Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Naval Diplomacy'

Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the beginning of naval power, navies have been used by their states as instruments of foreign policy. In South Africa, the political transition since 1994 originated the evolution of the country’s foreign policy. Accordingly, foreign policy has implications for the South African Navy (SAN). Traditionally, navies have three main roles, namely: military, policing and diplomatic, roles. This study only focuses on the diplomatic role of the navy, termed naval diplomacy. In this regard, the SAN is the custodian of South African naval diplomacy. The purpose of this study is to investigate and theoretically appraise the nature and scope of South African naval diplomacy since 1994. The study has two objectives: firstly, it seeks to outline the most salient features of South Africa’s foreign policy, post-1994, as the framework for naval diplomacy; and secondly, it seeks to analyse and describe how the SAN has utilised naval diplomacy, namely: maritime coercion, naval cooperation, international maritime assistance, and international conflict resolution and management, in pursuit of South Africa’s foreign policy objectives. The research methodology is a qualitative descriptive analysis, using a literature study, factual data sources, and interviews, as techniques. Both primary and secondary sources are consulted. This study makes an original contribution to the gap in the literature on South African naval diplomacy. In this regard, with the procurement of the recent ships and submarines, South African naval diplomatic capabilities have improved significantly. It is for this reason that the SAN is currently instrumental in maritime coercion in the region, particularly deterrence against piracy and other maritime insecurity issues. The SAN is also immensely involved in naval cooperation. In terms of international maritime assistance, the SAN does not only assist other countries in search and rescue missions, but also empower them. It also plays a vital and evolving role in international conflict resolution and management. The, however, SAN faces several hindrances including ageing equipment and ships (such as strike craft and hydrographic survey vessel); lack of patrol vessels and sea lift capability; loss of skilled personnel; and other challenges.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die ontstaan van vlootmagte het state vlote as buitelandse beleidsinstrumente aangewend. Die politieke oorgang in Suid-Afrika in 1994 het tot ʼn evolusie in die land se buitelandse beleid aanleiding gegee, wat ook gevolge vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Vloot (SAV) ingehou het. Tradisioneel het vlote drie hooffunksies, naamlik ʼn militêre, ʼn polisiëring en ʼn diplomatieke funksie. Hierdie studie fokus slegs op die diplomatieke funksie van die vloot, waarna verwys word as vlootdiplomasie, en die SAV se rol as die ‘bewaarder’ van Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om ondersoek in te stel na die aard en omvang van Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie sedert 1994 en dit aan die hand van relevante teoretiese beginsels te beoordeel. Hieruit voortspruitend is twee doelwitte: eerstens om die wesenskenmerke van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid na 1994 as raamwerk vir vlootdiplomasie te gebruik; en tweedens om die wyse waarop vlootdiplomasie ter ondersteuning van Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleidsdoelwitte aangewend is, te beskryf en te ontleed met spesifieke verwysing na maritieme dwang, samewerking tussen vlootmagte, internasionale maritieme hulpverlening, en internasionale konflikresolusie. Die navorsingsmetodologie is 'n kwalitatiewe beskrywende ontleding, gegrond op 'n literatuurstudie, feitlike bronne, en onderhoude. Beide primêre en sekondêre bronne is in die proses geraadpleeg. Hierdie studie is 'n oorspronklike bydrae om die leemte in die literatuur oor die Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie aan te spreek. Na die onlangse aanskaffing van nuwe skepe en duikbote, het die SAV se diplomatieke vermoëns aansienlik verbeter. Die gevolg is dat die SAV tans ʼn wesenlike bydrae met betrekking tot maritieme dwang in die streek speel, veral wat teen-seerowery en ander maritieme veiligheidsbedreigings betref. Die SAV is ook baie betrokke in maritieme samewerking. Wat internasionale maritieme hulp betref, het die SAV ander lande met soek en reddingsoperasies bygestaan en ook bemagtig. Die SAV lewer ook ‘n groeiende bydrae tot internasionale konflikresolusie en bestuur. Maar die SAV staar ook verskeie uitdagings in die gesig wat die volgende insluit: verouderde toerusting en skepe (soos aanvalsvaartuie en die hidrografiese opmetingskip); 'n gebrek aan patrollievaartuie en 'n see-verplasingsvermoë; verlies van opgeleide personeel, en verskeie ander uitdagings.

