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1
Brljavac, Bedrudin. "Ethnopolitics and Discrimination Against Minorities in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 24, no. 1 (2012): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2012241/28.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina has been going through an extensive European Union-related reform process for more than a decade, yet the country still faces a serious democratic deficit. In particidar, the post-Dayton public sphere has been dominated by ethno-nationalist political elites which exclude non-nationalists and members of minority groups from the decision-making process. This is a clear paradox, since one of the main objectives of the integration of European countries into the European Community was to reduce disintegrative influences of nationalists, and establish a peaceful, prosperous, and secure community. This essay explores the process of the post-Dayton ethno-nationalization in BiH resulting in widespread discrimination against so-called Others as defined in the Constitution, In the postwar era, BiH democratic participation has tumed into a competition between the three ethnic communities, Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats, rather than a contest of equal individuals with an equal right to vote. As a result, Bosnian people still live under a political system which is closer to ethno-democracy or ethnocracy rather than a democratic regime. Under such a discriminatory regime, BiH cannot enter the European Union, which is a model of an open, democratic society.
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Martinelli, Alberto. "National Populism and the European Union." Populism 1, no. 1 (September 14, 2018): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-01011000.
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Abstract The diffusion of both nationalism and populism is the symptom of a crisis in European democracies. The convergence of nationalist ideology and populist rhetoric is the major challenge that the European Union faces today and can be effectively countered by developing the political project of a truly democratic and supranational union. In this article, I will first outline the distinctive features of nationalism and populism. I will then analyse the major factors fostering the rise of national populism in the European Union countries, and I will conclude by discussing its more effective alternative.
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Malnach, Alexander D. "Latvian “active nationalists” and the Latvian Conservatory." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 2 (2022): 515–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-2-515-526.
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In Latvia, as in several other Eastern European countries, nationalism remains an influential force that sets the agenda. Understanding the ideology and practice of modern nationalism involves studying its origin and evolution. The article uses an interdisciplinary approach and briefly outlines the prehistory and prerequisites for the emergence of Latvian “active nationalism” and, for the first time in historiography, examines in detail the relationship between the largest fascist organization in the first half of the 1920s – the Latvian National Club with the Latvian Conservatory, as well as the indirect influence of the ideas of “active nationalists” and reveals its close connection with the respectable circles of the Latvian bourgeoisie and with the leading Lat-vian bourgeois party Peasant Union. We conclude that a significant part of the Latvian artistic in-tellectuals, including pupils and graduates of the Latvian Conservatory, joined the Latvian fascism, which largely explains both the active cooperation of the Latvian intelligentsia with the Nazis during World War II, and the mass emigration of people of artistic professions from Latvia, in particular musicians, during the retreat of the German army.
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Hyman, Richard. "Trade Unions and “Europe”: Are the Members Out of Step?" Articles 65, no. 1 (April 13, 2010): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/039525ar.
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In 2005 the “Constitutional Treaty” designed to restructure the governance of the European Union (EU) was rejected in popular referendums in France and the Netherlands. Subsequently only in Ireland was a referendum held on the Lisbon Treaty, which reinstated most elements in the previous version, in June 2008. Again a negative result threw the EU into crisis, though a second Irish vote in October 2009 yielded a different result. The “no” votes reflected a familiar pattern of popular rejection of initiatives on European integration. This article provides an overview of such referendums in western Europe, focusing in particular on the role of national trade unions in popular votes on EU accession and on Treaty revisions. It discusses trade union intervention in a dozen countries which held referendums since the Single European Act in the 1980s (and in the United Kingdom, which did not). It is evident that while mainstream trade unions (or at least their leaders) have usually endorsed the integration process, in most countries where referendums have been held their members have voted otherwise. This has been particularly evident among manual workers. Sometimes popular attitudes have been strongly influenced by narrowly nationalistic arguments, but rejection has often been based on “progressive” rather than “reactionary” grounds. In particular, the justified view that the EU in its current direction is encouraging a neoliberal, pro-capitalist drift in social and economic policy has underlain a left-wing critique of further integration. But having assented to the underlying architecture of actually existing Europeanization, unions have rarely shown the will to mobilize offensively around an alternative vision of social Europe. This has left the field open to right-wing nationalists (and to fringe left-wing parties with only a limited electoral base) to campaign in the “no” camp during referendums. Popular attitudes are malleable, but it requires a major strategic re-orientation if unions are to reconnect with their members in order to build a popular movement for a genuinely social Europe.
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Nauvarian, Demas. "TANTANGAN SUPRANASIONALITAS UNI EROPA: KOMPARASI INTEGRASI POLITIK PADA KRISIS EUROZONE 2008 DAN KRISIS PENGUNGSI 2015." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v5i1.185.
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The European Union is widely referred to as the international organization at the regional level with the highest integration phase. His journey is thought to have united the continent of Europe in a post-modern supranational political institution with a new post-Westphalia identity - European continental identity. This can be defined as a process of political integration. The process marked by the transfer of sovereignty, for example, can be seen in the European Union's ability to handle the Euro crisis in 2008. However, along the way, the political integration of the European Union is considered to be weakening. Post-Crisis 2008, the European Union experienced another challenge in the form of the 2014-2015 Refugee Crisis. This paper aims to answer questions related to why there is a weakening of the political integration of the European Union in these two challenges. By using the method of cross-longitudinal comparative studies on the responses of countries to the EU's decisions in the two challenges above, this paper argues that the increase in right-wing populism in various countries, particularly in Eastern and Central European countries, is a factor. the main part of the start to break up the political integration of the European Union. This paper concludes that the political values of right-wing populism that focus on nation-state nationalism are contrary to the basic values of the European Union which focus on liberal internationalism, and will become an obstacle to the future of EU political integration.
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Kawalec, Stefan, and Ernest Pytlarczyk. "Controlled Dismantlement of the Eurozone: A Strategy to Save the European Union and the Single European Market." German Economic Review 14, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/geer.12003.
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Abstract The problems with a single currency in Europe are neither temporary nor curable. Any persistent defence of the euro will result in a long-lasting recession and high unemployment in countries using fiscal austerity to pursue ‘internal devaluation’. It may lead to a revival of populist and nationalist movements, political collapse and disorderly eurozone break-up. This article argues for a controlled segmentation of the eurozone via the exit of the most competitive countries and an agreement on a new European currency coordination system.
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Choi, Chong-Ki. "The Northern Policy of the Republic of Korea -how to Approach the Soviet Union and East European Countries-." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 5 (December 31, 1990): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps01005.
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Of the Sixth Republic's many policies, the northern policy is most successful. The term, "northern policy" includes all the diplomatic activities and policies to improve relations with the communist countries-the Soviet Union, China, and other East European countries. There are some backgrounds in implementing this policy. In domestic dimension, weak legitimacy of the Sixth Republic and nationalistic desire for reunification of divided nation became a significant background. Economic difficulty-especially the stagnation of exports can not be overlooked as well. From international perspective, Gorbachev's new thinking and change of American Foreign policies are a significant background. As everyone knows, northern policy gives rise to noteworthy achievement in many fields. But there are also various obstacles to implementation of northern policy. South Korea has legal obstacles, such as a security law and various political obstacles. Political and economic situation in socialist countries raises serious problems. International political situation is more or less helpful to implementing northern policy. Drawing upon the above-mentioned obstacles, I would like to suggest how South Korea should approach socialist countries. First, the existing alliance system in Northeast Asia should be taken into account. Second, due attention should be paid to the national interest of all countries concerned. Third, South Korea should not seek isolation of North Korea by pushing nothern policy. There are other ways to approach socialist countries, but I emphasize non-governmental contacts.
