Academic literature on the topic 'NATO coalition operation'
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Journal articles on the topic "NATO coalition operation"
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Matyszkiel, Robert, Bogusław Grochowina, Adam Dobkowski, Marcin Wiśniewski, and Paweł Domaros. "Using of New Narrowband Waveforms to Ensure Proper Operation of Command and Communication Systems." Zeszyty Naukowe Akademii Marynarki Wojennej 215, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sjpna-2018-0026.
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Abstract Accomplishment of basic services implementation with specific quality is one of the main challenges of the command and communication systems for modern maritime safety and defense. The specificity of the marine environment imposes the use of narrowband HF (High Frequency) and VHF (Very High Frequency) radio communication devices which are capable to implement IP transmission. This paper presents the requirements for the HF and VHF radio systems according to the IP protocol requirements. At the beginning basic properties of narrowband HF and VHF waveforms in context of their operational scenarios has been described. Then results of experimental research (implementation of narrowband services — voice and data) has been presented. Finally further research directions with contribution of the authors, in NATO working groups related to the development of NBWF (Narrowband Waveform) for coalition communication has been presented.
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MARCZYK, Maciej. "COMMUNICATION SYSTEMS OF POLISH MILITARY CONTINGENTS IN PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS AND STABILIZATION MISSIONS." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 164, no. 2 (March 1, 2012): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.2796.
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Polish soldiers have long participated in international operations under the auspices of various organizations, primarily the UN. However, since Poland’s accession to NATO and the adoption of our country to European Union, the activities of our military contingents have focused primarily on participation in international operations, organized by the two organizations and under the terms of their procedures. Poland, as part of joint and several actions to ensure common security, has actively been engaged in military operations and non-military missions of various international organizations, as well as local actions in the ad hoc coalition created. The degree of involvement and geographical areas are determined by the current capabilities of the armed forces and the clearly defined objectives coincide with the Polish raison d'etat, as defined in the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Polish and expressed in their efforts to strengthen Poland’s international position. This paper presents the results of research on the functioning of NEC communication network (the Polish military contingent) in military operations abroad. The research was carried out among the soldiers-specialists who were involved in international operations and it focused on the organizational requirements: the technical specifications for the NEC communication networks. Also, the research concerned the organization and operation of communication networks and its services as well as the means of communication and IT used by the staff, users, soldiers and NEC employees.
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Sousse, Linda E., Amanda Staudt, and Christopher VanFosson. "521 Incidence of Bone Fracture Rate Post-Burn and Trauma in Role 2 and 3 Treatment Centers." Journal of Burn Care & Research 42, Supplement_1 (April 1, 2021): S107—S108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jbcr/irab032.172.
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Abstract Introduction One of the hallmarks of critical illness and trauma is that it triggers resorptive bone loss, as well as an increase in bone fractures and a reduction in bone density. Sustained markers of bone resorption, bone formation, and regulators of bone signaling pathways are linked to prolonged inflammatory activities and the prolonged deterioration of bone microstructure. The objective of this study is to evaluate the bone fracture rate of the U.S Military, non-U.S. Military, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Military, local civilian, and Coalition Forces population in Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Freedom’s Sentinel with burns from 2005 to 2018 using the Department of Defense Trauma Registry (DoDTR; n=28,707). Our hypothesis is that there is a direct relationship between burn injury severity and bone fracture rates. Methods Pearson’s correlation coefficient and scatterplots were used in this retrospective, observational study to demonstrate the correlation between total body surface area (TBSA) burn and number of fractures by anatomical location. Results Approximately 15,195 patients (age: 26 ± 10 years) in Role 2 and Role 3 treatment centers reported fractures. Of those patients, 351 suffered from burns with 632 anatomical fracture locations. Facial fractures were most prominent (16%), followed by foot (12%), skull (12%), tibia/fibula (11%), hand (11%), and ulna/radius (10%). There was no initial correlation between n increasing severity of TBSA burn and count of fracture locations (ρ=-0.03, p=0.8572). Conclusions There was no acute correlation between burn severity and bone fracture rates; however, further analyses are required to assess chronic post-burn fracture rates.
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RUTAR, BORIS. "THE NATO ALLIANCE AS A COALITION (OF THE WILLING)." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, Volume 2019 Issue 21/3 (September 3, 2019): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.21.3.1.
