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Academic literature on the topic 'Nazi concentration camp inmates as musicians'

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Published: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Nazi concentration camp inmates as musicians"

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Garfinkle, Jarred, Frederick Andermann, and Michael I. Shevell. "Neurolathyrism in Vapniarka: Medical Heroism in a Concentration Camp." Canadian Journal of Neurological Sciences / Journal Canadien des Sciences Neurologiques 38, no. 6 (November 2011): 839–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0317167100012403.

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Stories abound about the medical abuses that have come to define medicine and the “pseudo”-neurosciences in the Third Reich. Well known are the Nazi program of euthanasia and the neuroscientific publications that arose from it. Nevertheless, during this widespread perversion of medical practice and science, true medical heroics persisted, even in the concentration camps. In December 1942, inmates of Camp Vapniarka began experiencing painful lower extremity muscle cramps, spastic paraparesis, and urinary incontinence. In order to reduce the cost of feeding the 1200, mostly Jewish, inmates of Camp Vapniarka and surreptitiously hasten their deaths, the Nazi-affiliated Romanian officers of the camp had begun feeding them a diet high in Lathyrus sativus. L. sativus is the neurotoxin implicated in neurolathyrism, a degenerative disease of the upper motor neurons. Dr. Arthur Kessler, one of the camp's prisoners, eventually identified the source of the epidemic. Armed with this knowledge, the inmates collectively organized to halt its spread.
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Dreyfus, Jean-Marc. "The mass graves of Hohne and the French attempt (and failure) at exhumation (1958–1969)." Heritage, Memory and Conflict 3 (May 10, 2023): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/hmc.3.74126.

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The Bergen Belsen Nazi concentration camp has been widely described and studied, especially as the images taken by British troops at the moment of the camp's liberation shaped the very representation of Nazi crimes and the Holocaust. Much less-known are the debates about the exhumations of more than 20 000 corpses of inmates, the ones who died in the weeks before or after the liberation. The French mission in search of corpses of deportees, the so-called 'Garban mission', tried to negotiate the access to the camp grounds. After an international uproar and a decade of negotiations, the permission was finally not granted.
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Goeschel, Christian. "Suicide in Nazi Concentration Camps, 1933-9." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 628–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366558.

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Too often histories of the concentration camps tend to be ignorant of the wider political context of nazi repression and control. This article tries to overcome this problem. Combining legal, social and political history, it contributes to a more thorough understanding of the changing relationship between the camps as places of extra-legal terror and the judiciary, between nazi terror and the law. It argues that the conflict between the judiciary and the SS was not a conflict between ‘good’ and ‘evil’, as existing accounts claim. Rather, it was a power struggle for jurisdiction over the camps. Concentration camp authorities covered up the murders of prisoners as suicides to prevent judicial investigations. This article also looks at actual suicides in the pre-war camps, to highlight individual inmates’ reactions to life within the camps. The article concludes that the history of the concentration camps needs to be firmly integrated into the history of nazi terror and the Third Reich.
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Wünschmann, Kim. "Cementing the Enemy Category: Arrest and Imprisonment of German Jews in Nazi Concentration Camps, 1933-8/9." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 576–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366556.

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Understandably, research has focused overwhelmingly on Jews in the camps of the Holocaust. But the nazis had been detaining Jews in concentration camps ever since 1933, at times in large numbers. Who were these prisoners? This article analyzes nazi policies that brought Jews into the concentration camps. It ventures into the inner structure and dynamics of one of the most heterogeneous groups of concentration camp inmates. By contrasting the perpetrators’ objectives with the victims’ experiences, this article will illuminate the role of the concentration camp as the ultimate means of pressure in the fatal process of turning a minority group into an outsider group: that is, the act of defining and marking the enemy which was the critical stage before the destruction of European Jewry. Furthermore, it will examine Jewish reactions to SS terror inside the camps.
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Lambertz, Jan. "The Urn and the Swastika: Recording Death in the Nazi Camp System*." German History 38, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz107.