Despite the acknowledgement of the importance of the threat or use of force in the pursuit of policy since the dawn of strategic thought, the utility of seapower beyond warfighting is poorly understood and articulated. The classical theorists who have investigated seapower in peacetime have invariably done so through the lens of hard power effects such as coercion and deterrence; commentaries on engagement, interoperability and the use of maritime forces to forge friendships are largely conspicuous by their absence. The central question of this research is how naval diplomacy, a subset of general diplomacy and a means of communication by maritime actors in pursuit of their national interest, can be better understood for use in the 21st century. This thesis defines diplomacy from the sea and investigates its use before, during and after the Cold War. Existing theoretical frameworks are deduced from the works of leading naval theorists, critically analysed and found wanting. The most widely known model, described in Sir James Cable’s seminal book Gunboat Diplomacy, provides a good benchmark, but even the most recent edition ends its period of analysis in 1991; huge geopolitical changes have since taken place. A qualitative and quantitative review of over 500 incidents from 1991 to 2010 is undertaken and the thesis draws on this empirical evidence to determine that the common understanding of naval diplomacy does not fit with contemporary reality. An alternative foundational model, drawing on basic communication and stakeholder theories, is offered and subsequently tested. The implications of the research can be addressed in three broad and overlapping categories: its contribution to theoretical debate, including its potential to ‘update’ Cable; its meaning for policy makers in their consideration of national and international security; and, finally, its utility for practitioners, including state, semi-state and non-state actors.

This dissertation explores U.S.-Brazilian relations through the prism of naval diplomacy between 1893 and 1930. Broadly, this dissertation explains the growth of U.S. naval involvement in Brazil, emphasizing the motives of Brazilian and American policymakers, and the role of naval officers in strengthening bilateral relations. This study begins by examining the Brazilian Navy Revolt of 1893-94, contextualizing it within the formative years of the Brazilian Republic, while discussing U.S. naval intervention in the conflict. It then explores U.S.-Brazilian naval relations in the early twentieth century, explaining the growing association between the two countries’ navies after the turn of the century. That collaboration culminated in cooperation during World War I, and with the establishment of an American Navy Commission to teach at the Brazilian Naval War College. Finally, this dissertation explores the dynamics of the U.S. Navy Mission in Brazil during the first formative years after its establishment in 1922. Introducing naval diplomacy to the historiography of U.S.-South American relations illuminates the origins of American influence in Brazil, including the crucial role of Brazilians in pursuing closer ties, as well as the development of a U.S. policy focused on reducing European influence, promoting regional security, and increasing U.S. commercial power in the region.

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With the demise of Soviet Union, the U.S. Navy found itself without an adversary that could challenge its conventional war-fighting capability. It sought relevance and had to decide where to accept budgetary reductions. Abandoning high-dollar weapon systems and accompanying tactics became a tough issue. Throughout the cutbacks, naval aviation remained at the heart of the Navy’s force. Naval aviation received support even though much of its capability outpaced all potential adversaries. Critics cite the cost of the aircraft carrier fleet relative to the missions the Navy now performs, and the steady improvement in anti-access weapons as reasons to invest in other technologies or decrease carrier numbers. Many now question whether the nation uses and operates the carrier force effectively. Nevertheless, naval aviation continues to provide the United States with a strong and creditable (although conventional and expensive) ability to accomplish America’s worldwide commitment and conduct contingency operations.

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With the U.S. aircraft carrier fleet facing reduced availability, this thesis explores the possibility of using the submarine force in an expanded role in naval diplomacy. This research suggests that submarines have the capability to communicate a signal to an opponent state by temporarily revealing themselves tactically. This signal of hidden capacity can be tailored into a tacit bargaining strategy that can significantly influence rival navies. By examining the development of naval diplomacy over the last two hundred years, this thesis critically reexamines U.S.-aircraft-carrier-based diplomatic practices relative to the emerging use of rival submarine forces in asymmetrical signaling strategies. In examining Russian, British, and Chinese attempts to signal adversaries using submarines, this thesis provides context for the capacity submarines have in today’s naval diplomatic setting to force large changes in opponents’ strategic frameworks at low cost to the initiators. Because of these findings, this thesis recommends increased evaluation of such activities from a diplomatic and strategic perspective and increased awareness that such signals may be aimed at our military.