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Abstract The purpose of this article is to describe the difference between two intra-state concepts of cooperation with regard to security and its application in NATO. In the first part of the article the author elaborates the distinction between a military alliance and a military coalition. While an alliance is inherently defensive in nature, a coalition concept is much more suitable for ad hoc deployment outside its own territorial space. With regard to this, in the second part the author analyzes the transformation of the NATO Alliance and the impact that Crisis Response Operations have had on the perception and inner power structure of NATO. The Crisis Management System and the Framework Nation Concept are used as primary examples of NATO acting as a coalition rather than an alliance. Key words Military alliance, military coalition, crisis response operations, Framework Nation Concept.
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Dziesma, Maija. "SIGNIFICANCE OF INTERCULTURAL COMPETENCES IN INTERNATIONAL MILITARY OPERATIONS." Culture Crossroads 6 (November 14, 2022): 238–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.55877/cc.vol6.266.
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Since 1990 the number of international military operations con- sisting of forces of coalitions of various countries has increased in the world. Latvia and its armed forces actively participate in international operations organised and implemented by the NATO and the European Union and in other events aimed at strengthening collective security. In practice, it is possible to enhance the compatibilitywith the armed forces of other countries, to carry out training and gain operations experience that is necessary for professionally trained soldiers with an aim to enhance the execution of tasks and improve combating skills. When carrying out the questioning and interviewing of soldiers who have served in military missions, it has been stated that differences of various cultures, countries and the perception of life can influence cooperation of multinational forces and the overall effectiveness of activities. Intercultural factors have an impact on communication and performance during missions at various levels and in all areas of activities. Understanding of cultural differences ensures the effectiveness of coalition forces both among them- selves and in the country where the mission is carried out.
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Bubnova, N. "Russian Factor in Barack Obama’s Military-Political Strategy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2015): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-6-5-17.
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Upon becoming president of the United States, Barack Obama formulated the policy of reset in the U.S.-Russia relations – as part of his grand project of improving international relations on a more equitable basis, with a bigger role for diplomacy and international alliances and less reliance on unilateral actions and the use of force. As part of resetting their relationship in the military-political field, the United States and Russia were able, in the first and part of the second tenure of Obama’s presidency, to claim some major achievements in the military-political field, such as signing the New START Treaty, working on further nuclear disarmament measures, and developing bilateral anti-terrorist activities. U.S.-Russia cooperation also resulted in Russia’s agreement to open up its air space and railways for NATO transports which helped the International Coalition to conduct operation in Afghanistan in its “surge” phase and then to successfully withdraw combat units from that country. U.S.-Russia relations were also instrumental in bridging the positions of the two countries with regard to Iran’s and North Korea’s nuclear problem, with Russia and China voting alongside with the United States on UN Security Council resolutions for sanctions against North Korea and Iran to make them comply with the nuclear safeguards. Yet in various regions of the world, Obama’s policy – initially announced as an innovative breakthrough strategy proved instead to be reactive, aimed not at future perspective, but at dealing with the emerging crises on a case by case basis: in Lybia, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and then finally in Ukraine. The “pivot” to the Asia-Pacific, also announced by Obama’s administration, was formulated without consideration of Russia’s interests in the region, while at the same time causing turbulence in relations with China, and was finally overshadowed by the Ukrainian crisis and then the ISIS offensive in the Middle East. The reset fell prey to the contradictions in U.S.-Russia relations which particularly exacerbated after the events in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine and led to freezing of arms control negotiations and bilateral U.S.-Russia cooperation in the military-political field. The Ukrainian crisis is likely to have long-term negative consequences, and in particular will increase hawkish tendencies in U.S. politics. Yet this does not preclude and to the contrary increases the importance of seeking ways to strengthen stability, searching for possible measures for nuclear weapons limitations which would become applicable after bilateral relations improve. U.S.-Russia cooperation remains essential for resolving key international challenges as well as major regional problems.
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Korol’kova, E. "Evolution of United States’ Private Military and Security Companies: The Case of Afghanistan 2001–2021." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no. 1 (2022): 122–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.1.68.7.
