloc itself.
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Naurin, Daniel, Elin Naurin, and Amy Alexander. "Gender Stereotyping and Chivalry in International Negotiations: A Survey Experiment in the Council of the European Union." International Organization 73, no. 2 (2019): 469–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000043.
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AbstractGender stereotypes—stylized expectations of individuals’ traits and capabilities based on their gender—may affect the behavior of diplomats and the processes of international negotiations. In a survey experiment in the Council of the European Union, we find that female representatives behaving stereotypically weak and vulnerable may trigger a chivalry reaction among male representatives, increasing the likelihood that the men will agree to support a bargaining proposal from the women. The effect is conditional on the negotiators’ cultural background—the chivalry reaction is displayed mainly by diplomats from countries with relatively low levels of gender equality. Our study contributes to the research on nonstandard behavior in international relations, and in particular the expression and reception of emotions in diplomacy. We argue that gender stereotypes may have a moderating impact on decision making based on such intuitive cognitive processes. We also add to the broader negotiation literature, both by showing the pervasiveness of gender stereotyping, and by testing at the elite level the generalizability of claims regarding gender effects derived from laboratory experiments. Overall, our findings demonstrate the importance of bringing gender into the study of international negotiations, where it has been largely and surprisingly ignored.
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Skrypnyk, Olena. "EUROPEAN INTEGRATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN MACEDONIA: ACHIEVEMENTS, PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS." European Historical Studies, no. 21 (2022): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.3.
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The purpose of the article is to explore the process of joining Republic of Northern Macedonia to the European Union. In particular, the problems that arose on the path of European integration of Northern Macedonia are described. Namely, the blockade by Greece, which since the declaration of independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 opposed the name of the Republic of Macedonia, arguing that the name Macedonia has the Greek region of the same name. As a result, in 2018 the country was renamed the Republic of Northern Macedonia. Bulgaria’s blocking of the opening of negotiations on Northern Macedonia’s accession to the EU was also assessed. The reasons for Bulgaria’s position and the reaction of the European Union countries to this situation are described. Domestic and foreign policy events in the Republic of Northern Macedonia, which directly affected the country’s cooperation with the European Union, are highlighted. The study concluded that despite a number of problems that have arisen and are emerging on the European integration path of Northern Macedonia, the country has a number of achievements in this process. Northern Macedonia was the first country in the region to sign a Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU, in 2005 it received the status of a candidate country for accession to the EU. In 2009 she received a visa-free regime with the EU. However, despite the great achievements in terms of ambitious reforms and reaching a historic agreement with Greece, accession talks have not yet begun. After all, the decision-making process in the European Union takes place through consensus. All countries, without exception, must agree to open a negotiation process with Northern Macedonia. Given the country’s determination and courage in its European integration policy, all the existing problems at the bilateral level can be resolved, as Northern Macedonia has made a number of concessions in order to start the pre-accession process with the EU.
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von Ondarza, Nicolai. "Die „Methode Barnier“ – Lehren aus der Verhandlungsführung der EU beim Brexit." integration 43, no. 2 (2020): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2020-2-85.
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The Brexit negotiations constituted unchartered political and institutional territory for the European Union (EU). This analysis shows how a new institutional approach enabled the EU-27 to present an unusually united front. The “Barnier method” is characterised by five elements: a strong political mandate from the European Council, a single EU negotiator based in the European Commission in the person of Michel Barnier, very close coordination with the Member States and the European Parliament, and a high degree of transparency. Lessons can also be drawn from this for the next phase of the Brexit negotiations and the EU’s relations with other third countries.
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Горобець, Ігор, and Андрій Мартинов. "BALKAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 2 (2022): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2022-02/077-090.
