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Books on the topic 'Negative campaigning'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 April 2022

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1

Negative Campaigning. Farmington Hills, Mich: Greenhaven Press, Gale Cengage Learning, 2014.

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2

Schmücking, Daniel. Negative Campaigning. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-08212-3.

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3

Going dirty: The art of negative campaigning. Lanham [Md.]: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2006.

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4

Going dirty: The art of negative campaigning. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 2009.

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5

Mark, David. Going dirty: The art of negative campaigning. Lanham MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2006.

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6

Political consultants and negative campaigning: The secrets of the pros. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 1998.

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7

Ansolabehere, Stephen. Going negative: How political advertisements shrink and polarize the electorate. New York: Free Press, 1996.

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8

Ansolabehere, Stephen. Going negative: How political advertisements shrink and polarize the electorate. New York: Free Press, 1997.

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9

Shanto, Iyengar, ed. Going negative: How attack ads shrink and polarize the electorate. New York: Free Press, 1995.

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10

author, Redlawsk David P., ed. The positive case for negative campaigning. The University of Chicago Press, 2014.

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11

Negative Campaigning: An Analysis of U.S. Senate Elections (Campaigning American Style). Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2004.

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12

Negative Campaigning: An Analysis of U.S. Senate Elections (Campaigning American Style). Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2004.

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13

Mark, David. Going Dirty: The Art of Negative Campaigning. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2007.

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14

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, ed. Negative campaigning in national politics: An overview. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1991.

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15

Schmücking, Daniel. Negative Campaigning: Die Wirkung und Entwicklung negativer politischer Werbung in der Bundesrepublik. Springer VS, 2014.

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16

Kaltenthaler, Heike. Geheimnis des Wahlerfolges: "Negative Campaigning" in Den USA. Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Peter, 2000.

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17

New Perspectives on Negative Campaigning: Why Attack Politics Matters. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Incorporated, 2015.

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18

Nai, Alessandro, and Annemarie Walter. New Perspectives on Negative Campaigning: Why Attack Politics Matters. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Incorporated, 2016.

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19

Ansolabehere, Stephen, and Shanto Iyengar. Going Negative. Free Press, 1997.

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20

Taking Aim at Attack Advertising: Understanding the Impact of Negative Campaigning in U.S. Senate Races. Oxford University Press, 2019.

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21

Kenney, Patrick, and Kim Fridkin. Taking Aim at Attack Advertising: Understanding the Impact of Negative Campaigning in U. S. Senate Races. Oxford University Press, 2019.

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22

Fridkin, Kim, and Patrick Kenney. Taking Aim at Attack Advertising. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190947569.001.0001.

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This book develops and tests the “tolerance and tactics theory of negativity.” The theory argues that citizens differ in their tolerance of negative campaigning. Also, candidates vary in the tactics used to attack their opponents, with negative messages varying in their relevance to voters and in the civility of their tone. The interplay between citizens’ tolerance of negativity and candidates’ negative messages helps clarify when negative campaigning will influence citizens’ evaluations of candidates and their likelihood of voting. A diverse set of data sources was collected from U.S. Senate elections (e.g., survey data, experiments, content analysis, focus groups) across several years to test the theory. The tolerance and tactics theory of negativity receives strong empirical validation. First, people differ systematically in their tolerance for negativity, and their tolerance changes over the course of the campaign. Second, people’s levels of tolerance consistently and powerfully influence how they assess negative messages. Third, the relevance and civility of negative messages consistently influence citizens’ assessments of candidates competing for office. That is, negative messages focusing on relevant topics and utilizing an uncivil tone produce significant changes in people’s impressions of the candidates. Furthermore, people’s tolerance of negativity influences their susceptibility to negative campaigning. Specifically, relevant and uncivil messages are most influential for people who are least tolerant of negative campaigning. The relevance and civility of campaign messages also alter people’s likelihood of voting, and the impact of negative messages on turnout is more consequential for people with less tolerance of negativity.

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23

Johansen, Birgitte Schepelern. Tolerance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190465544.003.0009.

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In public campaigning and NGO mobilization against hate crimes, tolerance is often called upon as the antidote to hate. Yet, while tolerance in its classical liberal versions is a balanced negative attitude in contexts of profound disagreements, when mobilized in the context of fighting hate, tolerance loses its negative emotional component. This happens, the chapter argues, because the anti-hate activities promote an understanding of difference (racial, ethnic, religious, sexual, etc.) in which acts and beliefs are largely invisible. Instead, what is foregrounded is political being. Such an understanding of difference may work well to underscore the irrationality of harboring hate against them, but it significantly alters the meaning of tolerance. When the fundamental message in the anti-hate mobilization is that these differences are illegitimate sites of aversion, what we are left with is a simplified dichotomy between either hate or tolerance as benign acceptance or even warm embrace.

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24

Mares, Isabela, and Lauren E. Young. Conditionality & Coercion. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198832775.001.0001.

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In many recent democracies, candidates compete for office using illegal strategies to influence voters. In Hungary and Romania, local actors including mayors and bureaucrats offer access to social policy benefits to voters who offer to support their preferred candidates, and they threaten others with the loss of a range of policy and private benefits for voting the “wrong” way. These quid pro quo exchanges are often called clientelism. How can politicians and their accomplices get away with such illegal campaigning in otherwise democratic, competitive elections? When do they rely on the worst forms of clientelism that involve threatening voters and manipulating public benefits? This book uses a mixed method approach to understand how illegal forms of campaigning including vote buying and electoral coercion persist in two democratic countries in the European Union. It argues that clientelistic strategies must be disaggregated based on whether they use public or private resources, and whether they involve positive promises or negative threats and coercion. The authors document that the type of clientelistic strategies that candidates and brokers use varies systematically across localities based on their underlying social coalitions, and also show that voters assess and sanction different forms of clientelism in different ways. Voters glean information about politicians’ personal characteristics and their policy preferences from the clientelistic strategies these candidates deploy. Most voters judge candidates who use clientelism harshly. So how does clientelism, including its most odious coercive forms, persist in democratic systems? This book suggests that politicians can get away with clientelism by using forms of it that are in line with the policy preferences of constituencies whose votes they need. Clientelistic and programmatic strategies are not as distinct as previous studies have argued.

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25

Agrawal, Khushbu, Yukihiko Hamada, and Alberto Fernández Gibaja. Regulating Online Campaign Finance: Chasing the Gost. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.6.

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As the number of Internet and social media users increases, political parties and candidates are spending significant amounts of money on online campaigning. It not only helps them to reach out to more voters with comparatively lower costs, but also allows them to communicate more targeted messages to voters when compared with other traditional campaign tools. Despite the growing use of online campaigns, appropriate regulation of online expenditures is almost non-existent around the world. In fact, online expenditure is one of the key weaknesses of political finance systems and regulatory frameworks. Appropriate regulation of online expenditures will not only protect the integrity of the political process, but also thwart negative effects, such as disinformation and polarization and, more generally, prevent inauthentic activities that usually characterize online campaigns. As online expenditure is a relatively new phenomenon, its regulation is not straightforward and there is no conclusive evidence on what works. This report outlines some of the challenges that policymakers, legislators and oversight agencies face when drafting and implementing laws to include online expenditure within the scope of regulated political finance. It also provides recommendations for policymakers, social media platforms, political parties, candidates and campaigners, as well as civil society actors, on the steps that they can take towards closing the regulatory gap.

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