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Academic literature on the topic 'Naval Diplomacy'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Naval Diplomacy"

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Widen, J. J. "Naval Diplomacy—A Theoretical Approach." Diplomacy & Statecraft 22, no. 4 (December 2011): 715–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2011.625830.

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Maulana, Anugerah Akbar. "Gunboat Diplomacy in Natuna Waters from 2010-2020: Indonesia’s Deterrence in South China Sea Conflict." Insignia: Journal of International Relations 9, no. 1 (April 11, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.4550.

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Abstract SCS conflict comprises a substantial threat to Indonesia as China’s nine-dash line overlaps with Indonesia’s Exclusive Economic Zone EEZ in Natuna waters. The spillover of the conflict was exposed through China’s incursions in Natuna waters from 2010 to 2020 as China regard it has the right to carry out activities in several areas of Natuna waters that are considered as part of maritime territorial violations for Indonesia. Indonesia deploys the capabilities of its naval forces’ in Natuna waters in response to China’s incursions in which this phenomenon could be regarded as gunboat diplomacy. This study aimed to reveal the efficacy of Indonesia's gunboat diplomacy to deter China's incursions in Natuna Waters. Through the qualitative method, official documents and relevant literature will be analyzed to answer the study's objective. Employing gunboat diplomacy and deterrence as the conceptual framework, this study discerns that Indonesian naval forces become the forefront instrument as gunboat diplomacy in deterring China's assertiveness in SCS dispute, which led to the incursions over Indonesia maritime territory in Natuna. This study discovered that Indonesia's gunboat diplomacy leveraged as the purposeful forces and expressive force in which the warship managed as the media of diplomacy that altered China's vessels' behaviour over the incursions in Natuna waters and enabled Indonesia naval force fruitful to crackdown China's incursions in particular point of the occasion. However, gunboat diplomacy as Indonesia's deterrence means has not thoroughly delivered a deterrent effect to China since Chinese vessels' activities still recurred in Natuna waters at the latest 2020. Abstrak Konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS) memuat ancaman bagi Indonesia karena sembilan garis putus-putus Tiongkok tumpang tindih dengan Zona Ekonomi Ekslusif Indonesia (ZEE) di perairan Natuna. Limpahan konflik tersebut terpapar pada serbuan Tiongkok di perairan Natuna sejak tahun 2010 hingga 2020 dimana Tiongkok menganggap memiliki hak untuk beraktivitas di beberapa area di perairan Natuna, sedangkan hal tersebut dianggap sebagai pelanggaran wilayah maritim bagi Indonesia. Indonesia mengerahkan kemampuan angkatan lautnya di perairan Natuna sebagai tanggapan atas serbuan Tiongkok di mana fenomena ini dapat dianggap sebagai diplomasi kapal perang. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap seberapa ampuh diplomasi kapal perang Indonesia untuk menangkal serbuan Tiongkok di perairan Natuna. Melalui metode kualitatif, dokumen resmi dan literatur yang relevan akan di analisa untuk menjawab tujuan penelitian. Menggunakan diplomasi kapal perang dan deterensi sebagai kerangka konseptual, penelitian ini melihat bahwa kekuatan angkatan laut menjadi instrumen terdepan sebagai diplomasi kapal perang untuk menangkal perilaku asertif Tiongkok di konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS) yang menyebabkan Tiongkok menyerbu wilayah perairan Indonesia di Natuna. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa diplomasi kapal perang Indonesia digunakan sebagai kekuatan yang bertujuan dan kekuatan ekspresif di mana kapal perang dikelola sebagai media diplomasi untuk mengubah perilaku kapal-kapal Tiongkok pada penyerbuan di perairan Natuna yang memungkinkan kekuatan angkatan laut Indonesia dapat menindak serbuan Tiongkok di perairan Natuna pada titik waktu tertentu. Namun, diplomasi kapal perang sebagai sarana deterensi Indonesia belum dapat memberikan efek jera kepada Tiongkok secara menyeluruh karena aktivitas kapal Tiongkok di perairan Natuna masih terjadi paling terbaru pada tahun 2020.
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Ljodal, Tron, and Oscar Palma Morales. "Visita de Rusia al Mar Caribe: geopolítica, diplomacia y poder naval." Estudios en Seguridad y Defensa 4, no. 7 (July 1, 2009): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25062/1900-8325.118.

