Journal articles: 'Naturalised citizens'

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Przygoda, Zuzanna, and Miroslaw Przygoda. "Naturalised United States Citizens and Presidency – Why Naturalised Citizens Should Be Allowed to Run for President." Journal of International Business Research and Marketing 6, no. 2 (2021): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/jibrm.1849-8558.2015.62.3003.

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The United States of America is currently undeniably the world’s greatest economic and military superpower. This position allows US political leaders to fundamentally and decisively influence affairs the world over, as well as on the national level – because of the United States’ presidential system, the person chosen for the position is responsible, by their leadership abilities, personality and determination, for the fates of millions of their compatriots. However, the Constitution allows the office of the President to be held by a given person for a maximum of two 4-year terms – and only by a so-called natural-born citizen. This bars a large portion of citizens access from this highest of offices, most notably first generation naturalised immigrants. The American people are intimately attached to the principles of democracy, which is considered one of the defining pillars of the American nation. For this reason, the viability of that particular constitutional record has been debated for many years, as it fundamentally limits the rights of some Americans.

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Fortier, Anne-Marie. "Afterword: Interrogating naturalisation, naturalised uncertainty and anxious states." Ethnicities 21, no. 2 (March 18, 2021): 395–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14687968211001626.

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This afterword addresses four broad questions raised by this special issue: uncertainty as a mode of governance, the ontological politics of naturalisation, the citizen-noncitizen distinction, and performative (anxious) states. First, taking uncertainty as a mode of neoliberal governance as the starting point of analysis, this afterword invites the scrutiny of the ways in which the artifice and uncertainty of citizenship are concealed or rendered irrelevant in naturalisation processes. Second, the contributions to this special issue consider naturalisation as a social and political process, rather than solely as a legal status. Pushing this conception further, this afterword considers naturalisation as transactional in two ways: on the one hand, migrants navigate a number of formal and informal requirements and ‘tests’, where some transactions are needed along the way, be they financial, practical, or symbolic. On the other hand, transactions will also occur in the translation of political ideology into policy. Third, naturalisation regimes both blur and reify the citizen-noncitizen and the citizen-migrant distinctions. Distinctions which this afterword unpacks by unravelling the assumed separation between citizenship and migration. How are citizens and migrants migratised? How are migrants and citizens citizenised? Fourth, a further element of the analysis concerns how state-citizen relations are enacted and by extension, how the state itself is ‘made up’ and ‘anxious’. The affective politics of ‘anxious states’ are telling of the frames of desire of naturalisation, which are founded on a threefold principle: the desirability of citizenship, the desire for desirable citizens, and the desirability of the state itself.

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Wüst, Andreas M. "Naturalised citizens as voters: behaviour and impact." German Politics 13, no. 2 (June 2004): 341–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0964400042000229972.

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Lanoix, Monique. "Re-conceptualising the political subject: the importance of age for care theory." International Journal of Care and Caring 4, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/239788219x15677826133237.

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Many gerontologists argue that citizenship should be re-conceptualised in order to include entitlements to care for persons with dementia. I agree with their claim; however, I put forward that what is needed is a re-conceptualisation of the citizen. Specifically, I argue that care theory must explicitly divest itself from an understanding of the citizen as an adult. My proposal is for a naturalised concept of the citizen, which means that it would be based on the reality of actual human beings. Citizens age, their abilities are diverse and these vary throughout their lifetimes.

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Fischer, Thomas C. "European ‘Citizenship’: In its Own Right and in Comparison with the United States." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 5 (2003): 357–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802784153.

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The fourteenth amendment to the US Constitution, adopted in 1868, provides in relevant part: ‘All persons born or naturalised in the United States … are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.’ A similar passage in the Treaty of European Union (TEU or Maastricht), Article 8 (now Article 17(1)), declared: ‘Citizenship of the Union is hereby established. Every person holding the nationality of a Member State shall be a citizen of the Union.’

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Fischer, Thomas C. "European ‘Citizenship’: In its Own Right and in Comparison with the United States." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 5 (2003): 357–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000004390.

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The fourteenth amendment to the US Constitution, adopted in 1868, provides in relevant part: ‘All persons born or naturalised in the United States … are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.’ A similar passage in the Treaty of European Union (TEU or Maastricht), Article 8 (now Article 17(1)), declared: ‘Citizenship of the Union is hereby established. Every person holding the nationality of a Member State shall be a citizen of the Union.’

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Andreouli, Eleni. "Identity and acculturation: The case of naturalised citizens in Britain." Culture & Psychology 19, no. 2 (June 2013): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354067x13478984.

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Hoyo, Henio. "Nationals, but not full citizens: Naturalisation policies in Mexico." Migration Letters 13, no. 1 (January 15, 2016): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v13i1.266.

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Despite being citizens, naturalised Mexicans are subjected to large restrictions in their political, civic, and even labour rights. Why such discriminatory regime is applied to such a reduced group of citizens, in a country that officially prides itself as open, tolerant, and having an intrinsically ‘mixed’ national origin? My hypothesis is that the roots of such differentiated treatment are the ideological legacy of the ‘Revolutionary Nationalism’ doctrine, which was promoted by the Mexican state during most of the 20th century, and is still expressed in laws and policies.

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de Vries, K. M. (Karin). "Rewriting Abdulaziz: The ECtHR Grand Chamber’s Ruling in Biao v. Denmark." European Journal of Migration and Law 18, no. 4 (November 14, 2016): 467–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12342110.