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Abstract Why did Nazi concentration camps routinely send death notifications and even cremation urns to families of dead prisoners, including Jewish prisoners, until well into the war years? This article challenges the assumption that these practices served solely to provide reassurance that the prisoners had died under ‘normal’ circumstances. In the case of Jewish prisoners, urns sent home for burial to families in the Reich were part and parcel of a system of intimidation waged through local Gestapo offices. These urns also illuminate changing practices around prisoner deaths within camps themselves and the dissonant character of Nazi camp organization. On the one hand, camp administrators adhered to long-standing German state practices, establishing civil registries on camp premises to record prisoner deaths. On the other hand, they flouted bureaucratic norms, fabricating the causes of prisoner death on a grand scale and using bureaucratic procedures to veil the gross mistreatment of inmates. In many camps, prisoner labour was forced to help manufacture and uphold this imperfect subterfuge. These histories point to one of the few places in which the death of Jewish prisoners in the Nazi detention system was systematically recorded and conveyed back to families and Jewish communities in the Reich. Yet, paradoxically, the ‘processing’ of death in the major concentration camps was in many respects untrustworthy, and intimidation now also hovered over what had been a credible, neutral civil procedure.
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Martin, Robert M. "Using Nazi Scientific Data." Dialogue 25, no. 3 (1986): 403–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300020850.

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In a series of experiments done in wartime Nazi Germany, inmates of the Dachau concentration camp were exposed to cold by being immersed in ice water, or kept outside in freezing temperatures; their responses were measured, and various techniques were used in an attempt to revive them. The immediate application of these hypothermia studies was to the war effort, to try to protect or save soldiers exposed to cold water or air. An account of the procedures and results of these experiments was written by an American officer, Major Leo Alexander, on the basis of his post-war discovery of documents and interviews in Germany. These reports reveal the ghastly and abominable details of the experiments.Recent scientific work in British Columbia has caused some ethical debate when it consulted the Alexander report and used some of the Nazi experimental data. The scientists in the Hypothermia Unit of the University of Victoria, unsurprisingly but reassuringly, have no intention of repeating the Nazi atrocities, and condemn them. The current controversy concerns the morality of their using the Alexander data in their study. This out-of-the-way case has some small intrinsic interest; but its consideration leads to broader concerns.
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Werb, Bret Charles, and Maria V. Lebedeva. "The Aleksander Kulisiewicz Collection at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum: An Introduction." Observatory of Culture 17, no. 5 (November 12, 2020): 478–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2020-17-5-478-495.

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Envisioned by its founders as a storehouse of historical evidence — material artifacts, written and oral testimonies, photographs and films — the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington DC is the repository of a significant archive of music salvaged from the Nazi ghettos and camps. This paper focuses on the Museum’s single largest music collection, that of the Polish camp survivor Aleksander Kulisiewicz (1918—1982). A native of Kraków, Poland, who spent over five years as a political prisoner in Sachsenhausen, Kulisiewicz in later life grew obsessed with documenting the repertoire that his fellow Poles and an international cadre of musicians, authors, and artistes created and performed while captives of the Germans. The collection he amassed during his final decades consists of hundreds of songs, choral works and instrumental pieces gathered from survivor memoirs, manuscripts, and multiple recorded interviews with former inmates. Approximately 70,000 pages of documentation encompass music-related artworks, biographical details of camp poets and composers, and copious additional corroborating material. Apart from providing an overview of the collection, the paper will discuss Kulisiewicz’s cultural and intellectual background in interwar Poland, and postwar career as a performer, activist and author. Music illustrations will be drawn from Kulisiewicz’s archive of sound recordings, including selections from his own series of autobiographical songs written in Sachsenhausen. A final set of musical examples demonstrates the collection’s utility as a resource for musicians and programmers seeking overlooked, yet revivable repertoire, and for composers inspired to create new works based on “rescued” music preserved in the Museum’s archive.
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Glantz, Leonard H. "Research with Children." American Journal of Law & Medicine 24, no. 2-3 (1998): 213–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0098858800010418.

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In the United States we have very mixed feelings about research with human subjects. The Nuremberg Code (the Code), which provides a foundation for the protection of human subjects, was written by American judges in the context of trying Nazi doctors who committed atrocious acts of human experimentation on concentration camp inmates. The Code provides ten common-sense guidelines controlling research. For example, a researcher may not conduct research on human subjects without that subject's informed consent, or if there is an a priori reason to believe that the research will cause death or disabling injury to the subject. What is remarkable about the creation of the Code is that it was thought to be necessary to document and impose the most fundamental moral principles on researchers. The Code demonstrates a remarkable suspicion of research with human subjects and those who perform such research.
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Kaynar-Kissinger, Gad. "Shylock in Buchenwald." European Judaism 51, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 165–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2018.510223.

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Abstract Can The Merchant of Venice be performed in Germany after the Holocaust, and if so, how? Is the claim that the play is a touchstone for German-Jewish relations, with a philosemitic tradition – and therefore eligible to be performed today – verifiable? The article begins by briefly surveying this tradition from the Jewish emancipation in the mideighteenth century, which, with a few relapses, continued – especially in productions directed by Jews and/or with Jewish actors in the role of Shylock – until the rise of the Nazi regime, to be resumed after the Second World War. The main part analyses a test case, staged by the Israeli director Hanan Snir at the Weimar National Theatre (1995), and intended rhetorically to avenge the Holocaust on the German audience: Merchant as a viciously antisemitic play with in a play, directed by SS personnel in the nearby Buchenwald concentration camp with eventually murdered Jewish inmates compelled to play the Jewish parts.
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Kaynar-Kissinger, Gad. "Shylock in Buchenwald." European Judaism 51, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 165–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2017.510223.