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El poder militar siempre ha cumplido un papel fundamental en el seno de la diplomacia, como una forma de enviar mensajes políticos sin que ello necesariamente implique una amenaza directa o explícita. El poder naval es particularmente idóneo en este sentido, tanto por su alcance y flexibilidad estratégica como por su dimensión simbólica, ya que el envío de destacamentos navales muchas veces llega a ser visto como símbolo de potencia y prestigio nacional. Una de múltiples expresiones de este fenómeno se conoce como la “diplomacia de cañoneros (inglés “gunboat diplomacy”), es decir el uso o la amenaza de una fuerza naval limitada con un propósito concreto e inmediato.
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Nakagawa, H. "The Soviet Naval Diplomacy and Marxism-Lenism." Annals of the Japanese Association for Soviet and East European Studies 1987, no. 16 (1987): 128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5823/jarees1972.1987.128.

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Sharman, J. C. "Power and Profit at Sea: The Rise of the West in the Making of the International System." International Security 43, no. 4 (April 2019): 163–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00346.

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The making of the international system from c. 1500 reflected distinctively maritime dynamics, especially “gunboat diplomacy,” or the use of naval force for commercial gain. Comparisons between civilizations and across time show, first, that gunboat diplomacy was peculiarly European and, second, that it evolved through stages. For the majority of the modern era, violence was central to the commercial strategies of European state, private, and hybrid actors alike in the wider world. In contrast, large and small non-Western polities almost never sought to advance mercantile aims through naval coercion. European exceptionalism reflected a structural trade deficit, regional systemic dynamics favoring armed trade, and mercantilist beliefs. Changes in international norms later restricted the practice of gunboat diplomacy to states, as private navies became illegitimate. More generally, a maritime perspective suggests the need for a reappraisal of fundamental conceptual divisions and shows how the capital- and technology-intensive nature of naval war allowed relatively small European powers to be global players. It also explains how European expansion and the creation of the first global international system was built on dominance at sea centuries before Europeans’ general military superiority on land.
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Alsina Jr., João Paulo. "Rio Branco, grand strategy and naval power." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 57, no. 2 (December 2014): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201400302.

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This article addresses Baron of Rio Branco's grand strategy and the role played by the naval reorganization program (1904-1910) in this context. The ensuing case study determined the domestic and international constraints that affected the program, as well as the worldview of the patron of Brazilian diplomacy regarding military power's instrumentality to foreign policy.
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Moise, Ioan Gabriel, and Edith-Hilde Kaiter. "Romanian naval dimplomacy, continuous evolution in the swirl of external diplomacy." Technium Sustainability 2, no. 1 (January 3, 2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/sustainability.v2i1.5454.

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From ancient times the dominion of the seas has been a condition for gaining power and influence, and the position of a state near a sea has been an advantage for both its development and the neighboring region. Due to its geographical position, the Black Sea is a region of great importance for all actors claiming leading positions in the world hierarchy and the intensification of economic relations between the states of the region after the end of the Soviet monopoly and its connection to the world market generated auspices for a new cycle development and regional prosperity. The relocation of the EU border to the Black Sea, along with the integration of Romania and Bulgaria, brings in many economic benefits, given its dependence on oil imports, but its expansion, like that of NATO, does not only mean benefits. The EU and NATO must also take on vulnerabilities in the area, such as underperforming economies, arms, drug and human trafficking, illegal immigration or frozen conflicts, and thus try to help stabilize the region. In recent years, the military has not only played a destabilizing role, but has made a decisive contribution to ensuring the security of the Black Sea region. In this sense, the military naval forces of the riparian countries, including Romania, had a special role. Through the wide range of missions in which the Romanian Naval Forces participate in the Danubian-Pontic space, both internally and externally, in cooperation with the states bordering the Black Sea and with the NATO member states, Romania contributes to the promotion of regional security and stability. The naval diplomacy actions carried out in the last thirty years thus reveal not only the role and purpose of the Romanian Naval Forces within NATO in the actions of maintaining and consolidating good relations with the states bordering the Black Sea, as well as maintaining security with allies in the distant maritime districts. They also point out that naval diplomacy has contributed to the expression of foreign policy in different areas and with means that have increased its effect, impact and efficiency.
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Paramasatya, Satwika, and Wing Witjahyo Poespojoedho. "Naval Diplomacy: Upaya Defensif Indonesia dalam Konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan di Era Joko Widodo." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 12, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v12i2.14027.