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This thesis initiates a conversation focused on enhancing Naval Special Warfare's (NSW) current operational capacity. U.S. Special Operations Command's (USSOCOM) 2010 strategy challenges all special operators to be defter at working within the diplomatic, defense, and development (3-D) construct. The "3-D" operator is USSOCOM's contribution to the whole-of-government approach in the violent struggle against state and non-state actors for legitimacy and influence over the relevant population (irregular warfare/IW). To be effective at the IW mission NSW must select, train, and reward personnel and units to develop and sustain 3-D capabilities. This thesis offers an analysis of the NSW organization and a proposal for developing the NSW 3-D teams and organization for non-traditional roles, such as those on embassy country teams. The research uses organizational contingency theory and case studies as a framework to draw conclusions about cultural differences and training shortfalls and provide recommendations for how NSW can select the right 3-D operators. It argues that the current SEAL team interdeployment training cycle (IDTC) prepares SEALs to excel in the kinetic, time-sensitive environment (traditional SEAL mission sets) but is inadequate for preparing SEALs for the diplomatic and developmental roles (nontraditional, but essential) with interagency partners in U.S. embassies. This thesis advocates that the NSW anchor detachment operators, rather than the traditional SEAL team operators, are the right personnel postured for roles working within the interagency because their training sets them up for success in the 3-D environment.

This thesis addresses one dimension of 'naval diplomacy', namely submarine naval diplomacy. It examines the suitability and/or desirability of employing submarine forces for naval-diplomatic purposes. It reviews the historical record of 'underwater gunboat diplomacy', the particular aims that its practitioners have sought to achieve, and it examines the opportunities and constraints for the assignment of submarines for future naval diplomacy purposes. Keywords: Naval diplomacy; Gunboat diplomacy; Submarines; SSN; SSBN; Spanish civil war; Cuban missile crisis; Arab-Israeli wars; Political signalling; Visibility; Falklands crisis. (eg)

With the dissolution of the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact, the threat of global war has all but been eliminated. At the same time, the Third World is experiencing a rising tide of instability, brought about by economic and social inequities, religious fundamentalism, and resurgent ethnic and political rivalries, and fueled by increasing military capabilities caused by the proliferation of advanced-technology weapons. As a result of these changes, U.S. security strategy is turning from its Cold War focus on global containment to the protection of U.S. interests against regional instabilities. The most dramatic confirmation of this change in direction was the announcement by the President on 2 August 1990 of a new National Security Strategy which would focus on maintaining stability and responding to regional crises, rather than on preparing for a global conflict against the Soviet Union. The past decade offers numerous examples of U.S. intervention in regional instabilities and crises that achieved varying degrees of success. Many of these interventions provide important lessons for the future in terms of how and when to use naval forces, and what the risks are to the national interest if a given mission fails to achieve its military or political objectives. This study is an examination of U.S. naval strategy and its evolving focus on crisis intervention, and how recent uses of U.S. naval force illustrate the need for a reevaluation of naval intervention and its implementation in a new world order. To this end, three specific uses of U.S. naval power in the last decade are instructive: the U.S. intervention in Lebanon from March 1982-March 1984; U.S. naval operations off Libya from August 1981-April 1986 (including the 1986 air strike on Tripoli); and the Persian Gulf tanker escort operation of 1987-1988).

Le choléra est une épreuve qui interroge l’instrument naval français et ses actions au-delà des seules problématiques de l’hygiène navale ou de la contribution des navigations à la diffusion de l’épidémie. Il est à la fois une épreuve de terrain, locale, collective comme individuelle, et un enjeu de relations internationales. Il requiert un engagement constant et en profondeur de la part du service de santé des armées en général, de la Marine en particulier. Il contribue à la fragilisation d’un espace méditerranéen en pleine recomposition alors que la France de l’après 1815 cherche à y saisir des opportunités pour peser à nouveau dans le concert des nations à travers une plus grande implication dans les crises qui secouent sa façade méridionale. Cette politique offensive, faite de diplomatie conventionnelle et d’interventions militaires, de défense des intérêts commerciaux et de relance d’une politique expansionniste sinon impérialiste, repose en partie sur la sollicitation de forces navales en cours de relèvement. En proposant une étude sur la confrontation entre la puissance navale française en Méditerranée et la circulation du choléra entre 1831 et 1856, il s’agit de comprendre, essentiellement à travers un regard naval, comment, au-delà du péril majeur que ces épidémies successives constituent pour la santé publique en France et en Méditerranée, elles en viennent à représenter une formidable opportunité offerte à la France de s’affirmer comme une puissance sanitaire de premier plan, alors que se préparent deux premières conférences sanitaires internationales de Paris (1851 et 1859)
Cholera: “a crucial and revealing challenge, helpful to measure the bravery and intellectual value of the Navy’s physicians”. According to Jacques Leonard’s word, cholera defied the French Navy as a whole. It questioned the French naval instrument and actions beyond the mere issues of sea hygiene or the spreading of the epidemic through sailing. It was both a field issue, as well at a local level as at the individual and collective ones, and a meaningful issue in international relations. It required a constant and deep commitment from the military health service in general, and from the Navy health service in particular. It contributed to weakening the Mediterranean area in a period of reconstruction as post-1815 France intended to seize opportunities to become again a prominent member in the community of Nations through a stronger commitment in the crises that were then striking its southern part. This pro-active policy, combining military intervention and conventional diplomacy, the preservation of trading interests and the renewal of an expansionist and even imperialist policy, partly relied on the appeal to restructuring naval forces. By studying the confrontation between French naval power in the Mediterranean and the spreading of cholera from 1831 to 1856, the purpose, here, will be to understand, mainly through a naval perspective, how those successive epidemics evolved from the status of threats to public health to that of becoming an unexpected opportunity to stand a sanitary power, as two international conferences on health were to take place in Paris (1851 and 1859)