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Jackson, Daniel, and Seth Jolly. "A new divide? Assessing the transnational-nationalist dimension among political parties and the public across the EU." European Union Politics 22, no. 2 (January 31, 2021): 316–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520988915.
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European politics is increasingly being contested along two dimensions: the economic left-right dimension and a relatively new dimension focused on European integration and immigration. We test this framework at the party and individual-levels in the European Union. First, we use the Chapel Hill Expert Survey to demonstrate that there is no simple relationship between these dimensions at the party level in many European Union countries, and in fact the two dimensions are increasingly orthogonal. We then use the 2019 European Elections Study to show that the transnational-nationalist dimension significantly improves vote choice models relative to models that ignore this dimension. Even more striking, the transnational-nationalist dimension is not just significant, but actually improves vote choice models as much or more than the economic left-right dimension.
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Smolenski, Natalie. "National-European Theology." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 3 (November 1, 2015): 519–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415605889.
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An influential contingent of Catholic clergy in Poland reacted to Poland’s entry into the European Union by developing a narrative positing the Catholic foundation and ownership of Europe and all its constituent “nations.” This narrative, which I call national-European theology, identifies the Catholic Church as the progenitor of both European and Polish existence and guarantor of their continuity of identity. In this way, it remedies some Catholics’ anxieties about both the integrity of Poland’s national sovereignty and the allegedly secularizing and liberalizing cultural influence of other EU member countries. I argue that national-European theology can be fruitfully conceived as a hereditary ownership narrative, framed by moments of spiritual foundation and subsequent inheritance from spiritual founders, and that this narrative structure characterizes both nationalism writ large and Europeanization as an analogous modern identitarian project. I suggest that taking heredity as a lens through which to understand nationalism and its attendant notions of legitimation allows us to move past debates about the “content” of nationalist claims (ethnic, religious, linguistic, etc.) and toward the mechanism by which group reproduction is culturally defined and sanctioned. To do this, I first sketch a theory of nationalism as a hereditary ownership narrative, drawing upon the Polish case, and liken it to the “Europe-building” project of the EU. Second, I present a brief historical outline of Poland’s accession to the EU and the anxieties generated thereby. Finally, I turn to the rhetoric of the Polish clergy who best represent the national-European current in contemporary Catholic political theology.
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Żuk, Piotr, and Paweł Żuk. "“Democracy Is Not for Everyone”." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.1.
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The authors of the article show manifestations of homophobia in a range of Eastern European countries. They use the example of Poland to compare the current situation of LGBT people with that in the communist period. The article defends the thesis that homophobia, which goes hand in hand with Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, and widespread dislike for any cultural minority, is a cultural compensation for economic disappointment and an expression of the Eastern European opposition to the economic and political expansion of the West. From this perspective, the dominant nationalist orientation requires treating not only LGBT communities, but also their defenders, supporters of a more liberal culture and civic organizations, as representatives of “foreign centers” who intend to meet “the interests of the core European Union (EU) countries.” Thus, messianic nationalism and homophobia are a compensation for economic marginalization and a form of defense moved from the sphere of economic problems to the sphere of identity.
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Casanova, José Luís. "Crisis and Cultural Change: The Countries with Adjustment Programmes in the European Union." Comparative Sociology 17, no. 2 (April 4, 2018): 187–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341454.
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AbstractAfter the financial crisis in 2008 significant changes occurred in the European Union, particularly in the countries that had adjustment programmes. According to empirical work by Hofstede, Inglehart and Schwartz it’s predictable that societal changes have a cultural impact. Data from European Social Survey since 2002 show that changes in political orientations are bigger than in Human Values, and deepen after 2008. Changes on countries that had adjustment programmes diverge significantly from those in the rest of the Eurozone, mainly on political orientations. Bigger challenges to theeucome from the extensive fall on trust in politics, the European Parliament and satisfaction with democracy, the rise of the values of Tradition and Security, and the decrease of Self-direction. This evolving cultural conservatism associated with continued degradation of democracy is nurturing nationalism and authoritarianism.
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Jessurun d’Oliveira, Hans Ulrich. "Iberian Nationality Legislation and Sephardic Jews." European Constitutional Law Review 11, no. 01 (May 2015): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019615000036.
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Proposal to grant Spanish nationality to Sephardic Jews – History of Sephardic Jews in Iberia – Sephardim and the Portuguese nationality code – The EU and the nationality laws of the member states – Impact of Union law on the acquisition of Iberian nationalities by Sephardic Jews – European Convention on Nationality – Sephardim from third countries –Micheletti – Nottebohm
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Zaets, Svetlana V., and Filipp Yu Kushnarev. "Poland in the European Union: history and modernity." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 8, no. 3 (September 24, 2022): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2022-3-274-287.
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The article shows the dynamics of the development of relations between Poland and the European Union from the early 1990s to the present day. The history of the entry of the Polish state into the European community, the political and socio-economic consequences of this event is analyzed. The facts testifying to the initial polarization of society in relation to EU membership between the conservative-nationalist party «PiS» and the liberal-democratic «Civic Platform» are presented. The topical issue related to the supremacy of European legislation over the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the attitude of the ruling party and the population of the country to it is considered. The authors of the article conducted a study on the attitude of Poles to membership in the European Union and concluded that most of them highly appreciate the role of their state in the EU, enjoy the benefits of European citizenship and see themselves as Europeans. Attention is drawn to the fact that the developed countries of the West do not perceive Poland as an equal member of the European Community, and it does not feel like such, because in terms of most economic indicators, the country initially lagged behind generally accepted indicators and is forced to receive financial assistance. The authors briefly touched upon the current events in Ukraine and the reaction of the Polish government in the context of the European Union. As a result, at the moment a picture is being created that Poland is in the wake of the EU's anti-Russian policy and sees its role in «saving the world from Russian expansion». Perhaps, by such participation in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, it seeks to compensate for its secondary position in the European Union and increase its authority in the international arena.
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Stevkovski, Ljupcho. "The Rise of Right-Wing Extremism in European Union." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 17, no. 1 (December 30, 2015): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2015-0004.
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It is a fact that in the European Union there is a strengthening of right-wing extremism, radical right movement, populism and nationalism. The consequences of the economic crisis, such as a decline in living standards, losing of jobs, rising unemployment especially among young people, undoubtedly goes in favor of strengthening the right-wing extremism. In the research, forms of manifestation will be covered of this dangerous phenomenon and response of the institutions. Western Balkan countries, as a result of right-wing extremism, are especially sensitive region on possible consequences that might occur, since there are several unresolved political problems, which can very easily turn into a new cycle of conflicts, if European integration processes get delayed indefinitely.
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Wegner, Gerhard. "Overcoming Economic Nationalism: The “Invisible Hand” Solution of the European Union." Journal of Contextual Economics – Schmollers Jahrbuch 139, no. 2-4 (April 1, 2019): 421–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.2-4.421.