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The aim of the article is to highlight the attempts of Balkan regional integration in the twentieth century and early XXI century. The Balkan region occupies a special place in European history. Various civilization influences intersect in the Balkans, and trade routes from Europe to the Middle East have traditionally passed. The uneven historical development of the Balkan peoples has led to the severity of the formation of nation-states and the dominance of conflicting internal regional and external interests in the Balkans. The conflict potential of Balkan history was due to the clash of ideas of "great" state formations in the form of "Greater Serbia", "Greater Albania", "Greater Serbia", "Greater Macedonia". An attempt to resolve these contradictions on an international basis was an attempt to implement the Yugoslav project. This project had two different implementation attempts. After the First World War, Yugoslavism was embodied in the format of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. After the Second World War, a more successful attempt at international integration was made in the form of Yugoslav federalism. However, exogenous processes have overturned the achievements of endogenous regional integration. The implementation of the European integration project of the Balkan countries depends on the readiness of the European Union to accept them and on the readiness of the Balkan countries to become part of the European Union. The European integration of the Balkan countries raises the question of the borders of the European Union. Turkey remains on the verge of civilization influences. Turkey's accession to the European Union is of strategic global importance. The qualitative characteristics of the European Union depend on the solution of this issue. The EU does not synchronize the accession process of the Balkan countries with the negotiation process with Turkey. It is impossible to do that, because Turkey is more than all the six Balkan countries that emerged after the breakup of Yugoslavia.
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Meunier, Sophie. "What Single Voice? European Institutions and EU–U.S. Trade Negotiations." International Organization 54, no. 1 (2000): 103–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081800551136.
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The member states of the European Union (EU) have transferred their sovereignty over trade policymaking to the supranational level. When entering into trade negotiations with third countries, they must first reach a common bargaining position among themselves and later defend that position with a “single voice” at the international table. How do the institutional rules, through which the fifteen different voices are aggregated into a single one, affect international outcomes? Differentiating between a “conservative” and a “reformist” negotiating context, I argue that voting rules and negotiating competence in the EU determine both the probability that the negotiating parties conclude an international agreement and the substantive outcome of the negotiations. The recent EU–U.S. trade negotiations on agriculture, public procurement, and open skies are all evidence that, for a given distribution of preferences, internal EU institutional mechanisms affect the outcomes of international trade agreements.
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Bicchi, Federica. "The European Cooperation in the Southern Mediterranean: The Multilateralization of Bilateral Relations?" Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2018): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13010036.
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Summary This article focuses on institutionalized forms of diplomatic cooperation among European Union (eu) members in southern Mediterranean capitals. It argues that European diplomatic cooperation represents a thin form of multilateralization of member states’ bilateral relations with southern Mediterranean countries. By analysing diplomatic presence on the ground, it shows that the European Union delegations in the area are not only big, but also politically strong, and they interact with a large number of national diplomats. The article examines how eu delegations in the southern Mediterranean represent a diplomatic ‘site’, in which diplomacy occurs in the shape of information-gathering, representation and negotiation, including among eu member states. This does not amount to a single European diplomatic system, however, as coordination remains thin to date and the agenda-setting mechanisms for eu delegations’ work and for European diplomatic cooperation have not (yet?) been fully developed.
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Choi, Gyoung-Gyu. "China's Accession into the World Trade Organization." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 15, no. 1 (April 30, 2000): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps15107.
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This paper outlines the process of China's accession into the World Trade Organization (WTO) with special focus given to the negotiations between the United States and China, and the European Union (EU) and China. Various economic and political issues behind the scene explain why the US refused to accept China into the WTO for the last 14 years. The economic and political changes in America coupled with the economic and political changes in China placed the two countries in a position where a U.S-China bilateral agreement could be made. The EU acted as a free rider in these negotiations such that it achieved most of its objectives from the conclusion of the Sino-US negotiation. Moreover, the EU could have topped China's concession to the US if it had taken advantage of the opportunity right before the PNTR vote carne to the US Congress.
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Chishti, Sumitra. "Negotiating with the East European Countries including the Soviet Union." Foreign Trade Review 21, no. 1 (April 1986): 67–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732515860110.
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Pitschas, Christian. "Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP): The Devil in Disguise or a Golden Opportunity to Build a Transatlantic Marketplace?" British Journal of American Legal Studies 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 315–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjals-2016-0011.
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Abstract The European Union (EU) and the United States are currently negotiating a free-trade agreement, the so-called Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). These negotiations have to be seen in perspective, since a number of other - bilateral and plurilateral - trade deals are being pursued at the same time. All these negotiations point to a worrisome aspect: the World Trade Organisation’s failure to come to a meaningful agreement in the Doha-round negotiations, in terms of market access, new rules and development. Like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), TTIP would stand out among the crowd of trade agreements because of the sheer volume of trade and investment flows across the Atlantic and the declared intention to boost regulatory cooperation and compatibility which is expected to bring the bulk of TTIP’s economic benefits. However, the prospect of concluding such a transatlantic agreement raises many concerns; the public in the European Union and the United States fears that TTIP could undermine existing levels of protection in areas such as health and the environment and impinge on either side’s “right to regulate”. Moreover, questions are being posed as to what TTIP would mean for the multilateral trading system and how it would affect third countries, especially developing countries. Against this backdrop, this article addresses the following issues in relation to TTIP: the vision underlying the negotiations; the European Commission’s negotiating mandate; the structure of the negotiations and their state of play; the Union’s competence for concluding TTIP and whether it is shared with EU Member States; and finally TTIP’s impact on the multilateral trading system and developing countries.
