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Journal articles on the topic 'Negative campaigning'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 25 April 2022

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1

Lau, Richard R., and Ivy Brown Rovner. "Negative Campaigning." Annual Review of Political Science 12, no. 1 (June 2009): 285–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.071905.101448.

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2

Wright, William A. "NEGATIVE CAMPAIGNING." Journal of Social Philosophy 24, no. 1 (March 1993): 103–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9833.1993.tb00498.x.

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3

Mohammed, Dima. "Negative campaigning." Journal of Argumentation in Context 11, no. 1 (March 8, 2022): 88–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.21025.moh.

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Abstract This paper develops an argumentative perspective on attacks in political election campaigns. The perspective highlights the role that attack ads play in the justification of vote claims aiming to advance our understanding of the notorious practice and to bring about a nuanced assessment of its benefits and risks. In the examination, special attention is paid to the argumentative potential that links a certain criticism of an adversary to the defense of the negative vote against the adversary as well as to the defense of the positive vote claim in favor of a campaign’s candidate. Considering the argumentative potential is especially beneficial for capturing the role of attacks in important political processes, including accountability and the stimulation of an informed public political participation.
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4

Skaperdas, Stergios, and Bernard Grofman. "Modeling Negative Campaigning." American Political Science Review 89, no. 1 (March 1995): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2083074.

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Negative campaigning is an important aspect of campaign competition but plays little or no role in existing models of campaigns. Within the context of plurality elections for a single office we model the incentives that affect the use of negative campaigning. Under simplifying but still quite general assumptions we show a number of results, including the following key conclusions: (1) for two-candidate competition the front-runner will engage in more positive and less negative campaigning than the opponent; (2) in a three-candidate contest with one candidate clearly trailing by a large margin and playing mainly a spoiler role, that candidate will only engage in positive campaigning; and (3) in any three-candidate contest, no candidate engages in negative campaigning against the weaker of his two opponents, so that to the extent there is negative campaigning, it will be directed against the front-runner or it will come from the front-runner. These results have direct empirical applications to multicandidate primaries and nonpartisan contests and can provide insight into recent general elections as well.
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5

Beecroft, Nicholas. "Negative political campaigning." Psychiatric Bulletin 21, no. 5 (May 1997): 297–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.21.5.297.

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It seems to be increasingly taken for granted by politicians and commentators that it is more effective to attack one's opponent than to promote a positive vision in order to sway voters in an election campaign. This article examines the relevant evidence in the psychological literature to see if this belief is justified. This includes the evidence on information processing, emotion and the specific effects of negative campaigning.
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6

Song, Hyunjin, Dominic Nyhuis, and Hajo Boomgaarden. "A Network Model of Negative Campaigning: The Structure and Determinants of Negative Campaigning in Multiparty Systems." Communication Research 46, no. 2 (June 13, 2017): 273–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650217712596.

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Scholarly attention to the nature and extent of negative campaigning in nonmajoritarian multiparty systems is steadily growing. While prior studies have made commendable progress in outlining the conditions and consequences of negative campaigning, they have typically disregarded the complex interdependencies of multiactor communication environments. The present study focuses on network-structural determinants of negative campaigning. It does so by relying on unique data from the 2013 Austrian federal election and using exponential random graph models to investigate patterns of mediated negative campaigning. We find that—above and beyond common determinants of negative campaigning—indicators of network structure are important predictors of campaign communication. This suggests that network models are crucial for accurately representing campaign communication patterns in multiparty systems.
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7

Polborn, Mattias K. "Informative Positive and Negative Campaigning." Quarterly Journal of Political Science 1, no. 4 (October 26, 2006): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00000013.

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8

Mayer, William G. "In Defense of Negative Campaigning." Political Science Quarterly 111, no. 3 (1996): 437. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151970.

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Toros, Emre. "Negative Campaigning in Turkish Elections." Turkish Studies 16, no. 4 (September 11, 2015): 487–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2015.1081070.

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10

Haselmayer, Martin, and Marcelo Jenny. "Friendly fire? Negative campaigning among coalition partners." Research & Politics 5, no. 3 (July 2018): 205316801879691. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018796911.