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After the First World War, a previously well-functioning economic order collapsed in Europe and the Western countries. Economic nationalism of the interwar period also changed the international economic order dramatically and became one issue of the Colloque Walter Lippmann. After the “half- and three quarters Western democracies” (Tooze 2015) of the period prior to World War I had turned into full democracies, they proved incapable of restoring the liberal pre-war economic order domestically and in international trade. Bilateral and multilateral trade negotiations failed, giving rise to a new debate on the prerequisites of an international economic order. I argue that decades later the European Union found a solution to that issue. Of key importance was the gradual constitutionalization of the European Treaties. I show that the trade liberalization prepared by the courts resembles a concept suggested by Jan Tumlir but defies application to non-EU countries. By transforming fundamental economic freedoms laid down in the European Treaties into subjective rights through jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice, the process of trade liberalization occurred in a non-politicized mode. The incompleteness and tardiness of creating a Common Market was the inevitable price for this success story. A withdrawal from this constitutionalization of basic economic freedoms, as proposed recently, for example, cannot be recommended. Their arguments are being examined. The reduction of the European Treaties would lead to a re-politicization of trade policy bearing unforeseeable consequences for free competition.
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Tevdoy-Bourmouli, A. I. ""CYCLIST ON THE MARSH": LESSONS AND PROSPECTS OF THE LAST EU ENLARGEMENT." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-106-112.
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The latest cycle of the European Union enlargement generated a panoply of problems unknown of in the anamnesis of this organisation. Specific historic experience of the applicants pre-determined a considerable specialty of west-European fashioned democratic regimes in those countries, weakness of consensus and tolerance culture which has already rooted itself in the West-European society, and which has to a considerable degree secured stable development of Western Europe over the last decades. This constellation resulted particularly in the renaissance on the level of European establishment of the nationalist phobia and memories deeply buried decades ago. Though the scale of the eventual problems was evident to the EU leaders long before the official entry of Central and East-European (CEE) countries to the European Union, it neither blocked the admission of new members nor entailed a refusal to pursue the plans of further enlargement at the time when Brussels’ fears have panned out. The paradox is predetermined by the combination of the EU motives – common interests of the integration group with the interests both of individual members and outside actors.
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Korneva, P. M. "Conflicting regulation of relations in the field of medical tourism: the experience of the European Union." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 65 (October 25, 2021): 364–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.65.66.
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The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the conflict regulation of relations in the field of medical tourism in the European Union. The author analyzes the concept of «medical tourism» and other terms used to denote the phenomenon of travel of persons to foreign countries to receive medical services («cross-border healthcare», «medical tourism», «medical travel»). The article analyzes the regulation of the EU-member states and supra-national regulation of private law aspects in the field of medical tourism. In particular, the peculiarities of receiving medical care by citizens of the European Union, which are regulated with the Directive of the Euro-pean Council and the Parliament 2011/24 / EU on the application of patients’ rights in cross-border healthcare. The author concludes that the conflict regulation of medical tourism in the European Union is based on the general conflict rules on the conclusion and implementation of contracts in the field of services and insurance, as well as compensation for damage caused by improper performance of contracts or civil offenses (torts), resolving conflicts of jurisdiction, etc. Special conflict regulation of relations in the field of medical tourism in the European Union is not developed. At the same time, the author emphasizes the significant gaps in the conflict regulation of certain issues related to medical tourism, especially such debatable as cross-border surrogacy, organ transplantation, eutha-nasia and others. The author supports the view that for the countries of the European Union today in the context of medical tourism for the purpose of surrogacy in countries where such a procedure is legal, relevant today are issues of conflict regulation, such as determining the nationality of the child; recognition of paternity (origin of the child); recognition of birth certificates of a surrogate mother issued in other countries.
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Asaturov, Sergey, and Andrei Martynov. "THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM: THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 5 (October 11, 2020): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001440.
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The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.
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Kaeding, Michael, Johannes Pollak, and Paul Schmidt. "Europaskeptizismus und die Zukunft Europas. Ansichten aus den Hauptstädten." integration 43, no. 2 (2020): 136–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2020-2-136.
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Based on a new anthology on the future of Europe in the light of Euroscepticism, this article examines how the increasing prominence of Eurosceptic and nationalist parties is affecting the thinking of mainstream parties, their representatives in the European Parliament and the future of European integration. The publication of the anthology is timed to coincide with the strategic vision of the European Council, the Council, the Commission and the Parliament as well as with the next phase of the negotiations on the future relations between the European Union (EU) and the United Kingdom and the Conference on the Future of Europe. It maps and analyses 39 national perspectives from all EU Member States as well as from neighbouring European countries and potential candidate countries.
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Zhmurenko, V. "CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL INSTITUTION OF CITIZENSHIP (NATIONALITY) IN THE COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." International Law Almanac, no. 24 (2020): 115–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32841/ila.2020.24.14.
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Svietlakova, M. "Influence of external and internal factors the reconstruction of the party landscape of European countries." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(49) (June 8, 2021): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2021.1(49).232991.
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At the beginning of the ХХІ century, the European Union, particularly its states parties faced a number of complex and unresolved issues. One of the important manifestations of political change that took place in some EU countries was the evolution of party systems. Due to the active globalization processes and the urgent problems facing Europe, it can be asserted that the European party system is currently degrading. Recently, during the years of crisis (economic, migration, political, etc.) there took place a rundown of political parties and a loss of parties’ influence on various local organizations, and most importantly on the electorate. A characteristic feature of the changes that took place in the established political configurations was a clear-cut disruption of party coordinates. The classic division into the right, the left and the centrists proves this. However, in reality it remained, basically, only in the ideological software of the parties. At the same time, the real political course of the party space’s main subjects became less and less conveyed. In truth, this character separates the leading political forces of modern Europe into two directions. Firstly, these parties proclaim to find a way out of the crisis by any means in their activities and at the same time improve the system of integration and globalization relations. In particular, in the scientific community (conservatives, liberals, etc.) they are called traditional parties. Secondly, there is another party side in which ideological and political criteria are expressed more explicitly. There are radical socialists who are dissatisfied with the current social structure of the (modern) state; radical nationalists who oppose the immigration component in modern European life; and separatists who excoriate EU regional strategy. All these points are actively supported by parties that have been defined as anti-systemic by the scientific community.
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Kalemaj, Ilir. "Recollection of past memories in Croatia." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 14, no. 2 (November 3, 2008): 94–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.14.2.5.
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The end of Communist era and the end of Marxist-Leninist ideology that occupied the Central and Eastern European space for half a century, proved a blessing in many regards for these countries, enabling them to push forward with democratic and free-market reforms that in long run would culminate in their eventual democratization, prosperity and joining European Union. A rather awkward exception to this rule has been the former federation of Yugoslavia, which experienced an abrupt change fromTito`s somewhat relaxed communism toward a violent disintegration that cost thousands of lives, exhausted billions of dollars and left behind wreckage and devastation, whose imprints can be still distinguished. It is rather puzzling that Yugoslavia did not experience any kind of (liberal)-democratic opposition, or that long time dissidents of the communist regimes like Milovan Djilas, Dobrisa Cosiü or Franjo Tudjman to mention just a few, instead of being promoters of an organized opposition to the regime, were either marginalized or turned nationalists, leaving thus little room for a peaceful, democratic change that was the norm elsewhere. A lot of explanations are offered of why this violent disintegration took place anddifferent. Interpretations of the empirical observations, ranging from elite conspiracies to electorate pressure to foreign intervention as the main causes of the breakdown of the state and eventually war. Nevertheless, it seems that efforts of state-building through a reshaping of the understanding of nationalist identities and the means employed for such ends have been rather missed from the existing literature, especially in the case of Croatia.