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Maksakova, Maria A. "WESTERN BALKANS’ ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT WITHIN THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 2, no. 11 (2021): 116–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.11.02.015.
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The article examines the state of the Western Balkans’ economies in the pre-2020 period (before the COVID-XNUMX pandemic), highlights the key problems that impede more dynamic development of the region, assesses the role of the European Union at the pre-integration stage of the Balkan countries’ inclusion into the common European space. The author pays special attention to considering the issues of economic development of Serbia through the prism of European integration processes, which the country is actively involved in. Based on the European Commission reports, an analysis of the compliance of the achieved indi-cators with the Copenhagen criteria and the articles of the negotiation dossier is carried out.
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Winzen, Thomas, and Frank Schimmelfennig. "Explaining differentiation in European Union treaties." European Union Politics 17, no. 4 (July 8, 2016): 616–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116516640386.
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Since the early 1990s, European integration has become increasingly differentiated. Analysing the conditions under which member states make use of the opportunity to opt out of, or exclude other countries from, European integration, we argue that different explanations apply to treaty and accession negotiations, respectively. Threatening to block deeper integration, member states with strong national identities secure differentiations in treaty reform. In enlargement, in turn, old member states fear economic disadvantages and low administrative capacity and therefore impose differentiation on poor newcomers. Opt-outs from treaty revisions are limited to the area of core state powers, whereas they also occur in the market in the context of enlargement.
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Božović, Milenko, and Zorančo Vasilkov. "Integrated border management in EU law and its implementation in the Republic of Serbia." Bezbednost, Beograd 62, no. 3 (2020): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bezbednost2003105b.
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The subject of research in this paper is the protection of the European Union's external borders by the establishment and implementation of The European integrated border management system. In addition to the implementation by the Member States, this system i.e., the adoption of the Union's (Schengen) acquis, is a priority for the candidate countries during accession negotiations. The process of negotiation for the accession of the Republic of Serbia to the European Union and the opening of Chapter 24, entitled Justice, Freedom, and Security, obliges the Republic of Serbia to accept and implement the European legislation into the national legal system within the field of border security and control. The emergence of the European system of integrated management of external borders is connected with the abolition of internal borders within Schengen integration and designed as a system of protection shaped by European Council guidelines, EU Council conclusions and EU secondary law, to become part of primary law after the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty. Its components and application have a significant impact on the permeability of borders for the flow of people and economic goods and the suppression of security threats at the external (EU) borders of member states, the borders of the Western Balkans and the Republic of Serbia.
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Brînză, Andreea. "The “17 + 1” Mechanism." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, no. 02 (January 2019): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s237774001950009x.
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The second decade of the 21st century has been marked by rising tensions between the United States and China, with the European Union caught between the two powers in an era of strategic competition. The “[Formula: see text]” mechanism, which focuses on economic cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, is not spared from the U.S.-China economic confrontation. The United States has launched a political and public campaign against China’s telecommunication giant Huawei in the CEE region, where most countries are U.S. allies. Since its establishment as “[Formula: see text]” in 2012, the mechanism has made slow progress in generating expected benefits to CEE countries, as many of China’s investments are under negotiation, delayed, or even canceled. The case of Romania indicates that CEE countries’ engagement in “[Formula: see text]” depends heavily on the changing priorities of their political leadership, which adds much uncertainty to the future development of the mechanism. Besides, there is lingering EU concern that the mechanism may divide the Union. To enhance its status as a strong and responsible partner with CEE countries and the EU, China needs to reform “[Formula: see text]” into a more transparent, effective and inclusive regional mechanism that engages all interested countries.
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MacDonald, Karen E. "The Tree-lined Road to EU Accession – The Approximation of Environmental Law in Lithuania." European Energy and Environmental Law Review 15, Issue 8/9 (August 1, 2006): 248–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eelr2006025.