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Can The Merchant of Venice be performed in Germany after the Holocaust, and if so, how? Is the claim that the play is a touchstone for German-Jewish relations, with a philosemitic tradition – and therefore eligible to be performed today – verifiable? The article begins by briefly surveying this tradition from the Jewish emancipation in the mid-eighteenth century, which, with a few relapses, continued – especially in productions directed by Jews and/or with Jewish actors in the role of Shylock – until the rise of the Nazi regime, to be resumed after the Second World War. The main part analyses a test case, staged by the Israeli director Hanan Snir at the Weimar National Theatre (1995), and intended rhetorically to avenge the Holocaust on the German audience: Merchant as a viciously antisemitic play-within-a-play, directed by SS personnel in the nearby Buchenwald concentration camp with eventually murdered Jewish inmates compelled to play the Jewish parts.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nazi concentration camp inmates as musicians"

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List, Jeff. ""From hidden to (over-)exposed" the grotesque and performing bodies of World War II Nazi concentration camp prisoners /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1191601326.

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Books on the topic "Nazi concentration camp inmates as musicians"

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Oliveri, Dario. Hitler regala una città agli ebrei: Musica e cultura nel ghetto di Theresienstadt. Palermo: L'epos, 2008.

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Il pentagramma di ferro: Musica e creatività nei campi di concentramento. Trieste: EUT, Edizioni Università di Trieste, 2010.

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1944-, Rhode-Jüchtern Anna-Christine, Kublitz-Kramer Maria, and Ellenberger Tobias, eds. Echolos: Klangwelten verfolgter Musikerinnen in der NS-Zeit : 12. Tagung der AG "Frauen im Exil" in der "Gesellschaft für Exilforschung" in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Oberstufen-Kolleg der Universität Bielefeld und dem Orpheus Trust Wien, 1.-3. November 2002. Bielefeld: Aisthesis, 2004.

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Giner, Bruno. Survivre et mourir en musique dans les camps nazis. Paris: Berg, 2011.

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Kita, Mieczysław. Ja tam byłem: Wspomnienia Mieczysława Kity, byłego więźnia Auschwitz, Neuengamme, Gross-Rosen, Flossenbürg-Hersbruck i Dachau. Oświęcim: Państw. Muzeum Auschwitz-Birkenau, 2009.

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1958-, Mussmann Olaf, and KZ-Gedenkstätte Mittelbau-Dora, eds. Homosexuelle in Konzentrationslagern: Vorträge : wissenschaftliche Tagung, 12./13. September 1997, KZ-Gedenkstätte Mittelbau-Dora, Nordhausen. Berlin: Westkreuz, 2000.

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Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Historisches Forschungszentrum der, ed. Rettende Augenblicke: Überleben im Nazi-KZ. Bonn: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Historisches Forschungszentrum, 2007.

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Brumer, Richard. The chemist's shop: [a tale of revenge]. Kailua, Hawaii: Limitless Publishing, 2015.

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Knežev, Dimitrije M. Zapisi iz Mauthauzena. Beograd: Beofeniks, 2001.

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Helemann, Micaela. Freiwillig kam niemand hierher: Verschleppt von Danzig nach Kasachstan, 1945 bis 1949. Norderstedt: Books on Demand GmbH, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nazi concentration camp inmates as musicians"

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Schmaltz, Florian. "Chemical Weapons Research on Soldiers and Concentration Camp Inmates in Nazi Germany." In One Hundred Years of Chemical Warfare: Research, Deployment, Consequences, 229–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51664-6_13.

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Lewy, Guenter. "Gypsies in Other Concentration Camps." In The Nazi Persecution of the Gypsies, 167–80. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195125566.003.0012.

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Abstract The first large-scale arrests of Gypsies destined for the concentration camps took place in 1938 during Operation Work-Shy. Other individual Gypsies were sent to the camps during the war years for various offenses grouped under the name “asocial conduct.” Camp inmates were used for slave labor as well as for medical experiments. The total number of Gypsies incarcerated in the camps is not known. About 1,500–2,000 were arrested as asocials in 1938–1939, and around 3,500 were transferred to German concentration camps from Auschwitz. This means that at least 5,000 Gypsies were imprisoned for varying amounts of time in concentration camps other than Auschwitz.
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Stone, Dan. "3. The Third Reich’s world of camps." In Concentration Camps: A Very Short Introduction, 30–49. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198723387.003.0003.