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Ferreira Jr., Amarilio. "The British National Union of Teachers (NUT) against the background of the Cold War: An International Peace Conference between teachers in Western and Eastern Europe." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.175.
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The aim of this article is to explain the political and trade union stance of the British National Union of Teachers (NUT) – representing the teachers of England and Wales – against the arms race and nuclear warheads set up in the European Continent during the Cold War (1947-1991). After adopting resolutions in support of «Education for Peace» at its Annual Conferences (Jersey, 1983 and Blackpool, 1984), the NUT held an International Peace Conference (1984) involving Western and Eastern European countries in which teachers’ unions from the following countries participated: the United States, Finland, the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic and Bulgaria. The international event was held in Stoke Rochford Hall (England) during the British miners’ national strike against the socioeconomic reforms instituted under the governments of Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990). The article started from the methodological presupposition based on the principle of political connection on an international scale within the scope of the trade union movement of teachers. Indeed, despite differences in nationalities, the educational processes institutionalized by schooling have acquired a universal character. Thus, teachers, irrespective of their nationality, are workers who are politically committed to the cultural values consecrated by the knowledge accumulated by humanity throughout history, especially when it comes to peace among peoples. It should be emphasized that the topic addressed has never before been analysed on an international level, and that primary sources that fall within the historical context of the facts studied were used in the production of the article.
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FRANK, MATTHEW, PIERS LUDLOW, and JESSICA REINISCH. "Anniversary Issue Editorial." Contemporary European History 25, no. 1 (January 13, 2016): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000557.
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This issue opens the twenty-fifth volume of Contemporary European History. In the journal's inaugural editorial in 1992, Kathleen Burk and Dick Geary noted that they were standing ‘on the brink of a new Europe’ – and what exciting times those were. Just two and a half years after the collapse of the Berlin Wall, and barely months after the formal dissolution of the Soviet Union, CEH came into existence at a time of radical change in Europe and beyond. With the treaties signed at Maastricht in 1992 and in Amsterdam in 1997 European integration accelerated apace. The European Community became a Union. The twelve became fifteen. From March 1995 the Schengen Agreement let people of any nationality travel freely between the seven participating countries without any passport controls at the borders. By the end of the decade, the Single Market was a reality, the Euro was about to be introduced and negotiations for EU membership of ten central and eastern European countries were well underway. The themes of the decade were (re)integration, federation, ever greater union. As Burk and Geary wrote in their 1992 editorial, ‘year by year, the concept of Europe as both a geographical and an historical entity becomes more credible’.
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Nikiforov, Konstantin. "Modernization mixed with nationalism." Balcanica, no. 45 (2014): 443–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445443n.
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This essay reflects on a particular manner in which modernisation have taken place in the Balkans in modern history, from the 1878 Berlin Congress onwards. The Balkan countries faced twofold difficulties in their development: they had to overcome their backwardness stemming from the centuries of the Ottoman yoke and catch up with modern Western Europe, and resolve their numerous mutual territorial and political disputes. The latter task was especially difficult due to the constant interference in Balkan affairs on the part of Great Powers. This interference further aggravated nationalistic tensions between the Balkan states. The peculiar mixture of modernisation efforts and nationalism remains to this day when the entire region strives to join the European Union.
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Ponypalyak, Oleksandr. "Cooperation of the OUN with the USA and Great Britain IN 1945–1955 (based on Soviet materials)." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 67 (2022): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.11.
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In this article, the author explores the issue of cooperation between the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Great Britain and the United States of America in the first postwar decade. The object of the author’s study is the Ukrainian liberation movement, the subject of study is the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the special services of Western countries in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union in the early stages of the Cold War. The sources of the study are internal documents of the Soviet security services, reports, orders of the Ministry of State Security and the Committee of State Security of the USSR and protocols of interrogations of participants and leaders of the Ukrainian underground. In this context, the interrogation reports of V. Okhrymovych, the head of intelligence of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad, who was trained in intelligence at the school of spies and in 1951 was landed in Soviet-controlled territory, were discovered and arrested by the KGB. The author analyzed the peculiarities of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine and the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe in the postwar period. Separately, the researcher studied the specifics and features of cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the intelligence agencies of the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzed the documents available in the archives of Ukraine for evidence of cooperation and coordination of efforts of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad with representatives of special services of foreign states to gather intelligence in the USSR anti-Soviet sentiments, etc. The analysis of the facts in the documents showed the complexity of the situation of the Ukrainian liberation movement at the final stage of the armed struggle on the territory of Ukraine. In fact, Western special services were in dire need of intelligence from the Soviet Union, while centers of the Ukrainian movement abroad needed support in weapons, equipment, radio, new methods of sabotage and intelligence, and financial support. OUN members also had to study and learn about parachuting abroad, as illegal land routes were blocked by socialist countries. The transfer of Ukrainian underground was carried out illegally on American or British planes, from which landings were carried out over the territory of Ukraine together with walkie-talkies and equipment. The overthrown had to get in touch with the underground in Ukraine and renew the line of communication with the network of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the USSR. This article will be of interest to researchers of the history of Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States and the European continent of the ХХ century, specialists in military affairs, intelligence and the Ukrainian liberation movement, students and anyone persons interested in history.
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Bocková, Lucia, and Rudolf Kucharčík. "Citizenship by Investment - Latest Development in the European Union." Politické vedy 25, no. 4 (January 10, 2023): 69–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.69-108.
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This paper covers citizenship by investment (CBI) schemes in the European Union (EU) context which allow to acquire nationality of the EU member state through targeted investments. We were verifying whether the negative attitude of the EU towards the CBI schemes of member states and the ongoing war in Ukraine threaten their very existence. In order to achieve the objective, we analysed the rules on the acquisition of citizenship by naturalization as well as the relationship between nationality of the EU member states, which is still their exclusive competence and the EU citizenship status. Subsequently, we compared CBI schemes of three EU member states (Bulgaria, Cyprus, Malta). The results show that the EU has put pressure on member states to cancel their CBI programs because of the complex relationship between the national citizenship on the one hand and the EU citizenship and related rights enforceable across the whole EU on the other hand. This EU pressure has been further intensified following the war in Ukraine. The reason is that Russian nationals made up a significant number of CBI applicants and also because some Russian or Belarusian nationals who are supporting the war in Ukraine might have acquired EU citizenship under CBI schemes. Of the three countries we analysed, only Malta currently has a valid CBI program. Bulgaria and Cyprus abolished their CBI programs. This development indicates that the EU has gradually succeeded in eliminating the existence of CBI in the EU member states. However, it is not yet clear whether this practice of member states is contrary to the EU law. We assume that the Court of Justice of the EU will resolve this question in the ongoing infringement procedure initiated by the European Commission against Malta.
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Skrodzka, Aga. "Why “goEast” When They Are All Coming West?" Film Quarterly 70, no. 1 (2016): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2016.70.1.107.