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In March 1998 the European Union (EU) formally launched a negotiation process by which to further enlarge the EU, having, in the preceding years, invited several former Soviet-influenced countries from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), along with Cyprus, Malta and Turkey, to participate in accession to the EU if they so wished. This article is concerned with Lithuania’s accession to the EU, the process of approximating EU environmental law and the legislative intricacies involved therein. The paper critiques the process of enlargement of the European Union from a largely pragmatic legal perspective through a legal case-study examination of Lithuania’s efforts in approximating the environmental acquis into national law. Lithuania was an accession state from Central Europe and acceded to the EU on May 1st 2004. This paper provides insight into and guidance upon the process of the approximation of environmental law as it may relate, or has related, to other accession countries. It highlights the practical steps and the route of accession to the EU along with the legal requirements contained therein.
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Tittel-Mosser, Fanny. "The Unintended Legal and Policy Relevance of EU Mobility Partnerships." European Journal of Migration and Law 20, no. 3 (September 12, 2018): 314–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340033.
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Abstract The Mobility Partnerships between the European Union and third countries have a negative image as they are often viewed as a tool of migration control rather than a flexible instrument to enhance mobility. Yet so far scholars have predominantly investigated the asymmetric negotiation of Mobility Partnerships as well as their limited consequences for migrant rights in EU Member States. What is often overlooked is that these partnerships can also influence the development of the legal and policy frameworks of third countries in ways that go beyond what is foreseen at the time of the negotiation of the instruments. This article combines a comparative legal analysis of the development of the legal frameworks in Morocco and Cape Verde with an empirical study of the implementation of Mobility Partnerships’ projects in relation to national migration strategies. The analysis demonstrates that Mobility Partnerships, despite their non-binding nature, have legal and policy relevance for these third countries with regard to the regulation of migration, asylum, human trafficking and even labour law.
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Arnolt, Paola, and Horacio Cepeda. "Rules of Origin in the Mercosur–UE Agreement." Global Trade and Customs Journal 15, Issue 3/4 (March 1, 2020): 178–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2020024.
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Preferential rules of origin have increased with the proliferation of trade agreements between two or more countries. They are regarded as instruments that allow privileged market access. Following the evolution of these rules in Mercosur and the ones negotiated in the Mercosur–UE Agreement we will focus in certain sectors to suggest that these guidelines are crucial in the negotiation process as they reflect a definition of economic policy, productive development and commercial integration. Mercosur, European Union FTA, ALALC, ALADI, Accumulation, Automotive Sector, Vehicles, Beverages, spirits and vinegar, Footwear, preferential rules of origin
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Malaj, Emi. "European Integration, Economy and Corruption in the Western Balkans." European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 6, no. 2 (August 15, 2020): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/517utm22z.
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The European Union countries and institutions have constantly contributed to the European integration process of the Western Balkan countries. Albania, Serbia, Montenegro and the Republic of North Macedonia are official candidates for EU membership. Chapters and accession negotiations have been opened with Montenegro and Serbia, whereas Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina are potential candidate countries. Poverty, unemployment and corruption are probably the most common problems that Western Balkan citizens face. Corruption, in itself, does not lead to poverty, but it stimulate poverty through indirect channels by affecting economic, social, political and administrative conditions. Both, the enhancement of business climate for private investors, and a higher level of integration with the European Union will decrease unemployment and will boost economic growth. Authorities should follow concrete policies in order to encourage private sector investment, increase regional integration, and create new jobs. The future of the Western Balkans is in the European Union.
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Siahaan, Theresia. "INDONESIA ENVIRONMENTAL DIPLOMACY IN PRESIDENT JOKO WIDODO’S ERA (2014-2019) OF THE ISSUE REJECTION INDONESIA’S CPO BY EUROPEAN UNION." Sociae Polites 21, no. 1 (August 8, 2020): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v21i1.1960.
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Environmental diplomacy is one of discipline in International Relations, which combines ecological problems involving other countries and uses negotiation as solutions. The policy of the European Commission through Renewable Energy Directive II for Indonesia put palm oil discriminated among another vegetable oil. This research found that in Joko Widodo’s era, Indonesia has carried out its role as an international agent with some policies related to managing sustainable palm oil. Indonesia also uses bilateral, multilateral, and global approaches, and even the involvement of international organizations as a peaceful way resolving palm oil disputes for the target of Sustainable Development Goals’ through palm oil.