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In the case of Biao v. Denmark the ECtHR Grand Chamber found that Danish rules on family reunification amounted to indirect ethnic discrimination of Danish nationals of foreign origin. This judgment entails an important turn in the Court’s case law compared to the classic case of Abdulaziz, Cabales & Balkandali v. the United Kingdom. Its scope is, however, limited to discrimination against naturalised citizens and does not extend to ethnic discrimination against non-nationals. This article argues that the judgment offers welcome protection to foreign born citizens but that it fails to address the use of stereotypes underlying the discrimination complained of.

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Jati, Wasisto Raharjo. "Being Away from Home in Australia: The Indonesian Diaspora in Canberra." Jurnal Humaniora 33, no. 2 (July 31, 2021): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.66455.

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The study of diasporas has been given relatively little attention by Indonesian scholars. A likely reason is the high cost of funding diaspora research in the host countries, motivating scholars to instead focus on other, less resource-intensive topics. Although the significance of this research on the Indonesian diaspora may not be immediately evident, its importance lies in how Indonesians maintain their nationalism when living overseas. Two problems particularly felt by them are homesickness and anxiety. Using an ethnographic approach, this research therefore sought to highlight how the Indonesian diaspora based in Canberra, Australia, make social bonds with each other. These bonds serve to make Canberra a second home for Indonesians, especially students and their families, permanent residents, and even naturalised citizens who have Indonesian backgrounds. A main finding was that there are various senses of Indonesianess between groups in the Canberra-based diaspora. While students are much more likely to maintain a feeling of nationalism due to scholarship policies, other groups in the diaspora, such as permanent residents and naturalised citizens, appear to hold onto their Indonesianess less tightly. Although they still engage with Indonesia, they view the country more critically, including on sensitive issues that are labelled as taboo in Indonesia. Despite the existence of these two different conceptions of Indonesianess, Canberra is their home away from home in Australia. These results consequently aid in our understanding of the significance of family ties to shaping most Asian diaspora communities living abroad.

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Askola, Heli. "(No) Migrating for Family Care in Later Life: Senchishak v Finland, Older Parents and Family Reunification." European Journal of Migration and Law 18, no. 3 (September 20, 2016): 351–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12342106.

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This article discusses the implications of family reunification policies for naturalised citizens and their older parents (usually mothers) in light of the illuminating case Senchishak v Finland from the European Court of Human Rights. As migration by parents wishing to join their adult children is usually motivated at least in part by considerations of care in old age, policies in many European states, including Finland, put strict limits on family reunification on the assumption that such migrants constitute a future economic burden to ageing societies and their already stretched public services. This article argues, firstly, that current policies rely on generalisations that disregard the nature of parental ties and dependency in families as well as the complex caregiving triad involving families, markets and the state and, secondly, that these policies contain largely hidden yet significant costs for citizens of immigrant background, especially women, giving rise to questions over their equality as citizens.

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Garha, Nachatter Singh. "From irregular immigrants to naturalised citizens: Indian immigration and immigration policies in Spain, 1985–2018." South Asian Diaspora 13, no. 2 (June 5, 2021): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19438192.2021.1935181.

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Føllesdal, Andreas. "Third Country Nationals as European Citizens: The Case Defended." Sociological Review 48, no. 1_suppl (May 2000): 104–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2000.tb03508.x.

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The Amsterdam Treaty bolsters Union citizenship in order to bring the European Union closer to the citizens of Europe.1 Inadvertently, this strategy gives citizens of non-EU states an inferior status in the European Union, even though they may be semi-permanent residents in a Member State. Union citizenship increases the social and political exclusion of third country nationals, in violation of the basic democratic principle that those affected by social institutions should also enjoy political levers of influence. This chapter first briefly sketches a Liberal Contractualist defence for awarding this group full citizenship in the relevant Member State, arguing in particular for three somewhat contested issues: that third country nationals should not only enjoy Union citizenship, but also be given national citizenship in the Member State of residence; that Member States may impose conditions, oaths etc. on such prospective citizens; and that Member States may withhold some privileges from those resident third country nationals who refuse to be naturalised. The chapter goes on to present and discuss, only to dismiss, the most plausible arguments offered in defence of current practice within the context of a Europe of open borders for Member State citizens. These arguments seek to deny citizenship to third country nationals in order to: protect national and locally endorsed values ensuring social homogeneity of the community; exclude people with non-liberal values; ensure commitment to a shared future which warrants democratic rights in the first place; avoid instability caused by citizens with conflicting multiple loyalties; ensure and foster the ideal of active political participation, impossible for dual citizens; and avoid backlash problems among current EU citizens which threaten the stability of welfare policies of member States and the EU.

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Kitcher, Philip. "Naturalising Kant." Kantian journal 41, no. 1 (2022): 118–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/0207-6918-2022-1-5.