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A report from the sixteenth goEast Festival of Central and Eastern European Film, which took place at the historic Caligari FilmBühne in Wiesbaden, Germany. Supported by the German Film Institute (Deutsches Filminstitut DIF) in Frankfurt, goEast originated in 2001 as a cross-cultural initiative designed to popularize East Central European cinema in the West, an effort which was then aligned with the European unification project focused on incorporating the post- Communist countries into the European family. Today, as the festival continues to cast its gaze eastward, it is no longer the expansion of the European Union that provides its political framework. Rather, this year's edition was more impacted by the questions surrounding the future existence of the European Union itself, whose members had recently refused to act in solidarity to address the ongoing refugee crisis, with some even contemplating exit strategies. Intensifying nationalism and resurgent xenophobia were directly mentioned by a number of goEast organizers as forces that the festival is actively seeking to oppose.
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Wiatr, Jerzy J. "The Crisis of Democracy: An East-Central European Perspective." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 353–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0016.
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AbstractPost-communist states of East Central Europe face the authoritarian challenge to their young democracies, the sources of which are both historical and contemporary. Economic underdevelopment, the retarded process of nation-building and several decades of communist rul made countries of the region less well prepared for democratic transformation than their Western neighbors, but better than former Soviet Union. Combination of economic and social tensions, nationalism and religious fundamentalism creates conditions conducive tom the crises of democracy, but such crises can be overcome if liberal and socialist forces join hands.
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Bravo Torres, Carmen Clara. "The role of the European Union on immigration. An anthropological approach to the treaties that have been carried out in Europe in order to manage diversity." REGION 6, no. 1 (August 12, 2019): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18335/region.v6i1.262.
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Migrations are a global phenomenon that has prevailed throughout history. In the last decades there is a need to control every person who enters and leaves the borders of a country. This fact can be observed in the European Union where in the last years the migratory phenomenon is appreciated as a problem. This institution carries out different measures in order to manage this diversity within its borders. However, these agreements are not adapted to the different contexts and are not carried out by all the countries that compose this institution. In spite of all this, the discourse used by the European Union promotes the European identity in front of the rest, differentiating those considered others. These others are differentiated primarily by their nationality although from the discourse analysis can be observed as the economic factor is essential. These themes will be studied in this paper, which will allow us to understand what treaties have been established in the European Union regarding migration and how diversity is managed from them.
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Volkova, G. I. "About One Memorable Date in the History of Spain." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-92-100.
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In 1714 the Catalans, being in the camp of the losers in the War of the Spanish Succession, finally lost any hope to gain independence. 300 years later, nationalists, who are in power now in Catalonia, want to take advantage of that memorable date by organizing a regional referendum in order to choose their own path of development. In the aggravating conflict of interests between Madrid and Barcelona both parties use not only political and propaganda measures, but also financial leverages of influence. The ethnonational issue in the multiethnic Spain is far from being solved, because for centuries the process of forming a unified Spanish state was characterized by political union of several genetically related (except Basque) ethnic communities, although with significant socio-cultural and linguistic differences among them. It is not coincidental that regional identity in Spain is still extremely strong, while the interethnic consolidation of the Spanish nation can be characterized as incomplete, which can be seen, particularly, in the intensification in recent decades of radical nationalist and separatist sentiments in Catalonia, the Basque Country and some other autonomies. Among reasons which escalated confrontation between supporters and opponents of Catalonian independence, we should mention the global financial crisis that hit the regions of Spain as well as the overall national economy. The separatists have many barriers on their way, starting from the constitutional provisions proclaiming Spain a united and indivisible state which impede to carry out regional plebiscites, and ending by an ambiguous attitude towards the hypothetical independence of Catalonia by both the residents of the region and in other parts of the country. It is important to keep in mind that in today's world the possibility of breaking large multiethnic state into ethnically constituting elements is more possible than 40-50 years ago. Disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union and the emergence on the world political map of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and most recently of the Republic of Crimea - confirm this. The Catalonian nationalists in their arguments in favor of the sovereignty of Catalonia refer to the arbitrariness of the borders formed in the past between separate European countries and the regions. Modern state boundaries indeed are not the result of rational planning, democratic arrangements or consideration of the local population's opinion. In many ways, the current borders are the result of historical processes, often - of bloody wars and territorial annexations. In other words, they are the result of actions which are contrary to current international law and moral norms of behavior. Independent Catalonia is still a hypothesis, but under certain conditions and, more importantly, as a result of concerted efforts of regional nationalists it could become a reality.
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Martynov, A. "The Populist Party in the Countries of the European Union: the Ideological Profile and Activities at the Beginning of XXI Century." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-7.
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The article highlights the political renaissance of European right-wing populist skeptics in most countries of the European Union. These political parties to the global economic crisis in 2008, when the process of European integration was on the rise, remained on the margins of politics. The crisis of the liberal model of globalization, the influx of refugees from crisis areas of conflict in the Middle East and North Africa, increased social contradictions reanimated populist right-wing ideology. This socio-political response to this reality has pushed the popularity of far-right nationalist political forces in most Central European countries. In terms of ideology classification of these political forces are represented as populists “left” orientation (the French “National Front”) and “right” populists (the party “Alternative for Germany”). This fact confirms the erosion of traditional ideological markers in politics and the crisis of determining its strategy and tactics.
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Cîrdei, Ionuţ Alin, and Lucian Ispas. "A Possible Answer of the European Union to Hybrid Threats." Scientific Bulletin 22, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2017-0009.
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Abstract The international security environment is marked by a certain state of anomy, which in reality does not conceal a state of chaos, but an attempt to restore and redesign spheres of influence, creating a new world order involving both state actors: the US, Russia, China India, supra-states actors: EU, NATO, etc or non-state actors. The European Union is confronted with a series of internal and external challenges that affect the state of security. Challenges are very diverse, difficult to anticipate and counteract, and can be attributed, on the one hand, to the cyclical evolution of society and, on the other hand, to intentional interventions using unconventional methods and means of hybrid type, which are aimed at destabilizing one of the most powerful supra-state structures, enjoying significant economic and political strength, which has a large population and can influence the evolution of events globally. Lately, EU countries have begun to tackle the most diverse issues, such as migration, terrorist threat, radicalization of a part of the population, supporting direct or indirect jihadist organizations, organizing attacks within the union, developing nationalism, separatism, ethnic or religious intolerance, etc.
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Pejovich, Svetozar. "Institutions, Nationalism, and the Transition Process in Eastern Europe." Social Philosophy and Policy 10, no. 2 (1993): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500004143.
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In the late 1980s, the actual accomplishments of capitalism finally made a convincing case against socialism. After several decades of experimentation with human beings, socialism in the former Soviet Union and Eastern European countries (hereafter, Eastern Europe) died an inglorious death. To an economist, the present value of the expected future benefits from socialism fell relative to their current production costs. And Marx was finally dead and, hopefully, buried.
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Allardt, Erik. "A political sociology of the Nordic countries." European Review 8, no. 1 (February 2000): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004634.
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The Nordic countries of Europe have many common traits. They are small countries in Northern Europe, they have been Lutheran since the Reformation, and they had, for centuries, a strong landholding peasantry but a weak aristocracy. They developed a comprehensive welfare state after the Second World War, and they are more sceptical about European integration than people from other countries in Western Europe. Despite attempts to create a Nordic union and the existence of a Nordic Council, their joint Nordic orientation has been subordinated to the national interests of the individual Nordic countries. They are clear-cut nation states with a nationalism that is not fierce, but represents a kind of official, controlled and uniform national spirit. With respect to parliamentary politics and social policy the main features of the countries have been called the Nordic Model. The model still exists, but rests on shakier ground than before.