Keywords: Environmental Diplomacy, Palm Oil, Renewable Energy Directive II, European Union, Export, Rejection
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Kozma, V. "NATIONAL INTERESTS OF UKRAINE BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(53) (July 8, 2022): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.1(53).261118.
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The prospects for international security are closely linked to solving the age-old problems of war and peace, especially on the European continent. The long period of residence of European peoples in this part of the world, their communication with each other revealed numerous models of coexistence from armed confrontation to the formation of political integration with focus first on the economic component and then on socio-political unity. The creation of the European Union has changed relations between European countries. European states have committed themselves to resolving all disputes peacefully and to cooperating closely within the framework of pan-European institutions. However, the military conflict in Eastern Ukraine has reminded us that the war has not disappeared from the European continent and that Europe is facing new threats and challenges. Rising international tensions and the threat of large-scale military conflict in Europe are becoming a central theme of contemporary political discourse. The article analyzes the reasons for the increase in international conflict and new challenges to Ukraine’s national security. The author emphasizes that in order to understand the reasons, it is important to find out what interests each of the parties to the conflict pursues and what role our country plays in the East-West geopolitical confrontation. It is noted that the difference in views of Russia and the West on international relations leaves little room for compromise on Ukraine. The Kremlin’s demands for security combined with the “rattling” of weapons on Ukraine’s borders have provoked mixed reactions in the European Union and the United States. It is clear that Russia’s blackmail is bearing fruit and the start of the negotiation process marks a revision of European security policy. Given these circumstances, the author emphasizes the importance for Ukraine to be an active subject of the negotiation process in order to protect its own national interests.
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Roginko, S. A. "French Tax for the European Union: The Genesis of Cross-Border Carbon Adjustment." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S6 (September 2022): S521—S528. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622120085.
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Abstract The genesis of the EU initiative of cross-border carbon tax on imported carbon-intensive products is analyzed. An assessment of the positions of the EU countries in relation to this initiative has been given, and the evolution of these positions over the past 25 years has been traced. An analysis has been made of the tactics of France, as the main supporter of the cross-border carbon tax, used to promote this tax on the EU agenda during a number of presidencies, from J. Chirac to E. Macron. The link between the UN climate negotiation process and the EU’s position on the cross-border carbon tax has been clarified. Particular attention was paid to the analysis of the early versions of the EU cross-border carbon tax, which preceded the current version of this initiative, and a comparative study of these versions by the basic parameters of carbon taxation has been conducted.
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Ulbrych, Marta. "The implications of Turkey’s accession to the European Union for the flows of labor." Oeconomia Copernicana 2, no. 3 (September 30, 2011): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oec.2011.013.
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Analyzing the course of accession negotiations of Turkey to the European Union and taking into an account the experience of previous enlargements, the issue of free movement of persons appears to be one of the most difficult and controversial subject. EU members societies report concerns about job losses and reduced wages in the case of immigration of cheaper labor. In addition, ethnic prejudices and cultural, religious, social and language differences in the European Union hold the demand for foreign workers. Based on the theory and analysis of current migration flows of the Turkish population to European Union countries, it appears that the most important factors influencing decisions to migrate, and thus also on its size, there are differences in income. An important factor is also the presence of a number of Turkish minorities in European countries. In order to balance the benefits and losses associated with Turkish migration will be analyzed the trends in Turkish immigrants participation in the European Union and Germany.
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Mikheeva, N. M. "MIGRATION CRISIS AND NEW OPPORTUNITIES FOR TURKEY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-91-100.
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The article discusses some aspects of the relationship of the European Union and Turkey. Against the backdrop of the immigration crisis, that has gripped almost all countries in Europe, the EU states were forced to appeal to the Turkish Government for assistance. Europe requested to withhold part of the f refugees on the territory of Turkey. The EU promised financial support. The Government of RecepTayyip Erdogan linked problems with the issue of refugees entering the country in the EU. The author analyzes the possibility of positive promotion of the negotiation process on Turkey's EU membership. Focuses on the settlement of the Cyprus problem, as one of the three major political obstacles to Turkey in Europe. We are seeing a situation in which EU political circles are willing to exert pressure on the Cyprus conflict and to push for the signing of a formal treaty on the settlement of problem. Some progress in the negotiation process between the communities of Cyprus EU starts to participate in the negotiations on Cyprus, together with the United Nations. Creates good conditions for the settlement of the conflict. Such a way of resolving the long-standing territorial-community conflict creates much more new problems on the island. Obstacles to the integration of Turkey into the EU will become even more.