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‘The Third Reich’s world of camps’ examines the history of the Nazi camp system, comparing labour camps devised to build the ‘racial community’ with concentration camps set up to exclude political opponents and eventually to eradicate unwanted others—‘asocials’ and then Jews. The SS concentration camps at Buchenwald, Dachau, and Sachsenhausen, which were designed to brutalize the inmates and at which death was common, can be distinguished from the death camps at Chełmno, Bełżec, Sobibór, and Treblinka. Exceptions were Majdanek and Auschwitz, which by 1942 combined the functions of concentration and death camps. The images and testimonies of the liberation of the Nazi camps have shaped our definition of concentration camps.
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Stone, Dan. "Slaves for the Reich." In Fate Unknown, 113—C3F7. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846598.003.0004.

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Abstract This chapter uses the ITS documents to show how the Gross-Rosen and Auschwitz sub-camps functioned and the roles they played in the context of the German economy, the concentration camp system, and the Holocaust. Examining the sub-camps not only brings to light an under-appreciated aspect of the Nazi camp system, showing its significance for the German war economy and for our understanding of Nazi ideology; it also allows us, through the ITS documents, to follow the trajectories of individual persecutes through the camps. Looking at the Holocaust ‘from the bottom up’ means we can appreciate the extent to which some victims were moved around and the ways in which the Nazis’ desperate search for labour towards the end of the war facilitated some camp inmates’ survival.
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Stone, Dan. "4. The Gulag." In Concentration Camps: A Very Short Introduction, 50–68. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198723387.003.0004.

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‘The Gulag’ examines the Stalinist system of camps and ‘special settlements’ that developed through different phases of deportation from 1929–30 through to the late 1950s, although the camp system prevailed until the end of the USSR. Many of these camps were remote, where workers were needed for large mining or factory operations. Throughout the Gulag, the phenomenon of ‘de-convoyed’ prisoners permitted interaction between inmates and those ‘outside the zone’ to a surprisingly large extent. Prisoners in the Gulag could survive for many years and there was a constant stream of prisoners being released. However, in terms of numbers, far more people suffered in the Gulag than in the Nazi camps.
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Benninga, Noah. "The Bricolage of Death." In Objects of War, 189–220. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501720079.003.0008.

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This chapter focuses on elite prisoners in Nazi concentration camps, where block elders and other elite prisoners appropriated clothing and personal goods stolen from other inmates to instantiate their social status in the camp. Differences among prisoners existed and were integral to the Nazi socio-racial planning and running of the camp. To survive, prisoners had to “make a career,” that is, to achieve success in the terms of the camp. Using survivor accounts, the chapter then explores the ways in which fashion and dress manifested in a social world on the precipice of immediate death. Even though it developed autonomously, prisoner fashion was ultimately one of the tools with which the SS created a “ruling class” of prisoners who acted in their stead. It was the prisoner elite that reflected these negative ideals and values into the depths of the camp, from which the SS tried to keep a healthy distance.
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Roche, Helen. "The Demands of Total War." In The Third Reich's Elite Schools, 335–57. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198726128.003.0011.

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The quality of school life at the NPEA gradually deteriorated during wartime—chronic shortages of everything from steel to salt, from teaching staff to stable-hands, increasingly impinged on the schools’ day-to-day functioning. This chapter begins by considering the great expectations placed on the Napolas by the Inspectorate and the armed forces, in their capacity as de facto officer training schools. Secondly, it describes daily life at the NPEA, including the ‘war missions’ (Kriegseinsätze) which pupils were expected to undertake as leaders on the children’s evacuation programme (KLV) or as anti-aircraft auxiliaries (Flakhelfer). It also explores the all-important connections between the Napola home-front and former pupils at the battle front, as exemplified by the school newsletters or Altkameradenbriefe, which were expressly designed to foster a transgenerational sense of comradeship among all who belonged to the Napolas’ ‘extended family’. Finally, the chapter briefly examines the ways in which the NPEA system profited from or abetted the wartime crimes of the Nazi regime, including the expropriation of asylums and Jewish property, and the use of forced labour (not least that of concentration-camp inmates). The conclusion then situates the experience of the Napolas within the context of existing scholarship on the state of German education and society during this turbulent period of total war. Ultimately, the NPEA were better able to withstand the privations of war than most ‘civilian’ schools during this period, due not least to their centralized administration, and their supposedly vital contribution to the war effort.
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