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Pitty, Roderic. "The historic failure of the EU and nationalism in the Covid 19 pandemic." Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies 14, no. 2 (September 1, 2022): 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.30722/anzjes.vol14.iss2.16167.
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Analysis of per capita death rate figures from officially recorded deaths and credible estimates of excess deaths until late 2021 shows that almost all countries in the European Union (EU) performed poorly during the first two years of the Covid 19 pandemic. This historic failure is linked to previous processes of disintegration, including the impact of prolonged austerity policies on the capacity of public health systems. Forms of nationalism that have obstructed European cooperation during the pandemic are examined, together with low levels of public satisfaction with the EU’s response in core countries. A deeper cause of the EU’s pandemic failure was its inability to achieve significant institutional renewal. One consequence of this failure has been to reveal the EU’s weak normative power and declining global influence, shown by its inability to supply Covid vaccines to associated countries, and by its reluctance to lead a prompt, effective global vaccination effort.
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Ross, Alistair. "Young Europeans: A New Political Generation?" Societies 8, no. 3 (August 29, 2018): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8030070.
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Young people in Europe are often described as apolitical non-participants in the civic culture of their own states and the European Union (EU). Using empirical data based on group discussions (n = 324) in 29 European states (104 locations; 2000 young people aged between 11 and 19), this paper challenges this, and suggests that many young people have distinct political views and are motivated to participate in both political discussions and traditional and non-traditional forms of participation. They are particularly interested in a range of current issues, largely around human rights, migration and (anti-)nationalism, and the article illustrates this with examples from a range of countries. Human rights issues raised concerned their perception of contemporary injustices, which were constructed as European values and formed a significant element in their self-identification as Europeans, and a general unwillingness to be identified with ‘the nation’. This broad pan-European analysis suggests that young people see themselves in many ways as a politically distinct cohort, a generation with different political values than those of their parents and grandparents.
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Berrios, Rubén. "Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 3 (1985): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165602.
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Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.
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Kasperska-Kurzawa, Kamila. "Społeczeństwo XXI wieku wobec zagrożenia islamskim terroryzmem." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 1 (June 22, 2018): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.1.7.
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SOCIETY OF THE 21ST CENTURY AGAINST THE THREAT OF ISLAMIC TERRORISMThe subject matter includes the issue of transformation in the consciousness of the societies of European Union countries, but also communities in other areas of the world, perception of the phenomenon of migration to the territories of native countries, mainly in the European Union. The period of rapid socio-political changes in Islamic states, as well as the outbreak of civil war in 2011 in Syria, was the largest stimulator of migration movements from the Middle East, especially those covered by military operations in Europe. Hundreds of thousands of migrants continued to reach EU countries. Germany widely opened the door of its state and accepted the largest number of migrants. Some countries, such as Poland or Hungary, refused to accept migrants from countries with an Islamic origin. Migration on such a mass scale caused many social problems. The perceived sense of security of the community has deteriorated considerably in the EU countries where the most migrants came. The decline in the sense of security included areas not only of safety for life and health, but also concerns about reducing the level of social status or increasing unemployment. However, the biggest threat to the community of the EU countries, and many other countries in the world was ahuge increase in terrorist attacks, where the attackers came from orthodox Islamist groups. It should be added that the majority of migrants were Muslims. Another phenomenon also affecting the reduction of the level of perceptible security of European societies was the reactivation of political groups that in their ideologies presented the slogans of populism, nationalism, racism, or even fascism. There has been a clear polarization of Western societies, where until now they were arefuge of democracy, tolerance and values for which they fought for years. Undoubtedly, the politics of Erdogan, the president of Turkey, and the president of Russia, Putin, also influencedthestate of security of societies, and tried to influence EU decisions with their actions. Russia, let the annexation of Crimea and activities in Ukraine be left in peace, and Turkey, to force the EU to acceleratethe admission of this country to the EU. Also calling up the so-called Islamic state posed a huge threat to the security of the communities of European Union countries with attacks inspired by this terrorist group.
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Zhou, Min. "How Elite Chinese Students View Other Countries: Findings from a Survey in Three Top Beijing Universities." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 47, no. 1 (January 2018): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261804700106.
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This study examines Chinese university students' feelings towards foreign countries, using original high-quality survey data collected in 2014 at three top universities in Beijing. First, elite Chinese students' perceptions of specific countries are revealed. Being from top universities, these individuals will have great influence on China's future politics and international relations. It is thus important to gauge their perceptions of other countries. They generally feel warmly towards the European Union, Russia, and the United States, but harbour cold feelings towards Northeast Asian neighbours (Japan and the two Koreas). Second, this study finds that the effects of the socio-demographic and political factors underlying students' feelings differ greatly from country to country. I construct various social profiles of the students (dis)liking particular countries. Third, this study establishes a connection between nationalism and feelings towards particular countries. Chinese nationalism is not equally targeted at all other countries. While it elevates animosity mainly against Japan and the US, it promotes a closer rapport with North Korea and Russia.
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Mahamatov, T. M., and A. Nakova. "Objective Ground of National and Ethnic Identity as self-consciousness of an Ethnic Group." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 10, no. 1 (November 3, 2020): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2020-10-1-57-62.
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The Globalisation process and its achievements have exacerbated migration problems, creating a demographic crisis in the European Union and the Russian Federation. The authors of the article from the position of social philosophy and sociology examine the impact of the increasing migration flow from the problem regions of Asia and Africa to the more prosperous countries of Europe on the concepts of national and ethnic identity and tolerance, as well as on social capital and public trust in political leadership. The article draws attention to the borderline nature of the movement of identarism formed in the countries of Scandinavia, Western and Eastern Europe, with right-wing and extreme nationalist movements.
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Belkina, P. Yu. "Antimigrant Policy of Visegrad Group Countries." History 18, no. 8 (2019): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-8-29-38.
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The article is devoted to the policy of Visegrad countries in response to the migrant crisis in the EU and analyzes the current position of the countries on the migrant crisis regulation. Nowadays V4 countries state that the main instrument for solution of the refugee problem is implementation of strict border control. They provide harsh migrant policy at the national level that aims to restrict migrant inflow in the countries. The Visegrad countries contest EU migrant quotas as forced and challenge European position as violation of national sovereignty. On the other hand, the EU insists on the realization of the unified migration policy and underlines the principle of solidarity as one of the key values of the Union. Furthermore, recent political changes, such as the growth of nationalist and populist parties inside V4, had a significant influence on the position of the countries. In other words, the policy towards migrant problem became more rigid, comparing to the other members of the EU. The confrontation has already led to the court examination and continues to be the principal cause of general deterioration of relationships between the old and new member states of the EU. Despite all the measures undertaken by the European Commission the countries of the region stubbornly stick to their opinion. Even Slovakia and the Czech Republic, which are not as intractable as Poland and Hungary, still follow the same policy. The migrant crisis draws attention to the brewing crisis and shows the weakening of the EU supranational institutions.
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Charron, Nicholas. "Do Citizens Support Cohesion Policy? Measuring European support for redistribution within the EU and its correlates." Investigaciones Regionales - Journal of Regional Reserach 46 (April 8, 2020): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.38191/iirr-jorr.20.001.