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The third formulation of the Categorical Imperative rarely receives the attention devoted to its predecessors. This paper aims to develop a naturalistic approach to morality inspired by Kant’s conception of moral agents as legislating in a Kingdom of Ends. Positions derived from the third formulation, John Rawls’s Kantian Constructivism and T. M. Scanlon’s Contractualism, cleave closely to Kant in idealising the process of legislation. For Rawls, the citizens of the Kantian Reich can be reduced to one, a representative of all, who deliberates behind the veil of ignorance using minimax reasoning. Scanlon includes other lawmakers, but any potential diversity among them is overridden by transhistorical canons of reason. By contrast, I view morality as developing historically through the interactions among people with different views and conflicting aims. The task of moral theory is to construct an appropriate methodology to govern their deliberations. My naturalised Kant takes the first steps. Morality arises from the recognition of problematic situations, identified first by listening to the complaints of actual people, by judging whether they are warranted, and by seeking to amend them when the warrant is confirmed. Societies (and individuals) make moral progress when they deliberate (or simulate deliberations) in accordance with three norms. All those potentially affected should be included; the best available information should be used; and participants should aim for an outcome all can accept. How far is naturalised Kant from the great philosopher? I leave the answer to the scholars.

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Merlan, Aurelia. "Rumänisch im deutschen Migrationskontext." Romanistisches Jahrbuch 72, no. 1 (November 17, 2021): 63–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/roja-2021-0003.

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Abstract The migration of Romanian nationals to Germany has a rather long history, but it has gained intensity in the last fifty years. There are almost 780.000 Romanians now living in Germany making them the second-largest group of foreign EU citizens residing in this country. If we also include naturalised citizens as well as the “old” and “new” ethnic German immigrants (the German Romanians), the total number of immigrants originating from Romania exceeds one million individuals. Despite this, migratory linguistic studies are almost non-existent. This article examines the sociolinguistic situation of Romanian as an extraterritorial language in Germany and the discourse behaviour of Romanian migrants to which it correlates. Special attention is paid to the second generation. The focus is on the following aspects: the acquisition of the language of origin and the territorial language, the migrants’ language competence in Romanian compared to their language competence in German, the use of these languages by domains and the translinguistic markers in discourse. The empirical study — which is preceded by a brief description of Romanian migration to Germany — is based on data obtained using qualitative and quantitative methods.

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Schwarz, Tobias. "Naturalisation policies beyond a Western focus." Migration Letters 13, no. 1 (January 13, 2016): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v13i1.260.

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Naturalisations do not happen automatically – unlike the acquisition of nationality at birth – but must be brought about deliberately. The varying ways naturalisations are organized in any society therefore offer an opportunity to gain clues as to which criteria are assumed to be relevant for the respective definition of national belonging. This introduction argues that most research on naturalisation still focusses on Western states, and that theories of naturalisation are largely derived from Western cases. It describes the ethnocentric bias of much of the universalizing comparative research on naturalisations, and outlines the main reasons for the lack of research beyond the West. It then presents the articles on naturalisation policies in the Global South brought together in this special issue. The contributions analyse ethnically exclusive nationality laws in Liberia and Israel; selective two-tier regimes of immigrant incorporation in Hong Kong and Singapore; investor citizenship schemes which are much more common in the Global South than in the North, exemplified by the case of Mauritius; and Mexico, whose norms assign naturalised Mexicans the status of “second-class citizens”.

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Mei, Ding. "From Xinjiang to Australia." Inner Asia 17, no. 2 (December 9, 2015): 243–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340044.

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Russians have lived in Xinjiang since the nineteenth century and those who accepted Chinese citizenship were recognised as one of China’s ethnic minorities known asguihua zu(naturalised and assimilated people). In theminzuidentification programme (1950s–1980s), the nameeluosi zureplacedguihua zuand became Russians’ official identification in China. Russians (including both Soviet and Chinese citizens) used to constitute a significant population in Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang and several other regions in China before the 1960s. According to the 2000 census,eluosi zuhad a population of only 15,609 and more than half of these lived in Xinjiang. Based on anthropological fieldwork in China and Australia, this article investigates the formation of theeluosi zuand the changing concept of ‘the Russian’ in Xinjiang, with the emphasis on the socialist period after 1949. The emigration to Australia from the 1960s to 1980s initially strengthened the European identity of this Russian minority. With the abolition of the ‘white Australia’ policy in 1973 and China’s growing importance to Australia, this Russian minority group’s identification with Xinjiang and China has been revived. Studying Russians from Xinjiang also provides an insight into the Uyghur diaspora in Australia, since their emigration history and shared regional identity are intertwined.

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Kerwin, Donald, and Robert Warren. "Putting Americans First: A Statistical Case for Encouraging Rather than Impeding and Devaluing US Citizenship." Journal on Migration and Human Security 7, no. 4 (December 2019): 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502419894286.