This thesis is a contribution to the study of French foreign policy in the time of “old diplomacy” in Northern Europe. Aiming to fill a gap, the object of investigation is French foreign policy in the Baltic area between 1871 and 1914 (from the French defeat during the Franco-Prussian War to the outbreak of the First World War). Particular attention is directed at the assets of the French diplomacy at work in the Baltic Sea: naval military planning, financial loans and culture. Since the period was dominated by the diplomatic isolation that Bismarck had placed France with the aim to prevent her from creating any kind of alliance to embark in a war of revenge against Germany, France carried out a policy of making ententes and alliances in order to break out from this isolation. However, in her attempt to emerge, France was challenged by Germany especially in relations with Denmark and Sweden. Although French foreign policy was able to use the loan as an instrument to secure a success with Russia by establishing a military treaty in 1892, but France did not succeed to attract and influence Sweden in the same way because of the risk of her turning to Germany. Also strongly challenged by Germany in Denmark, French foreign policy could not stop the willingness of Denmark to adopt a policy of neutrality. But, because of her intervention between Russia and Great Britain in the Dogger Bank incident in 1904, French diplomacy succeeded to gain the support of the British fleet in the case of a naval war in the Baltic Sea for operations against the German coast. Bringing together Russia and Great Britain for a naval cooperation in the case of a war in the Baltic Sea was, without any doubt, not only the most audacious and difficult task for French foreign policy, but also a sign of its strong revival. However, this Russo-British naval cooperation could not be converted into practice because of the geographical specificities of the Baltic Sea and the difficulties of naval military planning. Adressing this aspect, this thesis reveals the fundamental mistakes of the naval theoreticians who were defending naval theories based on land military theories and experiences.

On 1 February 1793, the National Convention of Revolutionary France declared war on Great Britain and the Netherlands, expanding the list of France's enemies in the War of the First Coalition. Although British Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger had predicted fifteen years of peace one year earlier, the French declaration of war initiated nearly a quarter century of war between Britain and France with only a brief respite during the Peace of Amiens. Britain entered the war amid both a nadir in British diplomacy and internal political divisions over the direction of British foreign policy. After becoming prime minister in 1783 in the aftermath of the War of American Independence, Pitt pursued financial and naval reform to recover British strength and cautious interventionism to end Britain's diplomatic isolation in Europe. He hoped to create a collective security system based on the principles of the territorial status quo, trade agreements, neutral rights, and resolution of diplomatic disputes through mediation - armed mediation if necessary. While his domestic measures largely met with success, Pitt's foreign policy suffered from a paucity of like-minded allies, contradictions between traditional hostility to France and emergent opposition to Russian expansion, Britain's limited ability to project power on the continent, and the even more limited will of Parliament to support such interventionism. Nevertheless, Pitt's collective security goal continued to shape British strategy in the War of the First Coalition, and the same challenges continued to plague the British war effort. This led to failure in the war and left the British fighting on alone after the Treaty of Campo Formio secured peace between France and its last continental foe, Austria, on 18 October 1797.