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As the European Union enters into the next decade, its leaders seemingly strive towards more future integration rather than less, despite the recent setback of Brexit and the rise of anti-EU populist parties. In his state of the Union in 2018, Jean Claude Junker emphasized several ways forward - ‘European solidarity’, ‘rejection of exaggerated nationalism’, and support for ‘balanced migration reform’. Yet he did not mention one key policy tool for achieving a closer Union – Cohesion Policy and the Structural Funds, which are “the only real, significant redistributive mechanism in the EU…” (Fratesi 2017) and consistently constitute the second largest item in the EU’s budget. As Cohesion policy essentially redistributes resources from wealthier EU countries to poorer EU regions, creating winners (net recipients) and losers (net donors), it has been a target in anti-EU rhetoric, including in the lead up to Brexit. Despite elite commentary, we know surprisingly little about what EU citizens think of the rationale behind the policy of Cohesion – e.g. economic redistribution within the EU. As part of the PERCEIVE Horizon2020 project, we launched a unique survey to investigate how citizens feel about economic integration within the Union, where 17,200 citizens were interviewed. In this paper, we show how we measure support for the policy, the results as well as a host of correlates. Our analysis shows the variation in citizens’ support for EU Cohesion policy between countries, how support varies between demographic groups, as well as the extent to which support is correlated with utilitarian and ideational factors as well as cue taking. Implications for future developments of this policy are discussed.
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Goodwin, Jeff. "Old Regimes and Revolutions in the Second and Third Worlds: A Comparative Perspective." Social Science History 18, no. 4 (1994): 575–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017168.
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When they saw so many ridiculous, ramshackle institutions, survivals of an earlier age, which no one had attempted to co-ordinate or adjust to modern conditions and which seemed destined to live on despite the fact that they had ceased to have any present value, it was natural enough that thinkers of the day should come to loathe everything that savored of the past and should desire to remold society on entirely new lines. —Alexis de TocquevilleThe dissolution of empires has been one of the distinguishing and most consequential characteristics of the twentieth century. The popular struggles for national sovereignty that have helped to destroy these empires have sometimes (although certainly not always) been fused with attempts to change radically the socioeconomic institutions inherited from the imperialists. The result of this fusion has been nationalist revolution—or revolutionary nationalism—another phenomenon largely unique to the present century. Most recently, in the Eastern European satellites of the former Soviet Union, imperial domination not only generated a nationalist opposition but also unwittingly radicalized it—albeit in a very peculiar way that I explain below. Thus, the Eastern European revolutions of 1989, as Pavel Campeanu (1991: 806–7) has pointed out, had “a dual nature: social, since their goal was to destroy the socioeconomic structures of Stalinism, and national, since they aspired to re-establish the sovereignty of the countries in question.”
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Jáuregui, Pablo. "National Pride and the Meaning of ‘Europe’: A Comparative Study of Britain and Spain." Sociological Review 48, no. 1_suppl (May 2000): 257–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2000.tb03514.x.
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In this chapter, Pablo Jáuregui questions the idea that the development of the European Union means Europe is entering a ‘post-nationalist’ era. He suggests that nationalism and Europeanism are not necessarily opposed to each other or mutually incompatible. Taking the two cases of Spain and Britain, Jáuregui argues that their specific national self-images and feelings of collective pride have influenced the particular discourses on Europe in those two countries. Drawing in part on the ideas of Norbert Elias, this chapter examines the political rhetoric employed to legitimate or contest the idea of ‘going into Europe‘ in Spain and Britain, paying particular attention to the different ways this decision impacted upon perceptions of national status and sentiments of collective self-esteem. In Britain, the idea of going into Europe was associated with a decline in national status and the ‘loss of world power’. In contrast, for Spain entering Europe meant a considerable enhancement of national prestige following the collapse of a ‘backwards dictatorship’.
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Martynov, Andrii. "Bifurcation in the Process of European Integration under the Influence of a Pandemic." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.2.
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The coronavirus pandemic has become the most serious challenge since the European Union’s existence. The challenge is complex. The first blow was struck on four freedoms: movement of capital, goods, labor and services. Discontinuing production under the influence of a pandemic will mean both insufficient supply and too low demand. Quarantine measures have split the Common Market into “national containers”. The monetary union is also facing a serious crisis before the pandemic. The next blow to European solidarity was the crisis with illegal migrants. The humanitarian crisis has benefited populists to intensify xenophobic sentiment and terrorist movements to send their killers to the EU. The pretext of left and right populism is wandering Europe. Security threats are real. The UK’s exit from the EU has created a deficit in the EU budget. Germany and France should increase their contributions proportionally. The Visegrad bloc countries oppose their greater financial responsibility. Austria does not agree with the single Eurozone budget. Polls in the spring of 2016 showed an increase in the position of European skeptics in France, Italy, Austria, the Netherlands, Germany, the Greek part of Cyprus, the Czech Republic and Hungary. Contemporary political discourse offers European optimistic and European pessimistic scenarios. The European Republic is decentralized (European regions), post-national, parliamentary-democratic and social. This concerns a possible shift from the United States of Europe project to the European Republic. The concept of republic is a common ideological and political heritage of Europe. A New Europe Demands New Political Thinking without Populism and Nationalism. The European Republic should be at the center of the triangle: liberalism (liberty), socialism (equality) and nationalism (brotherhood). The pessimistic scenario focuses on the fragmentation of the European Union. The basis of such fragmentation can be the project of European integration of different speeds.
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Penninx, Rinus. "International migration and related policies in europe 1950 - 2015." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 96, no. 2 (2016): 18–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd1602014p.
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Immigration in Europe has been shaped by: a) its particular development in time; b) the geographical patterns of migration within and towards European countries; and c) the shifting types of migration and characteristics of migrants involved. The first part of this contribution outlines changes in these three basic migration-related factors. Migration outcomes are not haphazard nor are these the result of unhindered economic push and pull factors in a free market. Immigration policies of receiving countries do greatly influence the volume and patterns of migration, the place of settlement and the characteristics of migrants. Regulations on conditions of residence and integration do furthermore influence significantly the position of immigrants in their new destination, among others by setting conditions for their stay (residence rights) and access to the labour market. The second part of this chapter outlines the migration and integration regimes that have been developed by states of different parts of Europe and by the European Union. In conclusion, immigration has become a relevant phenomenon in all EU countries. However, as a consequence of different timing of immigration, different socio-economic contexts and varying governmental migration and integration policies, European countries are confronted with different forms migration (immigration, emigration, transit migration) and with different types of migrants. European states have also developed different governmental policies of migration and integration. Historically, a common denominator in the framing of European policies is that countries do not see themselves as immigration countries; they are immigration countries against their will. In recent times, such framing is reinforced by populist and nationalist movements that see immigrants not only as economic competitors, but also as a threat to the national "culture and world views". The more Europe needs immigrants for economic and demographic reasons, the less they are welcomed for cultural and political reasons.
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G. Panagopoulos, Athanasios. "Euro Zone Budget and its Effects on the European and Monetary Union (EMU) Integration." International Journal of Business Administration 11, no. 3 (May 21, 2020): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijba.v11n3p83.