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In democracies with multi-party competition, government parties face a dual challenge in election campaigns: on the one hand, they have to compete against and criticize their coalition partners. On the other hand, they should avoid virulent attacks on their partners to preserve their chances of future collaboration in government. Going beyond a dichotomous operationalization of negative campaigning, this manuscript analyses the tonality and volume of negative campaigning. Studying 3030 party press releases in four national Austrian election campaigns, different patterns for the tonality and frequency of negative campaigning reflect the electoral dilemma of government parties. Coalition parties criticize each other abundantly but refrain from ‘burning bridges’ with their partners through virulent attacks. These findings have implications for studying negative campaigning and coalition politics.
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11

Pedersen, Rasmus Tue. "News Media Framing of Negative Campaigning." Mass Communication and Society 17, no. 6 (October 17, 2014): 898–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2013.858749.

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12

Hansen, Kasper M., and Rasmus Tue Pedersen. "Negative Campaigning in a Multiparty System." Scandinavian Political Studies 31, no. 4 (December 2008): 408–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2008.00213.x.

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13

Lau, Richard R., and Gerald M. Pomper. "Negative Campaigning by US Senate Candidates." Party Politics 7, no. 1 (January 2001): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068801007001004.

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14

Elmelund‐Præstekær, Christian. "NEGATIVE CAMPAIGNING IN A MULTIPARTY SYSTEM." Representation 44, no. 1 (April 2008): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890701869082.

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15

Kubińska, Elżbieta Aniela. "Negative Campaigning on the Polish Capital Market." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio H, Oeconomia 49, no. 4 (December 18, 2015): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/h.2015.49.4.301.

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16

Brueckner, Jan K., and Kangoh Lee. "Negative campaigning in a probabilistic voting model." Public Choice 164, no. 3-4 (August 13, 2015): 379–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-015-0283-6.

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17

Nai, Alessandro. "Going Negative, Worldwide: Towards a General Understanding of Determinants and Targets of Negative Campaigning." Government and Opposition 55, no. 3 (October 26, 2018): 430–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.32.

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AbstractLittle comparative evidence exists about what causes candidates to use negative campaigning in elections. We introduce an original comparative data set that contains experts’ information about campaigning strategies of 172 candidates competing in 35 national elections worldwide between June 2016 and May 2017. Analyses reveal several trends: incumbents run positive campaigns but are especially likely to attract attacks, candidates far from the ideological centre are more likely to ‘go negative’, candidates tend to attack frontrunners and rivals that are far from them ideologically, but they also engage in a logic of attack reciprocity with selected candidates. The comparative nature of the data also allows us to test whether variations in the context affect the use of campaign negativity; we find that the context matters mostly indirectly, by altering the effects of individual characteristics.
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18

Lau, Richard R., and Gerald M. Pomper. "Effectiveness of Negative Campaigning in U.S. Senate Elections." American Journal of Political Science 46, no. 1 (January 2002): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3088414.

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19

Walter, Annemarie S. "Negative Campaigning in Western Europe: Similar or Different?" Political Studies 62, no. 1_suppl (October 10, 2013): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12084.

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20

Harrington, Jr., Joseph E., and Gregory D. Hess. "A Spatial Theory of Positive and Negative Campaigning." Games and Economic Behavior 17, no. 2 (December 1996): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/game.1996.0103.

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21

Elmelund-Præstekær, Christian. "Issue ownership as a determinant of negative campaigning." International Political Science Review 32, no. 2 (March 2011): 209–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512110382028.

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22

Walter, Annemarie S., and Cees van der Eijk. "Unintended consequences of negative campaigning: Backlash and second-preference boost effects in a multi-party context." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 3 (June 20, 2019): 612–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119842038.