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The withdrawal of troops on 31 August 2021 which was carried out in accordance with the Agreement signed on 29 February 2020 between the U.S. government and the Taliban (an international terrorist organization banned in the Russian Federation) marked the end of the international military campaign in Afghanistan which lasted twenty years. Assessing the preliminary outcomes of nearly a quarter-century of the US military and their NATO allies’ presence in Afghanistan, U.S. President Joseph Biden announced the end of “an era of major military operations to remake other countries”. Though the consequences of the Western coalition campaign in the area remain to be evaluated and they are unlikely to turn out to be unequivocal, the Atlantic strategy aimed at rebuilding and democratization of Afghanistan proved itself as bankrupt. Our research focuses on the way the twenty-year military campaign in Afghanistan affected the development of the U.S. private military and security companies (PMSC) industry. For these purposes, we, firstly, studied and traced the transformation of the private military and security services market in the U.S., and examined the changes of approaches and mechanisms used to contract PMSCs. Secondly, we analyzed the way the U.S. authorities addressed the challenges new market evoked, focusing on the measures of legal regulation that were applied to PMSCs, and the way the working of the U.S. institutional mechanisms was transforming. The final part of the research contains conclusions on the perspectives for the development of the American PMSC industry after the withdrawal of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan. We believe that due to its duration and continuity, the Afghan operation ensured a launchpad for the PMSC industry and provided conditions for private military and security companies to acquire and master high-end experience which in turn, contributed to the development of a certain market that goes well beyond the involvement of conventional human capital. It provided solutions for the production, utilization, and maintenance of the equipment and technologies, allowing the minimization of the direct participation of specialists in hostilities. Alongside the development of the American PMSC industry itself, the research studies the investigations conducted by the U.S. authorities into the cases of abuse committed by the contractors during their participation in Afghan war. It discusses the way this practice encouraged the transformations of United States procedures and mechanisms aimed at reducing malpractice when performing contracts and launched changes in U.S. legislation. It also demonstrates the lessons learned by the U.S. from the contractual practice with regard to the regulation of PMSCs. The research reveals the strengths and weaknesses of the American policy regarding PMSCs during the whole period of the military conflict in Afghanistan and helps to evaluate the success of the U.S. efforts in monitoring contractors across Afghanistan. To conclude, we reckon that considerable contractual experience acquired in Afghanistan ensures technological and procedural progress of the U.S. PMSC industry. Given the enduring rivalry between the U.S., Russia, and China, including in the military and technological spheres, the twenty-year experience of direct participation in hostilities by U.S. PMSCs boosted its competitive advantage compared to Russia and China, whose PMSCs still lack such an experience.
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Haesebrouck, Tim. "National Behaviour in Multilateral Military Operations." Political Studies Review 16, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 102–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929915616288.
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What accounts for the diverging contributions to multinational military operations? Over two decades ago, Bennett, Lepgold and Unger published a seminal study that aimed to explain the division of the burdens of the Desert Storm Coalition. This article reviews four recent monographs on national behaviour in multinational operations against the backdrop of their conclusions. While the four reviewed titles suggest that the bulk of the conclusions of Bennett, Lepgold and Unger’s study hold beyond the scope of the Desert Storm Coalition, each of them also makes a distinct contribution to the literature. Baltrusaitis offers three excellent case studies on burden sharing in the 2003 Iraq War, Davidson provides essential insights on the impact of alliance value and threat and the studies of Auerswald and Saideman and Mello invoke important domestic variables that were not structurally examined by Bennett, Lepgold and Unger. Altogether, the reviewed titles provide convincing explanations for the behaviour of democratic states in US-led operations. Consequently, the article concludes by arguing that the most promising avenue for future research would be to focus on military operations in which the United States has a more limited role and on the contributions of non-democratic states to multinational operations. Auerswald DP and Saideman SM (2014) NATO in Afghanistan: Fighting Together, Fighting Alone. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Baltrusaitis DF (2010) Coalition Politics and the Iraq War: Determinants of Choice. Boulder, CO: First Forum Press. Davidson J (2011) America’s Allies and War: Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Mello P (2014) Democratic Participation in Armed Conflict Military Involvement in Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
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Lee, Byeongheon, Seungbeom Ahn, Myungsuk Choi, and Jang-Wok Hur. "A Study of Test and Evaluation Method for Performance Improvement of Air to Ground Communication Radios." Journal of the Korea Institute of Military Science and Technology 25, no. 3 (June 5, 2022): 267–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.9766/kimst.2022.25.3.267.
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The Republic of Korea has a close cooperative relationship with NATO, of which the United States is a member. NATO is encouraged to follow UHF coalition waveforms for military air operations(SATURN) as defined in STANAG 4372. SATURN is a high-speed frequency hopping waveform with enhanced anti-jamming and security functions. Plans to improve the performance of existing military aircraft with air to ground radios to which SATURN function is applied. IFF case analysis and MRT evaluation plan were established to present an efficient test and evaluation plan for air to ground radios.