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The implemention of a monetary union in Europe, to take full benefit of the Single Market’s potential benefits, has not up till now delivered the expected outcomes. On the contrary, the euro area has been afflicted by many difficulties, including weak growth, unemployment, and inequality. Many blame the euro’s malfunctioning design, and especially its inability to promote economic convergence and provide amendment and stabilization mechanisms. The latter view prevailed when shaping the austerity policies imposed on the countries more affected by the financial and sovereign debt crises, intensifying an economic recession with dramatic social consequences. Citizens’ distrust in the European Union’s institutions grew, along with support for nationalistic political forces opposing the European integration project. Some of EMU’s needed reforms will both promote convergence, and help smooth economic activity and maintain citizens’ wellbeing when crises occur. The creation of an autonomous budget for the euro zone was mentioned in a European Commission discussion paper on the future of the EU. This is an eminently political matter, very sensitive to domestic public opinions. In fact, the existence of a budget for the euro zone, in recognition of the fact that this subset of EU countries has specific needs, distinct from those of other non-EMU members, would translate into a situation requiring the design of different budgets within the EU. Such issue is at the heart of the intense debate between holders of different views concerning the future of the EU and of the euro zone, especially in what concerns the question of which of these geometries will in the future be the engine for further economic and political integration in Europe. This paper assesses one of the main deficiencies of the euro’s governance model – lack of automatic stabilization – and discusses proposals to overcome it.
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Novotna, Tereza. "The Eastern Enlargement of the European Union: Public Discourses in the Czech and Slovak Republics." Journal of Contemporary European Research 3, no. 1 (April 26, 2007): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v3i1.27.
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The article examines the so-called Eastern enlargement of the European Union from the point of view of the Czech and Slovak Republics. Although they joined the EU at the same time, the experience of both states is diverse. The author argues that the chief obstacles on the “way back to Europe” were not so much the implementation of the acquis, but internal political weakness and unsatisfactory public discourse on the merits of joining the the EU. Slovakia, with its incorporation into the second wave of candidate countries due to its unacceptable political situation during Meciar’s government, is used as the best exemplar of the political weakness. The Czech Republic illustrates, with its initial sense of exceptionalism that turned into nationalistic-populist rhetoric of political parties’ leaders and eventually mounted into relatively low level of “yes-votes” in the closing referendum, represents the poor public discourse. Methodologically, the author analyses discursive interactions and institutional capacity using an actor-centered approach.
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Bator-Bryła, Monika Patrycja. "Prohibition of Discrimination on Grounds of Nationality in the Freedom of Movement of Persons within the EU in the Light of Case Law of the Court of Justice of the European Union." Review of European and Comparative Law 46, no. 3 (August 21, 2021): 189–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.12340.
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The subject of this article is to analyze the meaning of the prohibition of discrimination on grounds of nationality in the light of the provisions of primary and secondary European Union law and the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, which is inherent to the functioning of the internal market and EU citizenship.
The prohibition of discrimination on grounds of nationality is undoubtedly one of the main goals of the European Union[1] in the social and economic context, which was reflected in the localization of the matter in question in the primary law of the European Union[2], in secondary law and in the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). The Treaty on European Union (TEU)[3] and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU)[4] indicate equality as one of the EU values (Article 2 TEU), require it to be promoted and combat all discrimination (Articles 8 and 10 TFEU) and prohibit discrimination due to the criteria indicated therein (Articles 18 and 19 TFEU). In secondary law, this principle was expressed primarily in the Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council No. 492/2011 on the free movement of workers within the Union and in art. 24 of Directive 2004/38/EC 2004 on the right of citizens of the Union and their relatives to move freely[5].
A special role in this area is played by the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), which stated that all authorities of the Member States are obliged to refuse to apply a provision of national law that is contrary to the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of citizenship (Article 18 TFEU)[6]. Moreover, national measures may be examined in the light of art. 18 TFEU, but only to the extent that they apply to situations not covered by specific non-discrimination provisions included in the Treaty[7].
The author puts forward the thesis that the analysis of CJEU jurisprudence reveals a visible dissonance between the application of national regulations of the Member States and the provisions of EU law in this matter, which significantly hinders the implementation of the principle of non-discrimination in practice. Discrepancies mainly occur in domestic legal acts due to the improper drafting of national legal provisions and / or their misinterpretation by national judicial or administrative authorities. It should be emphasized that the Member States are obliged to comply with EU law, which is not tantamount only to the obligation of state authorities to respect directly applicable acts, or to implement required regulations into internal law, but also the obligation to interpret and apply internal law in a manner that does not violate the requirement resulting from EU law[8]. Judicial and administrative authorities of the Member States should therefore interpret national law as far as possible, in line with EU law, because the limits of the pro-EU interpretation will be determined by the powers conferred by domestic law[9].
The study uses the legal-comparative method, consisting in a comparative analysis of the legal systems of the Member States and the European Union in the field of non-discrimination on the basis of nationality, rights and restrictions on the freedom of movement of authorized entities. Comparative verification of EU acts with the internal standards of individual EU Member States allows to reveal the degree of advancement of the implementation process of EU law provisions under the free movement of EU citizens and their family members in the discussed area in the legal systems of European Union Member States. The purpose of this analysis is to, inter alia, diagnose areas in which these countries have not implemented or improperly implemented EU regulations, or have misinterpreted them.
The second method used is the method of analyzing the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union - the rulings of the CJEU constitute a significant part of the study. The case law in question covers the period from the establishment of the Treaties of Rome to the present day. The use of the latter obligated the author to apply the comparative method of judgments based on same or similar legal bases in similar circumstances from different stages of the evolution of the free movement of citizens of the European Union and their family members under the prohibition of discrimination on the basis of nationality.
[1] Cf. Olivier De Schutter, Links between migration and discrimination. A legal analysis of the situation in EU Member States (Brussels: European Commission, 2016), 102 and next; See also Brita Sundberg-Weitman, Discrimination on Grounds of Nationality. Free Movement of Workers and Freedom of Establishment under the EEC Treaty (Amsterdam, New York, Oxford: North-Holland Publishing Co., 1977).
[2] Erica Szyszczak, “Antidiscrimination Law in the European Union,” Fordham International Law Journal, no. 32 (2008): 635.
[3] The Treaty on European Union (consolidated version) OJ of the EU 2012, No. C 326/01.
[4] The Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (consolidated version) OJ of the EU 2012, No. C 326/01.
[5] Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council No. 2004/38 on the right of citizens of the Union and their family members to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States amending Regulation (EEC) No. 1612/68 and repealing Directives 64/221/EEC, 68/360/EEC, 72/194/EEC, 73/148/EEC, 75/34/EEC, 75/35/EEC, 90/364/EEC, 90/365/EEC and 93/96/EEC (O.J.E.C. L 158, 30 April 2004).
[6] CJEU Judgement of 7 May 1998, Clean Car Autoservice GmbH p. Landeshauptmann von Wien, Case C-350/96, ECLI:EU:C:1998:205.
[7] CJEU Judgement of 18 June 2019, Republic of Austria v Federal Republic of Germany, Case C-591/17, ECLI:EU:C:2019:504, pt 41.
[8] Marek Górski, “Wpływ orzecznictwa Europejskiego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości na interpretację i stosowanie przepisów o ochronie środowiska,” in Wspólnotowe prawo ochrony środowiska i jego implementacja w Polsce trzy lata po akcesji, ed. Jerzy Jendrośka and Magdalena Bar (Wrocław: Centrum Prawa Ekologicznego Press, 2008), 31.
[9] Monika Niedźwiedź, “Stosowanie prawa wspólnotowego przez organy administracyjne,” Casus, no. 32 (October 2004): 6.