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Festoc-Louis, F. "The integration of central European countries into the western European economy from 1988 to 1998." Acta Oeconomica 52, no. 1 (March 2002): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.52.2002.1.5.
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In 1998, the European Union (EU) entered into negotiations with Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia concerning the enlargement of the Union. At the end of 1999, the European Commission decided that six other countries could join the negotiations in 2000 (Bulgaria, Lithuania, Latvia, Slovakia, Malta and Romania), and it was suggested that a decision concerning the date of membership would be taken in 2002 for these applicants fulfilling all the criteria. Many questions still remain on both sides, in particular regarding institutional reform of the EU (Festoc, 1998), and the ability of the Central and Eastern European countries to adopt the “acquis”. In this article, we shall evaluate the ways in which the Central European countries (Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic — the CECs) have already integrated to the Western European economy, using trade data over the last ten years. First, we show that since the beginning of the transition, a feature of the foreign trade of the CECs has been a strong reorientation from East to West, in particular to Germany, together with a rapid growth in trade between the EU and the CECs. Second, we describe the trade structure, focussed on foreign direct investment as a mean of developing new exports. The third and fourth sections study the development of the specialisations of the CECs and the nature of trade between the CECs and the EU respectively.
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Drzymała, Agnieszka. "Economic Cooperation Between The European Union And Japan." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 20, no. 2 (June 30, 2017): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2017-0016.
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The aim of the paper is to show the history of economic relations between the European Union and Japan. This economy is very important to the EU and the countries of the EU are interested in further deepening areas of cooperation. Therefore it seems important to indicate the political will to continue mutual economic relations through the signing of contracts and bilateral agreements, as well as meetings at various levels, including SPA and EPA negotiations and summits. The course of the current economic cooperation will be shown through trade volume and foreign direct investment outflows from the European Union to Japan.
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PAN, Jiahua, and Mou WANG. "Climate Regime Building in a Changing World and China's Role in Global Climate Governance." Chinese Journal of Urban and Environmental Studies 02, no. 01 (June 2014): 1450002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s234574811450002x.
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In 2012, the 18th session of the Conference of the Parties (COP18) of the United Nation Framework Convention on Climate Change (hereinafter referred to as the Convention) in Doha concluded a package of results which included the second commitment period of the "Kyoto Protocol", ending the Bali Roadmap negotiating mandate (hereinafter referred to as the Bali mandate) after five years, and officially opening the intensive negotiations of Durban Platform. Compared to the "dual-track" negotiation under Bali mandate, Durban Platform mandate is on "one-track". But it does not mean that some parties' concerns and positions about "dual-track" have been adjusted. They are seeking a way to realize their needs in Durban Platform. Therefore, "one-track" negotiation on Durban Platform does not simplify problems, but presents problems intensively. At the beginning of Durban Platform mandate, whether to mandate the Durban Platform negotiations was controversial among developing countries, while after consultations, Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) and the emerging developing economies divided on main concerns, such as mitigation targets, legal forms, sources of finance mechanism, etc. In fact, AOSIS's position gradually converged with the European Union (EU). And EU and AOSIS became the most aggressive powers to promote the Durban Platform negotiations. The traditional North–South divergence is facing adjustment, and new powers are restructuring negotiations. The huge disparity of interest among parties hinders progress in the Durban Platform negotiations. Parties will continue to debate and seek consensus on the interpretation of the principle of "common but differentiated responsibilities", emission reduction models and targets, sources of finance mechanism, the legal form of the future agreement, etc. With the social and economic development, China is receiving growing attention in the international climate governance processes. China's status as a developing country is being questioned by some developed and developing countries. Rapid increase of China's foreign investment and aid attracts worldwide attention, which stimulates the voices and expectations for China to shift its role as a developing country to shoulder more international obligations. However, China should be clearly aware of the fact that China's power of discourse is still very limited and far from being a leader in the world in various fields, including the international climate governance processes. China's participation in global climate governance, no matter its role being passively changed by others or a voluntary shift, still needs to keep a low profile, strengthen its economy, balance rights and obligations, and commit according to capabilities.