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Executive Summary This article examines the ability of immigrants to integrate and to become full Americans. Naturalization has long been recognized as a fundamental step in that process and one that contributes to the nation’s strength, cohesion, and well-being. To illustrate the continued salience of citizenship, the article compares selected characteristics of native-born citizens, naturalized citizens, legal noncitizens (most of them lawful permanent residents [LPRs]), and undocumented residents. It finds that the integration, success, and contributions of immigrants increase as they advance toward naturalization, and that naturalized citizens match or exceed the native-born by metrics such as a college education, self-employment, average personal income, and homeownership. It finds that: Naturalized citizens enjoy the same or higher levels of education, employment, work in skilled occupations, personal income, and percentage above the poverty level compared to the native-born population. At least 5.2 million current US citizens — 4.5 million children and 730,000 adults — who are living with at least one undocumented parent 1 obtained US citizenship by birth; eliminating birthright citizenship would create a permanent underclass of US-born denizens in the future. Requiring medical insurance would negatively affect immigrants seeking admission and undocumented residents who ultimately qualify for a visa. About 51 percent of US undocumented residents older than age 18 lack health insurance. In 2017, about 1.2 million undocumented residents lived with 1.1 million eligible-to-naturalize relatives. If all the members of the latter group naturalized, they could petition for or expedite the adjustment or immigration (as LPRs) of their undocumented family members, including 890,000 “immediate relatives.” Their naturalization could put 11 percent of the US undocumented population on a path to permanent residency. The article also explores a contradiction: that the administration’s “America first” ideology obscures a set of policies that impede the naturalization process, devalue US citizenship, and prioritize denaturalization. The article documents many of the ways that the Trump administration has sought to revoke legal status, block access to permanent residence and naturalization, and deny the rights, entitlements, and benefits of citizenship to certain groups, particularly US citizen children with undocumented parents. It also offers estimates and profiles of the persons affected by these measures, and it rebuts myths that have buttressed the administration’s policies. For example, the Trump administration and restrictionist legislators have criticized the US immigration system’s emphasis on family reunification for its supposed failure to produce skilled workers. Yet the article finds that: The current immigration system, which prioritizes the admission of the nuclear family members of US citizens and LPRs, yields a legal foreign-born population that has occupational skills equal to those of the native-born population. The legal foreign-born population living in 24 US states and Washington, DC, and those from 94 source countries 2 have higher percentages of skilled workers than the overall population of native-born workers.

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DEENE, MARLOES. "Naturalized Citizens and Social Mobility in Classical Athens: The Case of Apollodorus." Greece and Rome 58, no. 2 (September 26, 2011): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383511000039.

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Around 340 BC, Theomnestus, son of Deinias, from the deme Athmonon, prosecuted the alleged hetaira Neaira for living in marriage with Stephanus, from the deme Eroeadae, breaching the law that prohibited xenoi from feigning lawful marriage with Athenian citizens ([Dem.] 59). Under this law (59.16), foreigners who married an Athenian citizen were liable to enslavement and confiscation of property – the penalty for conviction for illegal exercise of citizen rights. Although Theomnestus is the formal prosecutor, most of the case is presented by his kinsman and supporting speaker Apollodorus, elder son of the well-known wealthy Athenian banker and former slave Pasion. It might seem incongruous that he, the son of a newly made citizen with foreign and servile origins, invoking the most sacred of Athenian laws, appeals to the Athenians to guard the purity of their citizen body. However, while Apollodorus undeniably had a hidden agenda in bringing a prosecution against Neaira, it is not surprising that false claim to and debasement of citizen status should be a source of resentment for new citizens such as he, who were anxious to protect their hard-earned privilege.

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Helgertz, Jonas, and Pieter Bevelander. "The Influence of Partner Choice and Country of Origin Characteristics on the Naturalization of Immigrants in Sweden: A Longitudinal Analysis." International Migration Review 51, no. 3 (September 2017): 667–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12244.

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Using data for the period 1968–2001, this article assesses the influence of partner choice and origin country characteristics on the propensity of immigrants to naturalize in Sweden. Marriage to a foreign-born Swedish citizen increases the naturalization propensity, and its effect increases strongly when the spouse naturalizes during the same year. The analysis suggests that a lower level of civic and political freedom or relative GDP per capita in the individual's country of origin is associated with an elevated probability of naturalization. During the period of study, originating from a country which allows for dual citizenship did not systematically elevate the probability to naturalize; this probability was accentuated, however, if the individual originated from a context characterized by a low degree of civic and political freedom.

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RUSSELL-CIARDI, MAGGIE. "The Museum as a Democracy-Building Institution: Reflections on the Shared Journeys Program at the Lower East Side Tenement Museum." Public Historian 30, no. 1 (February 1, 2008): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2008.30.1.39.

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Abstract The Lower East Side Tenement Museum has embraced the challenge of serving as a democracy-building institution by providing a venue for dialogue about immigration-related issues. It has also, through its Shared Journeys program, involved new immigrants in these dialogues, and so engaged people who are not yet naturalized citizens in the practice of citizenship. In this process, the museum is redefining what it means to be a citizen, and by extension, creating a more inclusive and thus more dynamic democracy.

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Réveillère, Vincent. "Family rights for naturalized EU citizens: Lounes." Common Market Law Review 55, Issue 6 (December 1, 2018): 1855–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2018147.

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Mazouz, Sarah. "The Value of Nation." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 139–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370108.

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Drawing on ethnographical observations made in the Naturalization Office of a prefecture of the Paris region, and on interviews carried out with bureaucrats and French citizens who have been naturalized, this article examines both the institutional process of granting citizenship as well as its impact on subjectivities. It investigates the assumptions and broad judgments that underlie the granting of French citizenship to see how norms and values linked to this procedure circulate between bureaucrats and applicants. It focuses on the idea of “deservingness,” linked to the act of being granted French citizenship, to determine how bureaucrats from the Naturalization Office and French naturalized citizens differently appropriate this notion. By addressing the articulated difference between bureaucratic practice and lived experience, this article aims to highlight the political, moral, and ethical dimensions at stake in the procedure of making foreigners into French citizens.

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Van Hook, Jennifer. "SSI Eligibility and Participation among Elderly Naturalized Citizens and Noncitizens." Social Science Research 29, no. 1 (March 2000): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/ssre.1999.0652.

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Robinson, Tracy. "THE PROPERTIES OF CITIZENS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 10, no. 2 (2013): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x13000209.