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The conflict involving many countries in the South China Sea has notended nor subsided. Regional tension and claims between countries areincreasing and Indonesia participates in this round of conflict. As theworld’s largest archipelagic country and an ASEAN member country thatupholds peace, security and regional stability, Indonesia then has to playan active role in the conflict. In order to do so, Indonesia is using navaldiplomacy as a way to achieve effective conflict resolution within theregion. Regarding the phenomenon, this study used the concept of seapower and naval diplomacy to explain measures that have been taken bythe Indonesian government under Joko Widodo’s presidency in resolvingthe conflicts involving its territories in the South China Sea. The author’sanalysis showed that Indonesia’s policies of using naval diplomacy in theSouth China Sea conflict have a positive and effective outcome in achievingconflict resolution and peace condition that has been confined by longtermobstacles and challenges.
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Wilson, Brian. "Naval Diplomacy and Maritime Security in the Western Indian Ocean." Strategic Analysis 33, no. 4 (June 17, 2009): 488–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160902907043.

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Maiolo, J. A. "Anglo-Soviet Naval Armaments Diplomacy Before the Second World War." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 501 (April 1, 2008): 351–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen010.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Naval Diplomacy"

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Manganyi, Calvin. "South African naval diplomacy since 1994." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86420.

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Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the beginning of naval power, navies have been used by their states as instruments of foreign policy. In South Africa, the political transition since 1994 originated the evolution of the country’s foreign policy. Accordingly, foreign policy has implications for the South African Navy (SAN). Traditionally, navies have three main roles, namely: military, policing and diplomatic, roles. This study only focuses on the diplomatic role of the navy, termed naval diplomacy. In this regard, the SAN is the custodian of South African naval diplomacy. The purpose of this study is to investigate and theoretically appraise the nature and scope of South African naval diplomacy since 1994. The study has two objectives: firstly, it seeks to outline the most salient features of South Africa’s foreign policy, post-1994, as the framework for naval diplomacy; and secondly, it seeks to analyse and describe how the SAN has utilised naval diplomacy, namely: maritime coercion, naval cooperation, international maritime assistance, and international conflict resolution and management, in pursuit of South Africa’s foreign policy objectives. The research methodology is a qualitative descriptive analysis, using a literature study, factual data sources, and interviews, as techniques. Both primary and secondary sources are consulted. This study makes an original contribution to the gap in the literature on South African naval diplomacy. In this regard, with the procurement of the recent ships and submarines, South African naval diplomatic capabilities have improved significantly. It is for this reason that the SAN is currently instrumental in maritime coercion in the region, particularly deterrence against piracy and other maritime insecurity issues. The SAN is also immensely involved in naval cooperation. In terms of international maritime assistance, the SAN does not only assist other countries in search and rescue missions, but also empower them. It also plays a vital and evolving role in international conflict resolution and management. The, however, SAN faces several hindrances including ageing equipment and ships (such as strike craft and hydrographic survey vessel); lack of patrol vessels and sea lift capability; loss of skilled personnel; and other challenges.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die ontstaan van vlootmagte het state vlote as buitelandse beleidsinstrumente aangewend. Die politieke oorgang in Suid-Afrika in 1994 het tot ʼn evolusie in die land se buitelandse beleid aanleiding gegee, wat ook gevolge vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Vloot (SAV) ingehou het. Tradisioneel het vlote drie hooffunksies, naamlik ʼn militêre, ʼn polisiëring en ʼn diplomatieke funksie. Hierdie studie fokus slegs op die diplomatieke funksie van die vloot, waarna verwys word as vlootdiplomasie, en die SAV se rol as die ‘bewaarder’ van Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om ondersoek in te stel na die aard en omvang van Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie sedert 1994 en dit aan die hand van relevante teoretiese beginsels te beoordeel. Hieruit voortspruitend is twee doelwitte: eerstens om die wesenskenmerke van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid na 1994 as raamwerk vir vlootdiplomasie te gebruik; en tweedens om die wyse waarop vlootdiplomasie ter ondersteuning van Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleidsdoelwitte aangewend is, te beskryf en te ontleed met spesifieke verwysing na maritieme dwang, samewerking tussen vlootmagte, internasionale maritieme hulpverlening, en internasionale konflikresolusie. Die navorsingsmetodologie is 'n kwalitatiewe beskrywende ontleding, gegrond op 'n literatuurstudie, feitlike bronne, en onderhoude. Beide primêre en sekondêre bronne is in die proses geraadpleeg. Hierdie studie is 'n oorspronklike bydrae om die leemte in die literatuur oor die Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie aan te spreek. Na die onlangse aanskaffing van nuwe skepe en duikbote, het die SAV se diplomatieke vermoëns aansienlik verbeter. Die gevolg is dat die SAV tans ʼn wesenlike bydrae met betrekking tot maritieme dwang in die streek speel, veral wat teen-seerowery en ander maritieme veiligheidsbedreigings betref. Die SAV is ook baie betrokke in maritieme samewerking. Wat internasionale maritieme hulp betref, het die SAV ander lande met soek en reddingsoperasies bygestaan en ook bemagtig. Die SAV lewer ook ‘n groeiende bydrae tot internasionale konflikresolusie en bestuur. Maar die SAV staar ook verskeie uitdagings in die gesig wat die volgende insluit: verouderde toerusting en skepe (soos aanvalsvaartuie en die hidrografiese opmetingskip); 'n gebrek aan patrollievaartuie en 'n see-verplasingsvermoë; verlies van opgeleide personeel, en verskeie ander uitdagings.
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Parkhouse, Owen J. W. "Naval diplomacy and the United Nations, naval peacekeeping in a new world order." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ24889.pdf.