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This study examines effects of negative campaigning by political parties on citizens’ electoral preferences in the 2015 General Election in England. We do so by using a large Internet panel study and an operationalisation of (perceived) negative campaigning that avoids social desirability. Our study acknowledges England’s multiparty system by distinguishing between the campaign tones of all parties. Potential problems of endogeneity are addressed by leveraging the panel structure of the data and by extensive controls. We find that electoral preferences are weakened for parties engaging in negative campaigning and that this backlash effect gets stronger over the course of the campaign. We also find support for a second-preferences boost hypothesis: preferences for one’s second-most preferred party are strengthened if its campaign is more positive than that of one’s most-preferred party.
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23

Haselmayer, Martin, Thomas M. Meyer, and Markus Wagner. "Fighting for attention: Media coverage of negative campaign messages." Party Politics 25, no. 3 (August 11, 2017): 412–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817724174.

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The article studies whether and how negative campaigning is a successful strategy for attaining media attention. It combines extensive content analyses of party and news texts with public opinion surveys to study the success of individual press releases in making the news. The empirical analysis draws on 1496 party press releases and 6512 news reports in all national media outlets during the final 6 weeks of Austria’s 2013 general election campaign. We find that negative campaigning is a successful strategy to attract the attention of journalists and editors. It is particularly relevant for rank-and-file politicians, who lack the intrinsic news value of high public or party office, and for messages that focus on a rival’s best issues. These findings have broader implications for understanding party strategies and ‘negativity bias’ in the news.
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24

Schipper, Burkhard C., and Hee Yeul Yoo. "Political Awareness, Microtargeting of Voters, and Negative Electoral Campaigning." Quarterly Journal of Political Science 14, no. 1 (January 11, 2019): 41–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00016066.

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25

Roseman, Ira J., Kyle Mattes, David P. Redlawsk, and Steven Katz. "Reprehensible, Laughable: The Role of Contempt in Negative Campaigning." American Politics Research 48, no. 1 (June 28, 2019): 44–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x19857968.

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Negativity is common in political rhetoric and advertising, but its effects are variable. One important moderator may be the specific emotions communicated by the messages and potentially in recipients. Contempt may be the emotion often conveyed by uncivil ads, which have attracted considerable interest, particularly in light of increased partisan polarization. Using data from web-based surveys in New Jersey and Iowa, we examine the role contempt played in two U.S. Senate races in 2014. We find respondents perceived contempt—more than anxiety or anger—in four televised negative campaign ads and in candidates’ statements about opponents. Moreover, respondents’ feelings of contempt toward candidates, though less intense than feelings of anger, were of equal or greater significance than anger or anxiety in predicting voting intentions regarding three of the four Senate candidates across the two elections.
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26

Walter, Annemarie S., and Rens Vliegenthart. "Negative Campaigning across Different Communication Channels: Different Ball Games?" International Journal of Press/Politics 15, no. 4 (August 13, 2010): 441–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161210374122.

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27

Lehman‐Wilzig, Sam. "The media campaign: The negative effects of positive campaigning." Israel Affairs 4, no. 1 (September 1997): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537129708719456.

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28

Gattermann, Katjana. "New Perspectives on Negative Campaigning: Why Attack Politics Matters." European Journal of Communication 32, no. 1 (February 2017): 69–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323116687818.

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29

Ridout, Travis N., and Annemarie S. Walter. "Party system change and negative campaigning in New Zealand." Party Politics 21, no. 6 (December 9, 2013): 982–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068813509522.

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30

Barton, Jared, Marco Castillo, and Ragan Petrie. "Negative campaigning, fundraising, and voter turnout: A field experiment." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 121 (January 2016): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2015.10.007.

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31

Bernhardt, Dan, and Meenakshi Ghosh. "Positive and negative campaigning in primary and general elections." Games and Economic Behavior 119 (January 2020): 98–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geb.2019.10.011.

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32

Steffan, Dennis, and Niklas Venema. "Personalised, de-ideologised and negative? A longitudinal analysis of campaign posters for German Bundestag elections, 1949–2017." European Journal of Communication 34, no. 3 (February 22, 2019): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323119830052.