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2014.
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Esta tese aborda a grande estratégia levada a cabo pelo Barão do Rio-Branco durante o período em que esteve à frente do Itamaraty e o papel que o programa de reorganização naval (1904-1910) desempenhou nesse contexto. O estudo de caso realizado buscou determinar os condicionantes domésticos e internacionais daquele programa, assim como a mundivisão do patrono da diplomacia brasileira a respeito da instrumentalidade do poder militar para a condução da política externa – levando em conta o resoluto apoio conferido pelo Ministro das Relações Exteriores à sustentação daquele programa. Esses objetivos estiveram enquadrados por discussão teórica sobre os conceitos de legado e de grande estratégia e por largo histórico do papel desempenhado pela Marinha na vida nacional. Por fim, com base em avaliação do sistema internacional de segurança contemporâneo, procurou-se cotejar a política externa de Paranhos Jr. com a implementada no presente – visando determinar em que medida a primeira estaria datada e até que ponto a última mereceria ajustes à luz do legado do Barão. Conclui-se pela rejeição de visões idealizadas desse legado, ao passo que se afirma a atualidade da concepção de Rio-Branco sobre a centralidade do poder militar para a inserção internacional soberana do País.
This thesis addresses Baron of Rio-Branco’s grand strategy during his term as Brazil’s Minister of External Relations and the role played in this context by the naval reorganization programme (1904-1910). The ensuing case study aimed to determine domestic and international constraints that affected the latter, as well as the worldview of the patron of Brazilian diplomacy regarding military power’s instrumentality to foreign policy – taking into account Rio-Branco’s unwavering support of the programme. These goals were framed by a theoretical discussion of the concepts of legacy, grand strategy, and by a broad historical portrait of the role played by the Navy since independence. Finally, based on an assessment of the contemporary international security system, Paranhos Jr.’s foreign policy was compared to the one now implemented to determine to what extent the former was dated and to what extent the latter should be adjusted in light of Rio-Branco’s legacy. The thesis’s conclusion rejects idealized versions of that legacy while it affirms the continued relevance of Rio-Branco’s belief in the centrality of military power for Brazil’s sovereign integration into the international system.

During the early Cold War, as the Soviet menace placed Canada in between two hostile superpowers, the Canadian government decided to take steps to ensure that its sovereignty and national interests were not threatened by the Americans in the new strategic environment. This study examines the extent to which the Canadian government actually defended its sovereignty and rights against American intrusions in the early Cold War. At its core is an examination of the government’s policy of gradual acquisition in the Arctic between 1945 and 1951. This thesis explores the relationships that existed at the time, the essence of the negotiations, the state of international law and the potential costs and benefits of certain Canadian courses of action. It also explains how Canada’s quiet diplomacy allowed it to avoid alienating its chief ally, contribute to continental defence, and strengthen its sovereignty during this period.

Five field workers and their coordinator of the National Professional Diploma in Education (NPDE), an in–service upgrading course for under-qualified teachers in KwaZulu–Natal, South Africa, were interviewed to find what meaning and practices informed them in carrying out their work with teachers. This study was conducted within the interpretive paradigm and was qualitative in nature. Hence, data was collected using semi–structured interviews. No attempt has been undertaken to generalize the findings as the participants were few. This study is warranted and the findings have relevance for future research. The key findings of the study are as follows. a) Guidelines for supervision – NPDE field workers and the NPDE coordinator revealed that the time frame for one day workshops was too short and this did not allow field workers the opportunity to address critical issues pertaining to the supervision process. b) Responsibility towards the NPDE students revealed that the NPDE field workers were not directly involved in choosing the number of NPDE students they had to assess and supervise. c) Professional development with regard to classroom observation – a lack of professional development revealed that fieldworkers had to rely on their own knowledge and reading to prepare themselves to supervise and assess the NPDE students. d) The role of the NPDE field workers in assessing and supervising the NPDE students – the inappropriate title was key element that emerged from the finding. e) Supervision out of class – revealed that this was done once the classroom assessment. f) Collaborative partnerships between students and field workers – partnerships formed seemed to be the key element that emerged from the finding. The partnerships formed was based on love, trust and understanding. g) Experiences of the NPDE field workers – The data revealed that field workers experiences during their supervision and assessment of the NPDE students were very enlightening.
Thesis (M.Ed.) - University of KwaZulu-Natal, Edgewood, 2011.