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Rowlands, Kevin. "Naval diplomacy in the post-Cold War global order." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2015. http://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/naval-diplomacy-in-the-postcold-war-global-order(e08adae6-1450-4193-a981-eea8e07fea40).html.

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Despite the acknowledgement of the importance of the threat or use of force in the pursuit of policy since the dawn of strategic thought, the utility of seapower beyond warfighting is poorly understood and articulated. The classical theorists who have investigated seapower in peacetime have invariably done so through the lens of hard power effects such as coercion and deterrence; commentaries on engagement, interoperability and the use of maritime forces to forge friendships are largely conspicuous by their absence. The central question of this research is how naval diplomacy, a subset of general diplomacy and a means of communication by maritime actors in pursuit of their national interest, can be better understood for use in the 21st century. This thesis defines diplomacy from the sea and investigates its use before, during and after the Cold War. Existing theoretical frameworks are deduced from the works of leading naval theorists, critically analysed and found wanting. The most widely known model, described in Sir James Cable’s seminal book Gunboat Diplomacy, provides a good benchmark, but even the most recent edition ends its period of analysis in 1991; huge geopolitical changes have since taken place. A qualitative and quantitative review of over 500 incidents from 1991 to 2010 is undertaken and the thesis draws on this empirical evidence to determine that the common understanding of naval diplomacy does not fit with contemporary reality. An alternative foundational model, drawing on basic communication and stakeholder theories, is offered and subsequently tested. The implications of the research can be addressed in three broad and overlapping categories: its contribution to theoretical debate, including its potential to ‘update’ Cable; its meaning for policy makers in their consideration of national and international security; and, finally, its utility for practitioners, including state, semi-state and non-state actors.
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Esposito, Karina Faria Garcia. "Naval Diplomacy and the Making of an Unwritten Alliance| United States-Brazilian Naval Relations, 1893-1930." Thesis, West Virginia University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10270031.