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BILORUS, Oleh. "NECESSITY AND POSSIBILITY OF OVERCOMING DIVERGENT TENDENCIES BETWEEN ECONOMIES OF UKRAINE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Vol 21, No 2 (2022), Vol 21, No 2 (2022) (June 1, 2022): 203–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/jee2022.02.202.
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On the eve of the historic moment of Ukraine’s candidate-country status and the start of the negotiation process on accession to the European Union, the SI «Institute for Economics and Forecasting of the NAS of Ukraine» has published the results of the collective work on problems and prospects of overcoming divergent tendencies in socio-economic development of Ukraine and EU countries1 ...
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Lubis, Syaravina. "Transformation Of The EU Law Related To The Etabilishment Of National Law In The England In The Law Perspective Of International Organizations." Journal of Law Science 4, no. 1 (January 30, 2022): 46–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35335/jls.v4i1.1699.
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The economic upheaval of a country is one of the reasons for the formation of an international organization, namely the European Union. The goal of the European Union itself is to promote through the community the harmonious, sustainable development of economic activity, steady improvement, rapid improvement of living standards, quality of life and closer relations between member states. This research has a problem formulation consisting of the transformation of EU law into law in the member states of the European Union, the transformation of EU law in the UK, and a challenge as a legal effort related to the transformation of EU law in the UK according to International Organization Law. This study uses a normative juridical research method. The results of the research on the transformation of European Union Law into National Law of member countries, namely by establishing Regulations, Directives, Decisions that must be applied in member countries. EU law has the supremacy of overriding the National Laws of member states. The transformation of European Union Law in the UK began with the agreement of the European Communities Act 1972 which was the UK's ratification of EU Law. Challenge as a legal remedy related to the transformation of European Union Law in the UK is permitted under Articles 230 and 232 of the European Union Agreement, namely by submitting a complaint to the national court in accordance with the time specified to carry out the challenge, this challenge action can end with an amendment. The conclusion of the research is the transformation of European Union Law in member countries in the form of Regulations, Directives, and Decisions. The European Union Law Transformation in the UK is regulated through the European Communities Act 1972. Challenge as a legal remedy related to the transformation of EU Law in the UK is allowed in order to create a good implementation. Suggestions related to research is that it is better to ensure that the transformation of European Union Law has been implemented as intended. The transformation of EU Law in the UK should ensure that UK National Law can be waived in the event of a conflict with EU Law which is immediately effective. Conduct in-depth negotiations, ask for opinions from representatives of each member country so that unity is achieved to facilitate the implementation of European Union Law in member countries and minimize challenges to European Union Law.
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Akın Yavuz, Çiğdem. "Analysis of the EU-Turkey Readmission Agreement: a Unique Case." European Journal of Migration and Law 21, no. 4 (November 26, 2019): 486–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340062.
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Abstract The European Union (EU) has thus far developed a standard approach towards the negotiation processes and the content of readmission agreements with third countries. This approach encompasses offering a visa facilitation agreement and visa liberalization to third countries as an incentive for the conclusion of a readmission agreement. The approach has, however, changed in the case of the EU-Turkey Readmission Agreement. This Agreement was signed simultaneously with the initiation of a Visa Liberalization Dialogue, by-passing the conclusion of a visa facilitation agreement. The content of the Agreement has also distinguishing features compared to EU readmission agreements. This article seeks to explain why the EU has changed its standard approach in the case of Turkey through analysing both the negotiation process and the content of the EU-Turkey Readmission Agreement. In this way, this article strives to demonstrate that this shift is mainly due to EU’s concerns about effective return of irregular migrants who have been ordered to leave the EU, as well as the unique characteristics of the multidimensional relationship between the EU and Turkey.
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Goeteyn, Geert. "EU Aviation Scene: Major Developments July 2008–November 2008." Air and Space Law 34, Issue 2 (April 1, 2009): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aila2009011.