Dissertation submitted in compliance with the requirements for the Master's Diploma in Technology: Food and Nutrition, Technikon Natal, 1992.
To date, the hospitality industry, and in particular the food service industry, has a notoriously high turnover of staff, as well as a general shortage of qualified personnel. This factor, as well as the announcement in 1989 by the South African Government to privatise certain of its catering services over a period of three years caused the authorities to express concern over the lack of trained food staff for the future. Believing that technikons have the infrastructure to qualify culinarians, but that distorted images, prejudices and misconceptions surround technikon education as well as a cUlinary career, this study was undertaken to identify the factors that influence school leavers' choices of study institutions and attitudes towards studying for a food career at Technikon Natal. A theoretical substructure lays the foundation for the study. The literature review in chapter two outlines the historical development of technikons, as well as culinary careers in South Africa, placing special emphasis on the status and image of technikons and food careers. The methodology in chapter three explains the structuring and administration of the questionnaire used to capture data from six randomly selected high schools in the greater Durban area. The processed data results are discussed in chapter four. Table are presented at the conclusion of each group of major issues. These issues include pupils' anticipated study plans, choices of careers and study institutions, and the influence that individuals and other sources may have had on the formation of their attitudes and resultant choices of careers and study institutions. The pupils' attitudes towards studying for a career in the food service industry is thereafter reported on in detail. The results indicated that parents have the greatest influence on career and institution choice although it was found that they provide relatively little information on educational institutions. On the other hand, school teacher-counsellors are found to provide the most information on educational institutions but have far less influence regarding the choice of the educational institution than parents do. Technikon Natal and careers in food are generally positively perceived, but ignorance concerning the academic nature of the Technikon as well as the food diplomas is still evident and needs to be addressed. The study revealed information that could be used to combat ignorance and misconceptions thereby increasing the quantity of applications and subsequent quality of students for both Technikon Natal and the food service industry.
M

This study was undertaken to explore the extent of cultural sensitivity among the nursing students of Kwa Zulu - Natal Province. A qualitative. ethnographic, explorative design was utilized. A quantitative approach was also used. Subjects were second, third and fourth year students registered for the four year Comprehensive Diploma in Nursing leading to registration as a Nurse (General, Psychiatry, Community Health) and Midwife. To ensure measures of trustworthiness, Guba's model in (Krefting 1991) was implemented. Narrative statements in the form of scenarios and questionnaires were employed to explore, to examine and to describe the extent to which the nursing students are sensitive towards cultures of groups that are different from theirs. The data was analyzed based on the developmental stages of cultural sensitivity by (Bennett 1986). Tesch's method was used to analyze the qualitative data and the Statistical Analysis System (SAS) was used to analyze the quantitative data. Based on the findings. the following conclusions were drawn:- Some students were unable to acknowledge variations that exist among cultures. Problems emanating from cultural differences still exist between nurses and patients due to the ethnocentric views held by some nurses. The study revealed that the students were at varying stages of levels of development of cul tural sensitivity, which means that they ranged from lack of cultural sensitivity to cultural sensitivity. Nursing students, therefore. need more preparation by their program in order to provide culturally congruent nursing care to all.
Thesis (M.Cur.)- University of Natal, Durban, 2000.

A large number of students are struggling with Information System and other computer related subjects. This has a negative impact on students’ academic performance at large. In fact, a number of students from various institutions of higher learning are facing serious Information System challenges. Information System student on NATED curriculum at Majuba TVET College are facing serious challenges on their studies. This has been indicated by their performance on Information System. This article intends to draw an attention of education stakeholders, College management and lecturers to this matter. A number of reasons leading to students poor performance in this field has been mentioned. Various studies have been conducted but yet the lack of Information System skills still persists. The main question that guided this study was: What are the stakeholders’ perceptions of the challenges encountered Information System students? In order to explore and to get some findings for this case qualitative study, semi-structured interviews with relevant stakeholders were conducted. Sample of lecturers, student’s focus groups and college management members was conducted. Data collected from various participants were transcribed verbatim. A combination of literature and data collected produced some findings on the matter. In an attempt to answer the main question, recommendations were made.
Educational Leadership and Management
M. Ed. (Education Management)

This dissertation is a contextual reading of 1 Samuel 25:14-35 that highlights the Abigail approach to peacemaking. The synchronic analysis of this text done in the light of the context of North Kivu conflict resolution focuses on the literary analysis of the text. The interaction between the two contexts of peacemaking, in the Abigail narrative and the North Kivu context, allows me to recommend "participative negotiations" as a suitable diplomatic means to solve North Kivu conflicts for a lasting peace. In fact, participative negotiations inspired by the Abigail strategy contrast with the diplomacy of avoidance and competitive negotiations, by which North Kivu cannot reach lasting peace. However, the strategists of peacemaking, involving North Kivu rank-and-file in the peacemaking process, must first build mutual confidence between the parties in conflict during discussions, then analyse their respective interests, and bring them to suggest suitable strategies using objective criteria which can lead the parties to true consensus.
Old Testament & Ancient Near Eastern Studies
M. Th. (Old Testament)