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AbstractThis paper considers how a taxonomy of conjugality—marriage,common-law marriage, andvisiting relationships—emerged as a specialized vocabulary to apprehend and govern the postcolonial Caribbean. Although the metaphor of intersections does not fully capture the ways these categories relate to each other to produce social meaning, I employ an intersectional framework to offer a close reading of the routes through which these and other social differences and equivalences are produced as dimensions of citizenship in specific historical contexts, such as the period of decolonization and Caribbean nation-formation. In so doing, I illustrate how the categorization of intimate relationships codified a hierarchy based on intersections of race, class, gender, and sexual orientation, and established rough moral boundaries for a heterosexual Caribbean nation. The lives of working class Black women animate the categorization. I show how by centering these women in intimate relationship codes their sexuality is contained and patriarchy naturalized. In this paper, I suggest that we should mark the role intersectionality plays in constituting categories of intimate association, explore how these categories shape sentiments about belonging, and articulate the social costs of their instantiations.

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Guadamuz, Jenny S., Ramon A. Durazo-Arvizu, Martha L. Daviglus, Krista M. Perreira, Gregory S. Calip, Edith A. Nutescu, Linda C. Gallo, Sheila F. Castaneda, Franklyn Gonzalez, and Dima M. Qato. "Immigration Status and Disparities in the Treatment of Cardiovascular Disease Risk Factors in the Hispanic Community Health Study/Study of Latinos (Visit 2, 2014–2017)." American Journal of Public Health 110, no. 9 (September 2020): 1397–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2020.305745.

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Objectives. To estimate treatment rates of high cholesterol, hypertension, and diabetes among Hispanic/Latino immigrants by immigration status (i.e., naturalized citizens, documented immigrants, or undocumented immigrants). Methods. We performed a cross-sectional analyses of the Hispanic Community Health Study/Study of Latinos (visit 2, 2014–2017). We restricted our analysis to Hispanic/Latino immigrants with high cholesterol (n = 3974), hypertension (n = 3353), or diabetes (n = 2406); treatment was defined as use of statins, antihypertensives, and antidiabetics, respectively. Results. When compared with naturalized citizens, undocumented and documented immigrants were less likely to receive treatment for high cholesterol (38.4% vs 14.1%; prevalence ratio [PR] = 0.37 [95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.27, 0.51] and 25.7%; PR = 0.67 [95% CI = 0.58, 0.76]), hypertension (77.7% vs 57.7%; PR = 0.74 [95% CI = 0.62, 0.89] and 68.1%; PR = 0.88 [95% CI = 0.82, 0.94]), and diabetes (60.3% vs. 50.4%; PR = 0.84 [95% CI = 0.68, 1.02] and 55.8%; PR = 0.93 [95% CI = 0.83, 1.03]); the latter did not reach statistical significance. Undocumented and documented immigrants had less access to health care, including insurance coverage or a usual health care provider, than naturalized citizens. Therefore, adjusting for health care access largely explained treatment disparities across immigration status. Conclusions. Preventing cardiovascular disease among Hispanic/Latino immigrants should focus on undertreatment of high cholesterol, hypertension, and diabetes by increasing health care access, especially among undocumented immigrants.

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Politi, Emanuele, Marion Chipeaux, Fabio Lorenzi‐Cioldi, and Christian Staerklé. "More Royalist Than the King? Immigration Policy Attitudes Among Naturalized Citizens." Political Psychology 41, no. 3 (January 22, 2020): 607–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pops.12642.

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Street, Alex. "My Child Will Be a Citizen: Intergenerational Motives for Naturalization." World Politics 66, no. 2 (March 28, 2014): 264–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887114000033.

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A reform of German citizenship law in 2000 was expected to greatly increase the number of foreign residents becoming German citizens. In fact, the naturalization rate fell and has remained low ever since. This outcome cannot be explained either by existing research on citizenship laws or by scholarship on individual incentives to naturalize. Instead, this article argues that the family context shapes decision making about citizenship, with distinctive behavioral implications. Parents have an incentive to naturalize and thereby extend their new citizenship status to their children. The introduction of a right to citizenship for many children born in Germany to immigrant parents removed this incentive for the parents to naturalize. The author tests the predictions of this argument against both qualitative and quantitative evidence. The article concludes with a discussion of other domains in which it may be possible to gain analytic leverage by studying political decisions in the family context.

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Amuedo-Dorantes, Catalina, and Susan Pozo. "The Aftermath of Tougher Immigration Enforcement: E-Verify and Perceptions of Discrimination Among Hispanic Citizens." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 9 (April 12, 2019): 1299–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219835270.

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Using the 2002-2012 National Latino Surveys, we assess whether enforcement of immigration law through employment verification (E-Verify) mandates has affected perceptions of discrimination among Hispanic citizens—a group that is clearly authorized to work. E-Verify could adversely affect Hispanic citizens if employers avoid hiring Hispanics for fear they could be found ineligible through this program. We find, instead, that naturalized Mexicans perceive less employment discrimination after E-Verify is mandated. Perhaps, the program provides employers with an unobtrusive mechanism to ascertain work eligibility of prospective employees, avoiding more arbitrary screening. Nonetheless, naturalized Mexicans in E-Verify states are more likely to perceive that discrimination is getting in the way of Latinos’ success than their counterparts in other states. While this sentiment precedes the implementation of E-Verify and cannot be attributed to the mandates, its recognition is important because of its spillover effects on self-esteem, life dissatisfaction, and social cohesiveness.