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This article gives an overview of the major developments on the European Union aviation scene between 1 July 2008 and 30 November 2008. In particular: – The consolidation drive continued unabated. In addition to the alliance arrangements between Continental Airlines, United Airlines, and a number of other Star Alliance carriers announced in June 2008, American Airlines, British Airways, and Iberia made public in August 2008 that they had also applied for an antitrust immunity of their proposed alliance. The European Commission opened ex officio investigations into both alliance arrangements. During the period under review, the European Commission also cleared the Delta Airlines/Northwest Airlines merger, started an investigation into Lufthansa’s proposed acquisition of a 45% stake in SN Holding, the parent company of Brussels Airlines, and decided to open an in–depth investigation into the KLM/Martinair merger. Other transactions that were mentioned in the press include Lufthansa’s acquisition of a majority ownership of bmi British Midland, and its intention to acquire control of Austrian Airlines, which is being privatized by the Austrian Government. British Airways is in merger negotiations with Iberia and it is rumored that Air France/KLM may still end up acquiring a (majority) stake in Alitalia. – There have been major developments in the State aid field during the period under review. The European Commission and the European Court of First Instance adopted important decisions with regard to Alitalia, and there have been further developments in the Olympic State aid matter.The European Commission also adopted State aid measures in a number of other aviation–related cases – There were a number of noteworthy regulatory developments during the period under review, most importantly the publication in the Official Journal of the new regulation on the internal market for air transport, which brings together in one single legal instrument the three 1992 regulations that hitherto formed the pillars of the internal aviation market and that controlled (1) the licensing of air carriers, (2) the access of European Union carriers to intra–European Union routes, and (3) the fares and rates for air services. There were also further developments regarding the proposal for a new CRS (computerized reservation system) Code of Conduct. In addition, a Directive extending the European Union Emission Trading Scheme to aviation was finally adopted, and the European Court of Justice adopted a ruling on the interpretation of the concept of ‘flight’ for the purposes of the application of Regulation 261/2004 on compensation and assistance in the event of denied boarding, cancellation, and long delay – Finally, with regard to the European Union external aviation policy, the European Commission published a report on its progress toward the creation of a Common Aviation Area (CAA) with the neighbouring countries by 2010. There were also further developments regarding the negotiation or conclusion of horizontal air services agreements with third countries. Each of these points will be examined in greater detail in the sections below.
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Wahl, Nils. "Blowin Against the Wind: On ACTA, AA, CETA, TTIP and the Forgetfulness of David Ricardo." Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 5 (October 1, 2017): 763–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017030.
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In the European Union of these days there seem to be a widespread and growing anti-free trade sentiment in some parts of the population. The arguments used against free trade are often presented as legal ones, as the recent experience with several agreements negotiated by the European Union (such as the CETA and the TTIP) shows. Against that background, doubts as to the prosperous future of the European Union’s trade policy seem legitimate, notwithstanding the fact that the European Union is currently negotiating around twenty trade agreements with different countries or groups of countries. This article is meant to provide a few thoughts on the future of EU trade policy. In particular, the following questions will be addressed: should the European Union, at this point in time, continue to pursue a free trade agenda? If so, does the European Union have the means to do that effectively? The authors explain that the pursuit of a free (and fair) trade agenda is part of the Union’s DNA. They also explain that there are ways to interpret and apply the current EU Treaties provisions so as to permit the European Union to conduct a more effective trade policy and enhance its credibility as international partner.
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Skripnik, Olena. "Peculiarities of the process of integration of the republic of Albania to the European Union." European Historical Studies, no. 18 (2021): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.06.
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The purpose of the article is to explore the process of joining Albania to the European Union in the mainstream of the lands of the Western Balkans became members of the united Europe. The preconditions and development of the process of formation of European integration in the Republic of Albania analyzed. Is undertaken an attempt at the analysis of the real possibilities of Albania to be taken in the European Union and the interest of this integrated association to maintain double-sided cooperation with Albania, in spite of the absence of necessary economic, political and other bases for its adoption in the European Union. Special attention is given to the domestic and foreign policy developments in the Republic of Albania, which directly influenced Albania’s cooperation with the European Union before and after the beginning of the active euro-integration dialogue. Special emphasis made on an overview of the most important issues and problematic moments on determining the start of the EU accession negotiation process with Albania. The methodology of the research based on the principles of systemicity, authenticity, historicism, logics. General scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special-historical (historical-typological, historical-system) methods have been used. The scientific novelty is that for the first time the European integration of Albania studied separately from other countries of the Western Balkans. The studies concluded that Albania’s desire to join the European Union linked to its desire to stabilize the country, modernize the domestic political system, improve the economic situation, facilitate the solution of social problems, participate in the mechanism of redistribution of financial resources, to enhance its political status by taking advantage of the benefits of membership in this organization. As for the EU’s position, official Brussels is pursuing a rather restrained and balanced policy of expanding its borders.