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Shishatskii, M. "Operational Compatibility under Conditions of Multilateral Missions: Myth or Reality?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2012): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-10-21-29.
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Neither country in the whole world is in a position today to counter complex regional and global security challenges alone. In this connection, the extent of engagement of UN, NATO, EU and other organizations in the crisis management has unprecedentedly increased over the last decades. More frequently the national military forces conduct operations of different complexity as a part of international coalition, what underlines the necessary for their interoperability improvement in both doctrine and capability. This analysis focuses on the progress achieved as well as current difficulties of interoperability development in the course of modern multilateral operations.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "NATO coalition operation"
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FLAMMIA, ROBERTO. "The Mediterranean Pivot: US-Italian Relations In Time of War and Crisis 1986-2011." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2158/896325.
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In 1986 the United States launched an attack against Libya in which the Italian government denied their
airspace, ports and political-military support. Moreover, Rome warned Tripoli of the air inbound airstrikes, a
move that saved Colonel Qadhafi’s life. Twenty-five years later, the US led a second, larger, air campaign against
Italy’s former colony. In this engagement Italy not only offered its bases and airspace, but its military also
participated in the attacks and even lead the naval contingent. The striking reversal of positions over such a short
period begs a whole series of questions, principle among them: What motivated Italy to turn its back on its
southern neighbor and support the United States and coalition forces?
By examining four key conflicts –Libya 1986, the first Gulf War, Operation Allied Force in Kosovo and the
Libya campaign in 2011– this dissertation explains the closing of US-Italian ranks and the transformation of Italy
from passive ally to one of the US’s key partners, both geographically and military. By applying the findings of
this research, leaders in both Rome and
Books on the topic "NATO coalition operation"
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1956-, Koehl Stuart, National Defense University. Center for Technology and National Security Policy, and Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies. Center for Transatlantic Relations, eds. The NATO Response Force: Facilitating coalition warfare through technology transfer and information sharing. Washington, DC: Center for Technology and National Security Policy, National Defense University, 2005.
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Larson, Eric. Interoperability of Coalition Air Forces: Lessons Learned from U.S. Operations with NATO Allies. RAND Corporation, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.7249/rb117.
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Schmitt, Michael, Jeffrey Biller, Sean C. Fahey, David S. Goddard, and Chad Highfill. Joint and Combined Targeting. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796176.003.0014.
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This chapter discusses how the law is implemented by armed forces during “targeting,” the process by which individuals and objects are systematically analyzed and prioritized for potential engagement. Centered on an examination of the United States’ “Joint Targeting Cycle,” a construct broadly shared by many other states and organizations, such as NATO, it explains how international humanitarian law concepts are given practical effect during armed conflict. The analysis then proceeds to explore the nuances of targeting in different operational domains: air, land, sea, and cyber. While achieving broadly the same set of legal functions, practice has developed to reflect the different means and methods of warfare in each particular environment. The chapter concludes by extending the discussion to targeting in a coalition context, in which processes and procedures are required to account for legal differences between partners, while minimizing the detrimental effect on operations in order to achieve “legal interoperability.”
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Petersson, Magnus. Denmark and Norway. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790501.003.0021.
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Denmark and Norway joined NATO in 1949. Since then, their goal has been to be a loyal alliance member. After the cold war, the two countries e transformed their defence forces into small, capabilities-based semi-professional and highly mobile units suitable for coalition warfare far away from their territories. They have participated in all major US- and NATO-led operations since 1991. The defence transformation since the end of the cold war has been more far-reaching in Denmark than in Norway. Norway kept the focus on its territory during the whole period, and saved important elements of its territorial defence, while Denmark shut down whole services, such as submarines and stationary ground-to-air defence, which in some ways became a problem after the Ukraine crisis started in 2014, when the defence of the territory again came more into focus.
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Park, Ian. The Right to Life in Armed Conflict. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198821380.001.0001.