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This dissertation explores U.S.-Brazilian relations through the prism of naval diplomacy between 1893 and 1930. Broadly, this dissertation explains the growth of U.S. naval involvement in Brazil, emphasizing the motives of Brazilian and American policymakers, and the role of naval officers in strengthening bilateral relations. This study begins by examining the Brazilian Navy Revolt of 1893-94, contextualizing it within the formative years of the Brazilian Republic, while discussing U.S. naval intervention in the conflict. It then explores U.S.-Brazilian naval relations in the early twentieth century, explaining the growing association between the two countries’ navies after the turn of the century. That collaboration culminated in cooperation during World War I, and with the establishment of an American Navy Commission to teach at the Brazilian Naval War College. Finally, this dissertation explores the dynamics of the U.S. Navy Mission in Brazil during the first formative years after its establishment in 1922. Introducing naval diplomacy to the historiography of U.S.-South American relations illuminates the origins of American influence in Brazil, including the crucial role of Brazilians in pursuing closer ties, as well as the development of a U.S. policy focused on reducing European influence, promoting regional security, and increasing U.S. commercial power in the region.

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Leatherwood, Andrew B. "90,000 tons of diplomacy: how the U.S. Navy supports naval aviation." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/42672.

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With the demise of Soviet Union, the U.S. Navy found itself without an adversary that could challenge its conventional war-fighting capability. It sought relevance and had to decide where to accept budgetary reductions. Abandoning high-dollar weapon systems and accompanying tactics became a tough issue. Throughout the cutbacks, naval aviation remained at the heart of the Navy’s force. Naval aviation received support even though much of its capability outpaced all potential adversaries. Critics cite the cost of the aircraft carrier fleet relative to the missions the Navy now performs, and the steady improvement in anti-access weapons as reasons to invest in other technologies or decrease carrier numbers. Many now question whether the nation uses and operates the carrier force effectively. Nevertheless, naval aviation continues to provide the United States with a strong and creditable (although conventional and expensive) ability to accomplish America’s worldwide commitment and conduct contingency operations.
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Stebbins, James P. "Broaching the ship: rethinking submarines as a signaling tool in naval diplomacy." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45261.

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With the U.S. aircraft carrier fleet facing reduced availability, this thesis explores the possibility of using the submarine force in an expanded role in naval diplomacy. This research suggests that submarines have the capability to communicate a signal to an opponent state by temporarily revealing themselves tactically. This signal of hidden capacity can be tailored into a tacit bargaining strategy that can significantly influence rival navies. By examining the development of naval diplomacy over the last two hundred years, this thesis critically reexamines U.S.-aircraft-carrier-based diplomatic practices relative to the emerging use of rival submarine forces in asymmetrical signaling strategies. In examining Russian, British, and Chinese attempts to signal adversaries using submarines, this thesis provides context for the capacity submarines have in today’s naval diplomatic setting to force large changes in opponents’ strategic frameworks at low cost to the initiators. Because of these findings, this thesis recommends increased evaluation of such activities from a diplomatic and strategic perspective and increased awareness that such signals may be aimed at our military.
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Sulick, Timothy S. "Integrating Defense, Diplomacy, and Development (3 D) in the Naval Special Warfare operator." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5002.

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This thesis initiates a conversation focused on enhancing Naval Special Warfare's (NSW) current operational capacity. U.S. Special Operations Command's (USSOCOM) 2010 strategy challenges all special operators to be defter at working within the diplomatic, defense, and development (3-D) construct. The "3-D" operator is USSOCOM's contribution to the whole-of-government approach in the violent struggle against state and non-state actors for legitimacy and influence over the relevant population (irregular warfare/IW). To be effective at the IW mission NSW must select, train, and reward personnel and units to develop and sustain 3-D capabilities. This thesis offers an analysis of the NSW organization and a proposal for developing the NSW 3-D teams and organization for non-traditional roles, such as those on embassy country teams. The research uses organizational contingency theory and case studies as a framework to draw conclusions about cultural differences and training shortfalls and provide recommendations for how NSW can select the right 3-D operators. It argues that the current SEAL team interdeployment training cycle (IDTC) prepares SEALs to excel in the kinetic, time-sensitive environment (traditional SEAL mission sets) but is inadequate for preparing SEALs for the diplomatic and developmental roles (nontraditional, but essential) with interagency partners in U.S. embassies. This thesis advocates that the NSW anchor detachment operators, rather than the traditional SEAL team operators, are the right personnel postured for roles working within the interagency because their training sets them up for success in the 3-D environment.
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Ditzler, Brent Alan. "Naval diplomacy beneath the waves: a study of the coercive use of submarines." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/27152.