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Faced with fundamental societal changes such as partisan dealignment and mediatisation, political parties in Germany as well as in other Western democracies professionalise their communication. Drawing on the concept of professionalisation of political communication, the present study investigates changes of campaign posters for German Bundestag elections from 1949 until 2017 with regard to personalisation, de-ideologisation and negative campaigning. By using a quantitative content analysis of visual and textual elements of campaign posters ( N = 1,857) and logistic regression analyses, we found an increase in visual personalisation and in visual ideologisation. However, no upwards trend was detected regarding negative campaigning across the four phases of political campaigning. Moreover, we found no empirical evidence for an increasing textual personalisation or textual de-ideologisation. All in all, the findings of this longitudinal analysis indicate an increasing visualisation of political communication.
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33

Bekafigo, Marija Anna, and Allison Clark Pingley. "Tweeting Negative." International Journal of E-Politics 6, no. 1 (January 2015): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2015010103.

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The use of negative ads in traditional election campaigns has been well-documented, but the authors know little about the use of Twitter to “go negative.” They content analyze candidate tweets from four different gubernatorial elections in 2011 to understand how candidates are using Twitter. They coded 849 tweets to explain the determinants of “going negative” on Twitter. The results show that while tweets are overwhelmingly positive, candidates go negative by tweeting about policy. They believe this supports the innovation hypothesis, with Twitter being a more conducive forum for policy-based messages. Other determinants of negative campaigning such as competitiveness of the race and campaign funding were consistent with the normalization hypothesis.
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34

Ennser-Jedenastik, Laurenz, Martin Dolezal, and Wolfgang C. Müller. "Gender Differences in Negative Campaigning: The Impact of Party Environments." Politics & Gender 13, no. 01 (November 2, 2016): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000532.

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How does gender affect the attack strategies of political actors? Do men and women diverge in their propensity to go negative and in their choice of targets? Extant research has long sought to shed light on these questions (e.g., Brooks 2010; Kahn 1993; Krupnikov and Bauer 2014; Proctor, Schenck-Hamlin, and Haase 1994; Walter 2013). Among all the possible determinants of attack behavior in elections, candidate gender has been one of the most “heavily studied” (Grossmann 2012, 2). However, the relevant research focuses almost exclusively on the United States and therefore on a system with candidate-centered campaigns, weak party organizations, and winner-takes-all competitions. Notwithstanding the importance of the USA as a case and exporter of campaign techniques, such context is specific and likely to bias the results. The few pioneering studies that examine the role of gender in negative campaigning outside the U.S. (Carlson 2001, 2007; Walter 2013) have addressed this question mostly by transferring the analytical framework of U.S.-based research to other political systems. Consequently, they have barely begun to incorporate the distinctive features of multiparty systems and strong party organizations as determinants of gender differences in attack behavior. The present article provides a novel argument about the role of party environments as a crucial context factor in party-centered political systems. Specifically we argue that in party-centered campaigns the gender balance within parties influences differences in the attack behavior of male and female politicians.
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35

Dolezal, Martin, Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik, and Wolfgang C. Müller. "Negative Campaigning and the Logic of Retaliation in Multiparty Competition." International Journal of Press/Politics 21, no. 2 (January 29, 2016): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161215626566.

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36

Papp, Zsófia, and Veronika Patkós. "The Macro-Level Driving Factors of Negative Campaigning in Europe." International Journal of Press/Politics 24, no. 1 (October 20, 2018): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218803426.

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Covering the largest sample of countries to date, this study examines the effect of three country-specific factors on the tone of electoral campaigns across Europe: electoral system disproportionality, party system fragmentation, and the polarization of the electorate. We use an original dataset of statements made by political actors during eighteen electoral campaigns in nine European countries. Our multinomial logit model suggests that increasing disproportionality slightly increases negativity, while thanks to parties competing on the same market, less polarized electorates invite more negative political campaigns. Finally, we find a U-shaped relationship between party system fragmentation and negativity: Increasing the number of parties, negativity decreases first, only to start increasing again once the party system becomes very fragmented. We explain this with parties altering their coalition strategies with the changing number of parties: Less fragmentation makes it more likely to having to step into coalition with the competitors, thus decreasing negativity, while in very fragmented systems, parties not needed to any potential coalitions become easy targets to negative campaign.
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37

Cohen, Jeffrey E., Michael A. Krassa, and John A. Hamman. "The Impact of Presidential Campaigning on Midterm U.S. Senate Elections." American Political Science Review 85, no. 1 (March 1991): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962883.