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The controversy surrounding the applicability of the right to life during armed conflict makes it arguably one of the most divisive and topical issues at the junction of international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Recent litigation has, among other things, prompted the UK government to signal an intention to derogate from Article 2, ECHR, subject to certain caveats, in future armed conflicts. The litigation pursuant to Article 2 is also set to continue as the UK, and many other States with right to life obligations, will continue to use lethal force overseas; thus the significance of the issue will remain unabated. The scope and application of the right to life in armed conflict not only concerns parties to the ECHR; the predominance of coalition military operations in recent years has necessitated that it is essential for all troop-contributing States to understand the legal limitations of those States bound by the ECHR. It is equally important that the UN, NATO, NGOs, and other governments not directly involved in the armed conflict are aware of any States’ right to life obligations. Notwithstanding this, the applicability of the right to life in armed conflict is yet to be fully considered in academic literature. This book aims to close this lacuna and address the issue of the right to life in armed conflict by identifying and analysing the applicable law, citing recent examples of State practice, and offering concrete proposals to ensure that States comply with their right to life obligations.
Book chapters on the topic "NATO coalition operation"
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Weighill, Rob, and Florence Gaub. "From Benghazi to Bagnoli." In The Cauldron, 31–70. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190916220.003.0002.
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This Chapter presents an account of the rapidly evolving and highly volatile political and strategic environment as the situation in Libya deteriorated. JFC Naples, the NATO headquarters that was to assume responsibility for the operation, was profoundly unprepared for the ensuing campaign and faced many challenges as it planned and transitioned for war. In the face of increasing regime violence and international support, the chapter examines the establishment of an interim government (The National Transitional Council) to counter Gaddafi. It further covers the formal activation of a coalition intervention operation under US command. International political activity intensified sharply as nations and alliances sought a resolution to the ensuing conflict, but with an increasing likelihood of a NATO-led intervention operation to protect civilians. The international community also considered means by which the flow of refugees could be stemmed to reverse the humanitarian crisis.
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Weighill, Rob, and Florence Gaub. "The War Begins—And NATO Thinks About It." In The Cauldron, 71–114. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190916220.003.0003.
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This chapter describes the start of the US-led coalition intervention (Odyssey Dawn) as the prelude to NATO involvement, aimed at reducing Gaddafi’s combat forces, especially his air defences, command and control nodes and fielded forces. It lays out how NATO became finally the body executing the UN mandate despite French, German, Turkish and African Union reticence. The chapter also discusses the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect, which became the NATO mandate but did not include regime change or removal of Gaddafi from power. The chapter concludes describing deepening resolve by Gaddafi to remain in power, political maneuvering across the global stage and the final preparations by NATO to integrate forces into its command and control and begin combat operations.
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"Case Four: NATO and Afghanistan – Coalition Warfighting and Stability Operations in a New Century." In Multinational Military Intervention, 169–92. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315596310-15.
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Onat, Ismail, and Serdar San. "Global Displacement of ISIS Activities and the Effectiveness of Police Arrests as a Means of Deterrence." In NATO Science for Peace and Security Series – E: Human and Societal Dynamics. IOS Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/nhsdp200083.
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U.S.-led coalition forces liberated all of the territory ISIS held in Syria and Iraq in the first quarter of 2019. Although the defeat was a significant achievement, ISIS continues its activities outside the Syria and Iraq region. Turkey matters to ISIS because the group carries out attacks and uses the country to move fighters and supplies. However, Turkey relies heavily on police crackdowns to deter terrorism. Drawing on data from the Armed Conflict Event and Location Database, the Turkish Ministry of Interior, and an online news source, the current study first analyzed trends in ISIS attacks around the world. Then, it explored the extent to which police arrests prevent ISIS from further deadly attacks in Turkey. Results from the study suggest that ISIS activities are likely to decrease in Syria and Iraq after the U.S.-led military operations but increase in other countries. Also, mass arrests were ineffective in preventing subsequent deadly attacks in Turkey. Policy implications are discussed.
Conference papers on the topic "NATO coalition operation"
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MORARU, Cătălin-Alin. "THE INFLUENCE OF NATIONAL SUPPORT CONDITIONS ON MULTINATIONAL INTERRELATIONATION AND INTEROPERABILITY IN NATO COALITION." In SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of “Henri Coanda” Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2021.22.4.
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National cultural differences have crea ted obstacles to successful alliance command and control. Distributed decision-making with many operational characteristics makes those challenges even more complicated. If we have to work effectively in coalition operations, we must understand the complexity of national cultural differences.
Reports on the topic "NATO coalition operation"
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Vernon, Michael H. Air Interdiction: Joint Coordination Issues for the United States Army and Air Force Conducting Coalition Warfare within the NATO Theater of Operations. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada174193.
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