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This thesis addresses one dimension of 'naval diplomacy', namely submarine naval diplomacy. It examines the suitability and/or desirability of employing submarine forces for naval-diplomatic purposes. It reviews the historical record of 'underwater gunboat diplomacy', the particular aims that its practitioners have sought to achieve, and it examines the opportunities and constraints for the assignment of submarines for future naval diplomacy purposes. Keywords: Naval diplomacy; Gunboat diplomacy; Submarines; SSN; SSBN; Spanish civil war; Cuban missile crisis; Arab-Israeli wars; Political signalling; Visibility; Falklands crisis. (eg)
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Dunaway, William Michael. "Gunboat diplomacy in a new world order: strategic considerations for U.S. naval intervention in the twenty-first century." Thesis, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/43777.

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With the dissolution of the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact, the threat of global war has all but been eliminated. At the same time, the Third World is experiencing a rising tide of instability, brought about by economic and social inequities, religious fundamentalism, and resurgent ethnic and political rivalries, and fueled by increasing military capabilities caused by the proliferation of advanced-technology weapons. As a result of these changes, U.S. security strategy is turning from its Cold War focus on global containment to the protection of U.S. interests against regional instabilities. The most dramatic confirmation of this change in direction was the announcement by the President on 2 August 1990 of a new National Security Strategy which would focus on maintaining stability and responding to regional crises, rather than on preparing for a global conflict against the Soviet Union. The past decade offers numerous examples of U.S. intervention in regional instabilities and crises that achieved varying degrees of success. Many of these interventions provide important lessons for the future in terms of how and when to use naval forces, and what the risks are to the national interest if a given mission fails to achieve its military or political objectives. This study is an examination of U.S. naval strategy and its evolving focus on crisis intervention, and how recent uses of U.S. naval force illustrate the need for a reevaluation of naval intervention and its implementation in a new world order. To this end, three specific uses of U.S. naval power in the last decade are instructive: the U.S. intervention in Lebanon from March 1982-March 1984; U.S. naval operations off Libya from August 1981-April 1986 (including the 1986 air strike on Tripoli); and the Persian Gulf tanker escort operation of 1987-1988).
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Pouget, Benoît. "« Un choc de circulations » : la marine française face au choléra en Méditerranée (1831-1856) : médecine navale, géostratégie et impérialisme sanitaire." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0417.

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Le choléra est une épreuve qui interroge l’instrument naval français et ses actions au-delà des seules problématiques de l’hygiène navale ou de la contribution des navigations à la diffusion de l’épidémie. Il est à la fois une épreuve de terrain, locale, collective comme individuelle, et un enjeu de relations internationales. Il requiert un engagement constant et en profondeur de la part du service de santé des armées en général, de la Marine en particulier. Il contribue à la fragilisation d’un espace méditerranéen en pleine recomposition alors que la France de l’après 1815 cherche à y saisir des opportunités pour peser à nouveau dans le concert des nations à travers une plus grande implication dans les crises qui secouent sa façade méridionale. Cette politique offensive, faite de diplomatie conventionnelle et d’interventions militaires, de défense des intérêts commerciaux et de relance d’une politique expansionniste sinon impérialiste, repose en partie sur la sollicitation de forces navales en cours de relèvement. En proposant une étude sur la confrontation entre la puissance navale française en Méditerranée et la circulation du choléra entre 1831 et 1856, il s’agit de comprendre, essentiellement à travers un regard naval, comment, au-delà du péril majeur que ces épidémies successives constituent pour la santé publique en France et en Méditerranée, elles en viennent à représenter une formidable opportunité offerte à la France de s’affirmer comme une puissance sanitaire de premier plan, alors que se préparent deux premières conférences sanitaires internationales de Paris (1851 et 1859)
Cholera: “a crucial and revealing challenge, helpful to measure the bravery and intellectual value of the Navy’s physicians”. According to Jacques Leonard’s word, cholera defied the French Navy as a whole. It questioned the French naval instrument and actions beyond the mere issues of sea hygiene or the spreading of the epidemic through sailing. It was both a field issue, as well at a local level as at the individual and collective ones, and a meaningful issue in international relations. It required a constant and deep commitment from the military health service in general, and from the Navy health service in particular. It contributed to weakening the Mediterranean area in a period of reconstruction as post-1815 France intended to seize opportunities to become again a prominent member in the community of Nations through a stronger commitment in the crises that were then striking its southern part. This pro-active policy, combining military intervention and conventional diplomacy, the preservation of trading interests and the renewal of an expansionist and even imperialist policy, partly relied on the appeal to restructuring naval forces. By studying the confrontation between French naval power in the Mediterranean and the spreading of cholera from 1831 to 1856, the purpose, here, will be to understand, mainly through a naval perspective, how those successive epidemics evolved from the status of threats to public health to that of becoming an unexpected opportunity to stand a sanitary power, as two international conferences on health were to take place in Paris (1851 and 1859)
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Books on the topic "Naval Diplomacy"