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Dym, Jordana. "Citizen of Which Republic? Foreigners and the Construction of National Citizenship in Central America, 1823-1845." Americas 64, no. 4 (April 2008): 477–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2008.0067.

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The law of the South American states with reference to nationality of origin remains to be noticed.Sir Alexander Cockburn, Nationality: or, The law relating to subjects and aliens, considered with a view to future legislation (London, W. Ridgway, 1869), 17.In December 1841, voters in Sonsonate (El Salvador) elected Frenchman and long-time resident, Luis Bertrand Save, as their alcalde, or municipal judge, for 1842. The governor insisted that Save accept the office. However, Save convinced El Salvador's president that he should not serve since he was not a citizen of the country, citing French and Salvadoran laws to back up his argument. French law mattered because Save could lose his qualité de français, or “Frenchness,” by holding office in a foreign government, and Salvadoran laws limited office-holding to its own citizens. In 1843, Save was again elected alcalde and again protested because “the law requires for these positions that it is indispensable that the elected be a citizen of the country. While I am a vecino (for I live in Sonsonate), I am not a ciudadano (citizen), and as a foreigner, have neither a letter of naturalization, nor am I naturalized de facto.” That is, Save acknowledged the importance of local citizenship and accepted the status of a Sonsonate vecino, or community member, but pointed out that he lacked national membership because his domicile did not make a “foreigner” a citizen, and he lacked the institutional change of status, naturalization, to overcome that foreignness.

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DeSipio, Louis. "Immigrant Incorporation in an Era of Weak Civic Institutions." American Behavioral Scientist 55, no. 9 (August 19, 2011): 1189–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211407842.

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In this article, the author analyzes five domains of immigrant incorporation and participation in the United States—civic and community engagement among immigrants; naturalization patterns; immigrant (and co-ethnic) partisanship and electoral behaviors; the election of naturalized citizens, and their U.S.-born co-ethnics, as elective officeholders; and immigrant transnational efforts to influence the civic or political life of their communities or countries of origin—in an effort to highlight both the opportunities immigrants and naturalized citizens have seized in U.S. politics and the barriers, particularly, institutional barriers, they continue to face. Although the primary analytical focus is immigrants in the United States, the author is attentive to the challenge raised by Irene Bloemraad (2011 [this issue]) in her introductory article to identify opportunities for comparative insights from the Canadian case. As will be evident, the author ultimately identifies more apples and oranges in the comparison of the U.S. and Canadian cases than peas sharing an analytical pod.

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Hetland, Per. "Citizen science." Nordic Journal of Science and Technology Studies 8, no. 2 (November 19, 2020): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5324/njsts.v8i2.3547.

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How do civic educators and citizen communities co-construct access, interaction, and participation and bridge contributory and democratized citizen science? This study builds on interviews and observations with amateur naturalists, professional biologists, and public authorities about their participation in the Species Observations System (SO)—Norway’s largest citizen science (CS) project. Over more than twenty years, CS has been understood as either contributory (contributing with data) or democratized (emancipating the pursuit of science). Following these models, CS studies has developed a number of classifications of CS projects. The present article aims to bridge contributory CS and democratized CS by using the access, interaction, and participation (AIP) model outlined by Carpentier, without extending the number of classifications. Access and interaction signify contributory CS. Well-functioning technology is a precondition for joining the ranks of records, contributors, validators, and institutional actors. Interaction is the second founding stone of participation, and organizations are crucial to facilitating interaction. Participation signifies democratized CS. The choice of technology involves important dimensions of power, as technology structures actions. However, the ability to build and sustain the technological infrastructure also illustrates that participation is organizational power, enacted both from the bottom-up and top-down.

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Bowden, Joseph J., Kyle M. Knysh, Gergin A. Blagoev, Robb Bennett, Mark A. Arsenault, Caleb F. Harding, Robert W. Harding, and Rosemary Curley. "The spiders of Prince Edward Island: experts and citizen scientists collaborate for faunistics." Canadian Field-Naturalist 132, no. 4 (July 11, 2019): 330–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22621/cfn.v132i4.2017.

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Although lists of spider species have been compiled for all of Canada’s provinces and territories, the spider fauna of Prince Edward Island (PEI) is poorly known. Based on the efforts of citizen scientists, naturalists, and scientists on PEI and researchers at the Centre for Biodiversity Genomics, we present the first comprehensive list of spider species on the island, increasing the known number from 44 to 198. The Centre for Biodiversity Genomics conducted intensive collection in Prince Edward Island National Park; Nature PEI citizen scientists and naturalists contributed specimens from across the island from several different habitats. This provincial list is dominated by the araneoid families, Linyphiidae, Theridiidae, and Araneidae, with 55, 27, and 22 species, respectively. Several non-native species, such as the theridiid Eurasian False Black Widow Spider (Steatoda bipunctata (L.)) and the araneid Red-sided Sector Spider (Zygiella atrica (C.L. Koch)), have been collected in several locations on the island, suggesting that they are well established. This work highlights the effectiveness of collaboration among citizen scientists, naturalists, and professional researchers to further our knowledge of species diversity and distributions.

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Smirnova, I. G., and E. I. Foigel. "The Issue of Necessity of Determining the Category of Advenal Participants of the Russian Criminal Proceedings: Criminal Procedural Law and Criminalistic Aspects." Lex Russica, no. 7 (July 31, 2019): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2019.152.7.066-073.