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The conventional wisdom about presidential campaigning in midterm Senate elections is that presidential efforts lack impact or have negative impact. We discuss conceptual problems with the conventional view and offer an alternative that views presidential campaigning as strategic. We test this alternative and find support for it. Further, we find that presidential campaign efforts have a positive impact on the vote through the mobilization of nonvoters. Finally, in a significant number of cases, presidential campaigning may have been the margin of victory for candidates of the president's party. We discuss the implications of these findings on assessments of the president and relations with Congress during the second half of the term.
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38

Samuel-Azran, Tal, and Moran Yarchi. "Women candidates are unrewarded for “masculine” campaigning: Facebook campaigning during Israel's 2018 municipal elections." Online Information Review 44, no. 6 (July 17, 2020): 1199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oir-07-2019-0228.

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PurposeThis study examines the impact of gender on Facebook campaign strategies and the reception of these strategies during the 2018 Israeli municipal elections.Design/methodology/approachThe authors analyzed all the messages posted on 48 politicians' official Facebook pages during the week leading up to the elections. They analyzed messages posted by 152 candidates running for the position of head of a municipality, 68 of whom were women (48 had an active Facebook account), examining the amount of engagement they had created. The authors also analyzed the candidates' use of rhetoric and use of negative campaigning and the engagement it created.FindingsAnalysis of the overall engagement of Facebook users in respect to men versus women politicians showed that men politicians' posts were significantly more engaging in terms of the number of likes and shares they generated, although the multilevel analysis found no significant differences between engagement in the posts of men and women politicians. The Aristotelian rhetoric analysis revealed no significant differences between women and men contenders; however, in line with the role incongruity theory, the engagement analysis found that male candidates' logic-based posts attracted significantly more shares. The negative campaigning analysis found that, contrary to the study’s hypothesis, female candidates posted twice as many messages, attacking their opponents as their men counterparts. However, in line with the hypothesis based on the role incongruity theory, these posts gained significantly less engagement than those of their men counterparts.Originality/valueThe study highlights that female candidates do not conform to their perceived gender role as soft, emotional, and gentle in their social media campaigning. However, in line with role incongruity theory, they were not rewarded for this “unwomanly” behavior because they gained significantly less engagement with their logic-based posts and their attacks against other candidates than their men counterparts. Despite the fact that prior studies have indicated the potential of social networks service (SNS) to empower women leaders, the findings of the study highlight the continued gender discrimination and the validity of role incongruity theory during social media campaigning, particularly at the municipal elections level.
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39

Kasamatsu, Satoshi, and Daiki Kishishita. "Informative campaigning in multidimensional politics: The role of naïve voters." Journal of Theoretical Politics 34, no. 1 (December 6, 2021): 78–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09516298211061153.

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This paper aims to investigate the possibility that electoral campaigning transmits truthful information in a situation where campaigning has a direct persuasive effect on a subset of the electorate called “naïve voters.” To this end, we construct a multi-sender signaling game in which an incumbent and a challenger decide whether to focus on policy or ability in electoral campaigning, and a media outlet then decides whether to gather news. Voters are divided into sophisticated and naïve voters. We demonstrate that a candidate's strategy regarding their issues of focus (campaign messages) can signal his or her private information. Specifically, negative campaigning against the incumbent's ability signals the incumbent's low ability in all separating equilibria. It is also noteworthy that separating equilibria exist only when sophisticated and naïve voters coexist. This implies that a fraction of naïve voters has a non-monotonic effect on the possibility of transmitting truthful information.
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40

Small, Tamara A. "Online negativity in Canada." Journal of Language and Politics 17, no. 2 (October 16, 2017): 324–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17008.sma.

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Abstract Negative campaigning emphasizes what is wrong with an opponent, in terms of policy or personality. American research shows that negative campaigning online has become entrenched. The objective of this paper is to provide an empirical account of the amount and condition of negative messages produced on Twitter by Canadian party leaders. The data comes from a content analysis of tweets in two elections held in 2011. This paper has two research questions: first, what is the tone of Twitter communication? Is there differential use of Twitter by incumbents and challengers in terms of tone? Despite expectations, the data shows Canadian party leaders infrequently attack opponents on Twitter; less than 10% of tweets are negative. This said, we do find evidence that challengers are more likely than incumbents to go negative on Twitter. The paper concludes by considering the implications of this finding for future research on online negativity.
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41

Nai, Alessandro, and Ferran Martínez i Coma. "Losing in the Polls, Time Pressure, and the Decision to Go Negative in Referendum Campaigns." Politics and Governance 7, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 278–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i2.1940.