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Law, force, and diplomacy at sea. London: Allen & Unwin, 1985.

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Edmonds, Martin. Beyond the horizon: Defence, diplomacy and South Africa's naval opportunities. [South Africa]: South African Institute of International Affairs and the Centre for Defence and International Security Studies, 1998.

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James, Cable. Gunboat diplomacy 1919-1991: Political applications of limited naval force. 3rd ed. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Macmillan in association with the International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1994.

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1920-, Cable James, ed. Gunboat diplomacy, 1919-1991: Political applications of limited naval force. 3rd ed. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994.

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The Texas Navy: In forgotten battles and shirtsleeve diplomacy. Austin, Tex: State House Press, 1987.

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Lacy, James L. The baroque debate: Public diplomacy and naval arms control, 1986-1989. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1990.

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Anselm J. van der Peet. Belangen en prestige: Nederlandse gunboat diplomacy omstreeks 1900. Amsterdam: Bataafsche Leeuw, 1999.

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Gunboat diplomacy and the bomb: Nuclear proliferation and the U.S. Navy. New York: Praeger, 1989.

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Ditzler, Brent Alan. Naval diplomacy beneath the waves: A study of the coercive use of submarines. Monterey, Calif: Naval Postgraduate School, 1989.

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Hai jun wai jiao lun. Beijing Shi: Jun shi ke xue chu ban she, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "Naval Diplomacy"

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Speller, Ian. "Naval diplomacy." In Understanding Naval Warfare, 75–90. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; N.Y., NY : Routledge, [2019]: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315227818-5.

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Rao, P. V. "Naval multilateralism." In India's Naval Diplomacy, 40–59. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003289272-3.

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Mohan, C. Raja. "India’s naval diplomacy." In India’s Naval Strategy and Asian Security, 106–24. New York, NY : Routledge, 2016. | Series: Cass series–naval policy and history: Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315668512-6.

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Rowlands, Kevin. "Defining naval diplomacy." In Naval Diplomacy in the 21st Century, 8–16. First edition. | London ; New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. | Series: Corbett centre for maritime policy studies series: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429460951-2.

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Rao, P. V. "Navy's African diplomacy." In India's Naval Diplomacy, 156–78. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003289272-9.

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Rao, P. V. "India's Malacca diplomacy." In India's Naval Diplomacy, 79–96. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003289272-5.

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Rao, P. V. "Naval diplomacy in neighbourhood." In India's Naval Diplomacy, 60–78. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003289272-4.

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Rao, P. V. "Conclusion." In India's Naval Diplomacy, 179–94. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003289272-10.

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Rao, P. V. "Indian naval drive into Indo-Pacific." In India's Naval Diplomacy, 97–115. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003289272-6.

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Rao, P. V. "Introduction." In India's Naval Diplomacy, 1–20. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003289272-1.

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Conference papers on the topic "Naval Diplomacy"

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"“Milan” Naval Exercise: India‟s Naval Diplomacy towards to Indo-Pacific Region." In Oct. 5-6, 2017 Paris - France. EIRAI, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/eirai.dirh1017010.

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Reports on the topic "Naval Diplomacy"

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Cassel, Joseph D., and Jr. Naval Preventive Diplomacy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada394670.

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Scarlett, Matthew. Coercive Naval Diplomacy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada503100.

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Gato, David T. United States Naval Diplomacy in the Third World. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada202074.

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