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A multinational character of our state (currently more than 204 nationalities live on the territory of the Russian Federation), a considerable representation of migrants and naturalized foreign citizens among the Russian population, a large number of foreign citizens who are in Russia illegally adversely affect criminality in the country and entail difficulties for the investigation of relevant criminal cases. At the moment, we can argue that a new element has emerged in the structure of the Russian population, namely: naturalized citizens of Russia and foreign citizens who differ in their ethnicity from the titular ethnic group and the peoples of the Russian Federation having national territorial formations on the basis of their national language, culture, traditions, mentality and values. The authors of the article believe that such persons form an independent group of advenals. Difficulties with the implementation of such principles as respect for the honor and dignity of such individuals, language of court proceedings, the right to freedom of religion considered in the paper result in drawing a conclusion about the necessity of development of methods of investigation of advenal crimes. They include a set of scientific premises and practical recommendations developed on the basis of such premises used to organize and implement identification, investigation, disclosure and prevention of crimes committed by advenal persons against advenal persons or crimes perceived by advenal persons whose personal characteristics, as reflected in their activities, determine the course of conduct of investigators collecting, examining and evaluating evidence in a case.

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Wang, Yang, D. Phuong Do, and Fernando A. Wilson. "Immigrants’ Use of eHealth Services in the United States, National Health Interview Survey, 2011-2015." Public Health Reports 133, no. 6 (September 17, 2018): 677–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0033354918795888.

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Objectives: Little is known about the use of electronic health (eHealth) services supported by information technology in the United States among immigrants, a group that faces barriers in accessing care and, consequently, disparities in health outcomes. We examined differences in the use of eHealth services in the United States by immigration status in a nationally representative sample. Methods: We used data from the 2011-2015 National Health Interview Survey to assess use of eHealth services among US natives, naturalized citizens, and noncitizens. Our outcome variable of interest was respondent-reported use of eHealth services, defined as making medical appointments online, refilling prescriptions online, or communicating with health care professionals through email, during the past 12 months. We analyzed use of eHealth services, demographic characteristics, socioeconomic status, and health status among all 3 groups. We used multivariate logistic regression models to examine the association between immigration status and the likelihood of using eHealth services, adjusting for individual demographic, socioeconomic, and health characteristics. Results: Among 126 893 US natives, 18 763 (16.1%) reported using any eHealth services in the past 12 months, compared with 1738 of 15 102 (13.0%) naturalized citizens and 1020 of 14 340 (7.8%) noncitizens. Adjusting for socioeconomic factors reduced initial gaps: naturalized citizens (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] = 0.81; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.75-0.87) and noncitizens (aOR = 0.81; 95% CI, 0.72-0.90) had approximately 20% lower odds of using eHealth services than did US natives. However, the differences varied by type of eHealth service. Immigrants with higher English-language proficiency were more likely to use eHealth services than were immigrants with lower English-language proficiency. Conclusions: Targeted interventions that reduce socioeconomic barriers in accessing technology and promote multilingual electronic portals could help mitigate disparities in use of eHealth services.

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Pantoja, Adrian D., Ricardo Ramirez, and Gary M. Segura. "Citizens by Choice, Voters by Necessity: Patterns in Political Mobilization by Naturalized Latinos." Political Research Quarterly 54, no. 4 (December 2001): 729. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/449232.

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Sohn, Heeju, and Adrian Matias Bacong. "Selection, experience, and disadvantage: Examining sources of health inequalities among naturalized US citizens." SSM - Population Health 15 (September 2021): 100895. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssmph.2021.100895.

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Pantoja, Adrian D., Ricardo Ramirez, and Gary M. Segura. "Citizens by Choice, Voters by Necessity: Patterns in Political Mobilization by Naturalized Latinos." Political Research Quarterly 54, no. 4 (December 2001): 729–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290105400403.

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Ng, Hoi-Yu. "Migration status and attitude towards authoritarian rule: the case of Singapore’s naturalized citizens." Philippine Political Science Journal 39, no. 2 (May 4, 2018): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2018.1523837.

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Deen-Racsmany, Z. "A New Passport to Impunity?: Non-Extradition of Naturalized Citizens versus Criminal Justice." Journal of International Criminal Justice 2, no. 3 (September 1, 2004): 761–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/2.3.761.

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Bloemraad, Irene. "From Immigrant to Naturalized Citizen: Political Incorporation in the United States." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 37, no. 2 (March 2008): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610803700225.

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Zaharijević, Adriana. "How to Know a Citizen When You See One? The Sex of a Citizen." Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture 10, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2013): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.51151/identities.v10i1-2.282.

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The paper explores how the 19th century scientific discourses naturalized sex. Those highest ranking forms of public knowledge are situated within a broader context of knowledge production on what it is to be human and how the gradation of humanity has been made possible. The paper concentrates on the sexed ‘humans’ in order to show how sex worked as the political and epistemic tool which foreclosed the domains of citizenship for women. I argue that epistemic incomprehensibility is fundamentally related to the politically liminal or impossible lives. Thus, by using examples from the Victorian sciences, the paper shows how the scientific naturalization of sex actively limited the space of citizenship for women. Author(s): Adriana Zaharijević Title (English): How to Know a Citizen When You See One? The Sex of a Citizen Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 10, No. 1-2 (Summer-Winter 2013) Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities – Skopje Page Range: 71-82 Page Count: 11 Citation (English): Adriana Zaharijević, “How to Know a Citizen When You See One? The Sex of a Citizen,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 10, No. 1-2 (Summer-Winter 2013): 71-82.