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Why do parties and candidates decide to go negative? Research usually starts from the assumption that this decision is strategic, and within this framework two elements stand out: the prospect of electoral failure increases the use of negative campaigning, and so does time pressure (little reaming time to convince voters before election day). In this article, we contribute to this framework by testing two new expectations: (i) political actors are more likely to go negative when they face unfavourable competitive standings <em>and</em> voting day is near; and (ii) they are <em>less</em> likely to go negative when they faced a substantive degradation in their competitive standing over the course of the campaign. We test these expectations on a rich database of newspaper ads about national referenda in Switzerland and provide preliminary empirical evidence consistent with those expectations. The results have important implications for existing research on the strategic underpinnings of campaigning and political communication.
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42

Djupe, Paul A., and David A. M. Peterson. "The Impact of Negative Campaigning: Evidence from the 1998 Senatorial Primaries." Political Research Quarterly 55, no. 4 (December 2002): 845. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3088082.

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43

Gross, Justin H., and Kaylee T. Johnson. "Twitter Taunts and Tirades: Negative Campaigning in the Age of Trump." PS: Political Science & Politics 49, no. 04 (October 2016): 748–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096516001700.

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ABSTRACTWhat drives candidates to “go negative” and against which opponents? Using a unique dataset consisting of all inter-candidate tweets by the 17 Republican presidential candidates in the 2016 primaries, we assess predictors of negative affect online. Twitter is a free platform, and candidates therefore face no resource limitations when using it; this makes Twitter a wellspring of information about campaign messaging, given a level playing-field. Moreover, Twitter’s 140-character limit acts as a liberating constraint, leading candidates to issue sound bites ready for potential distribution not only online, but also through conventional media, as tweets become news. We find tweet negativity and overall rate of tweeting increases as the campaign season progresses. Unsurprisingly, the front-runner and eventual nominee, Donald Trump, sends and receives the most negative tweets and is more likely than his opponents to strike out against even those opponents who are polling poorly. However, candidates overwhelmingly “punch upwards” against those ahead of them in the polls, and this pattern goes beyond attacks against those near the top. Sixty of 136 dyads are characterized by lopsided negativity in one direction and only one of these 60 involves a clearly higher status candidate on the offensive.
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44

Djupe, Paul A., and David A. M. Peterson. "The Impact of Negative Campaigning: Evidence from the 1998 Senatorial Primaries." Political Research Quarterly 55, no. 4 (December 2002): 845–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290205500406.

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45

Haselmayer, Martin. "Negative campaigning and its consequences: a review and a look ahead." French Politics 17, no. 3 (March 23, 2019): 355–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41253-019-00084-8.

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46

Pentony, Joseph F. "Effects of Negative Campaigning on Vote, Semantic Differential, and Thought Listing1." Journal of Applied Social Psychology 28, no. 23 (December 1998): 2131–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-1816.1998.tb01364.x.

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47

Auter, Zachary J., and Jeffrey A. Fine. "Negative Campaigning in the Social Media Age: Attack Advertising on Facebook." Political Behavior 38, no. 4 (May 19, 2016): 999–1020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-016-9346-8.

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48

Toros, Emre. "How to run the show? The differential effects of negative campaigning." Turkish Studies 18, no. 2 (November 28, 2016): 297–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2016.1259575.

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Sigelman, Lee, and Eric Shiraev. "The Rational Attacker in Russia? Negative Campaigning in Russian Presidential Elections." Journal of Politics 64, no. 1 (February 2002): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2508.00117.

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Lilleker, Darren G. "Book review: New Perspectives on Negative Campaigning: Why Attack Politics Matters." Party Politics 24, no. 4 (April 10, 2018): 471–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818768976.

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