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Molina, Ludwin E., and Nur Soylu Yalçınkaya. "Immigrant to citizen: Identity concerns regarding immigrants’ motivation to naturalize." Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 26, no. 3 (July 2020): 327–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000312.

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Merenlender, Adina M., Alycia W. Crall, Sabrina Drill, Michelle Prysby, and Heidi Ballard. "Evaluating environmental education, citizen science, and stewardship through naturalist programs." Conservation Biology 30, no. 6 (July 18, 2016): 1255–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cobi.12737.

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Villarraga-Orjuela, Alexander, and Brinck Kerr. "Educational Effects of Banning Access to In-State Resident Tuition for Unauthorized Immigrant Students." Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis 39, no. 4 (April 28, 2017): 620–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0162373717704303.

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This research examines the effects of state laws banning access to in-state resident tuition for unauthorized immigrant students in the United States. These laws were implemented between 2005 and 2012. We evaluate the policy effects on (a) college enrollment, (b) school dropout rates of unauthorized immigrants, and (c) the enrollment of U.S. citizens in higher education. Multivariate triple-differences models are used. We find significant negative effects on the college attendance rates of unauthorized immigrants. Policies have primarily affected recent high school graduates. With regard to dropping out of school, we find no evidence of dynamic effects. Nor do we find evidence of benefits in college attendance for non-Hispanic, Hispanic, or Mexican naturalized citizens.

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Squire, Corinne. "Being naturalised, being left behind: the HIV citizen in the era of treatment possibility." Critical Public Health 20, no. 4 (December 2010): 401–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09581596.2010.517828.

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Thomas, Roger D. K. "Documentation by citizen scientists/naturalists of the ‘Cambrian explosion’ in Pennsylvania." Geology Today 37, no. 2 (March 2021): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gto.12343.

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Pantoja, Adrian D., Ricardo Ramirez, and Gary M. Segura. "Commentary on “Citizens by Choice, Voters by Necessity: Patterns in Political Mobilization by Naturalized Latinos”." Political Research Quarterly 61, no. 1 (March 2008): 50–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912907311891.

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Chudinovskikh, O. S. "Measuring Family Migration in Russia: Sources of Data and Problems of Its Interpretation." Voprosy statistiki 27, no. 4 (August 25, 2020): 24–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.34023/2313-6383-2020-27-4-24-52.

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The article presents the results of a study aimed at generalizing the sources of data, available in Russia, that characterizes a signiﬁcant but little-studied phenomenon of family migration. The paper considers data from the Main Directorate for Migration Issues of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia on issued temporary residence permits (TRP) and acquisition of citizenship, Rosstat materials on the number of marriages with foreigners, as well as statistics on migration ﬂows, which indicate family reasons. Considerable attention is given to the analysis of the Main Directorate for Migration Issues data on issued TRP and citizenship acquisition, on family reuniﬁcation grounds. Based on the analyzed information, it is concluded that family migration is the major part of the ﬂow of foreigners receiving TRP, and its share amounts to at least 35% of the total. Taking into account that a signiﬁcant part of the TRPs is issued to the accompanying family members of the participants of the State Programme to Assist Voluntary Resettlement of Compatriots Living Abroad, the share of family migration can be increased to almost 50% of the TRP recipients. The percentage of migrants who acquired citizenship based on family ties with Russian citizens also amounts to about 36% of the annual ﬂow and taking into account family members of participants of the State Program it makes almost 60% of all foreigners naturalized in 2014-2018.Analyzing the Russian statistics on citizenship acquisition available since 2010, the author notes that after the changes in the citizenship law in early 2010s, citizens of states that do not have international agreements with Russia actively use marriages with Russian citizens to simplify citizenship acquisition, and the number of such cases is growing rapidly. The basic growth rates of this category of naturalized migrants in 2018 compared to the level of 2010 reached 300 times among the citizens of Tajikistan, 110 times among the citizens of Moldova and almost 60 times among the citizens of Azerbaĳan. The author suggests that there is an expansion of the practice of marriages of convenience to overcome the complexities of Russian immigration law. This hypothesis needs to be tested. It is also necessary to study the phenomenon of “transnational marriages”. The disparity in the number of foreigners, men and women who married Russian citizens, revealed by Rosstat data, also requires further study. On average, there are 15 foreign grooms per 10 foreign brides, for Tajikistan citizens this ratio amounts to 32, for Azerbaĳan citizens 26, for citizens of Uzbekistan 17 and Moldova 14. The article ends with an analysis of Rosstat’s annual reports on the reasons for move and shows a limited potential of this information. The author makes recommendations for the development of administrative statistics and sample surveys to study family migration and use new types of data in research.

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McFadden, Susan Willis. "German citizenship law and the Turkish diaspora." German Law Journal 20, no. 1 (February 2019): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.7.

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AbstractPeople of Turkish ethnicity constitute Germany’s largest immigrant group but only a small percentage have naturalized as German citizens This article explores the historical foundation of Turkish migration to Germany and the legislative attempts made by both Germany and Turkey to accommodate these people with one foot in each country. It argues that only by abandoning its long-held prejudice against dual citizenship can Germany increase the naturalization rate of all foreigners in its country, not just those from Turkey.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Naturalised citizens'

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