Academic literature on the topic 'Nationalistisch Spanje'

Rond 1910 werd in de BWP de Vlaamse kwestie een vrije kwestie. De ‘versmelting’ van twee volken in een ‘âme belge’, via tweetaligheid, werd afgewezen. Onder impuls van Huysmans beriep het Vlaamse socialisme zich op de idee van culturele autonomie: het recht op onderwijs in de moedertaal van de lagere school tot de universiteit en dus de vernederlandsing van de Gentse Rijksuniversiteit. Daarmee behoorde het Vlaamse socialisme tot de voorhoede van de Vlaamse beweging. Het Waalse socialisme daarentegen verdedigde nog de superioriteit van het Frans en de mythe van een tweetalig Vlaanderen, en kantte zich tegen die Vlaamse hoofdeis.Tijdens de tweede fase (1919-1935) was de Vlaamse beweging verzwakt en het Vlaamse socialisme verdeeld. Huysmans slaagde er slechts met moeite in om een ongunstig partijstandpunt ter zake te verhinderen en de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie te behouden. Het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’ van november 1929 was gebaseerd op regionale eentaligheid en een minimale tweetaligheid in het leger en de centrale besturen. Het legde mee de fundamenten van de evolutie naar het beginsel van de territorialiteit inzake bestuur en onderwijs (1930 en 1932).Tijdens de derde fase (1935-1940) hield die pacificatie geen stand. Conflicten versterkten elkaar. De partijleiding kwam in handen van de Brusselaar Spaak en de Vlaming De Man, die met zijn Plan van de Arbeid in 1933 de BWP even uit de impasse had gehaald. Het ging om een nieuwe generatie die het socialisme een andere inhoud wilde geven: streven naar een volkspartij in plaats van klassenstrijd, een ‘socialisme national’, een autoritaire democratie als antwoord op een aanhoudende politieke crisis. Vooral aan Waalse kant werd daartegen gereageerd. Tevens werd de evolutie in het buitenlandse beleid, de zelfstandigheid los van Frankrijk, bekritiseerd. De Spaanse burgeroorlog en de eventuele erkenning van generaal Franco dreef de tegenstellingen op de spits. Voor het eerst had de partij met Spaak een socia-listische eerste minister (mei 1938-januari 1939). Hoewel alle socialisten tegen Franco waren, verschilden de Waalse socialisten van mening met de meeste Vlaamse socialisten over de vraag of de regering daarover moest vallen. Er was ook de tegenstelling over een al dan niet toenadering tot de christelijke arbeidersbeweging vanwege een dan noodzakelijke schoolvrede en een subsidiëring van de katholieke ‘strijdscholen’. Daarop entte zich de taalkwestie. In de Kamer viel de fractiecohesie terug tot 53%.De Vlaamse socialisten waren niet alleen veel sterker vertegenwoordigd in de fractie (40% in 1936), hun zelfbewustzijn nam ook sterk toe. Ze ergerden zich steeds meer aan het bijna exclusieve gebruik van het Frans in de fractie, in het partijbestuur en vooral tijdens congressen. Wie geen of weinig Frans kende, wilde niet langer als minderwaardig worden behandeld. Zeker als dat samenviel met een andere visie. Het eerste aparte Vlaams Socialistisch Congres ging door in maart 1937. Het wilde de culturele autonomie zo veel mogelijk doortrekken, maar keerde zich tegen elke vorm van federalisme, waardoor de Vlaamse socialisten in een klerikaal Vlaanderen een machteloze minderheid zouden worden. Bij de Waalse socialisten groeide de frustratie. Ze organiseerden aparte Waalse Congressen in 1938 en 1939. Ze benadrukten drie vormen van Vlaams imperialisme. De ongunstige demografische evolutie maakte een Vlaamse meerderheid in het parlement en politieke minorisering mogelijk. De financieel-economische transfers van Wallonië naar Vlaanderen verarmden Wallonië. Het verlies aan jobs voor ééntalige Walen in Wallonië en in Brussel was discriminerend. Dat laatste zorgde voor een francofone toenadering en een gezamenlijke framing. Het flamingantisme had zich al meester gemaakt van Vlaanderen, bedreigde via tweetaligheid nu de Brusselse agglomeratie, waarna Wallonië aan de beurt zou komen. Op 2 februari 1939 stonden Vlaamse en Waalse socialisten tegenover elkaar. De unitaire partij dreigde, naar katholiek voorbeeld, in twee taalgroepen uiteen te vallen. Zover kwam het niet. De wallinganten, die een politiek federalisme nastreefden, hadden terrein gewonnen, maar de meeste Waalse socialisten bleven voorstander van een nationale solidariteit. Mits een nieuw ‘Compromis’ dat met de Waalse grieven rekening hield. De mythe van het Vlaamse socialisme als Vlaams vijandig of onverschillig is moeilijk vol te houden. Wel ontstond na de Tweede Wereldoorlog een andere situatie. Tijdens de jaren 1960 behoorde de Vlaamse kwestie tot de ‘trein der gemiste kansen’ . Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatieve katholieke vleugel en de liberale partij, met steun van de koning en van de haute finance. Eenmaal het socialistische minimumprogramma uit angst voor een sociale revolutie aanvaard (1918-1921), werden de socialisten nog slechts getolereerd tijdens crisissituaties of als het niet anders kon (1925-1927, 1935-1940). Het verklaart een toenemende frustratie bij Waalse socialisten. Tevens bemoeilijkte hun antiklerikalisme de samenwerking van Vlaamse socialisten met christendemocraten en Vlaamsgezinden, zoals in Antwerpen, en dat gold ook voor de vorming van regeringen. In de BWP waren de verhoudingen veranderd. De macht lag nu gespreid over vier actoren: de federaties, het partijbestuur, de parlementsfractie en eventueel de ministers. De eenheid was bij momenten ver zoek. In 1919 was het Vlaamse socialisme veel sterker geworden. In Vlaanderen behaalde het 24 zetels (18 meer dan in 1914) en werd het met 25,5% de tweede grootste partij. Bovendien was de dominantie van Gent verschoven naar Antwerpen, dat met zes zetels de vierde grootste federatie van de BWP werd. Het aantrekken van Camille Huysmans als boegbeeld versterkte haar Vlaamsgezind profiel. In een eerste fase moest Huysmans nog de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie verdedigen. Zelfs tegen de Gentse en de Kortrijkse federatie in, die de vooroorlogse Vlaamsgezinde hoofdeis – de vernederland-sing van de Gentse universiteit – hadden losgelaten. Naar 1930 toe, de viering van honderd jaar België, was de Vlaamse beweging opnieuw sterker geworden en werd gevreesd voor de electorale doorbraak van een Vlaams-nationalistische partij. Een globale oplossing voor het Vlaamse probleem begon zich op te dringen. Dat gold ook voor de BWP. Interne tegenstellingen moesten overbrugd worden zodat, gezien de financiële crisis, de sociaaleconomische thema’s alle aandacht konden krijgen. Daarbij stonden de eenheid van België en van de partij voorop. In maart 1929 leidde dit tot het ‘Compromis des Belges’ en een paar maanden later tot het minder bekende en radicalere partijstandpunt, het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’. Voortbouwend op de vooroorlogse visie van het bestaan van twee volken binnen België, werd dit doorgetrokken tot het recht op culturele autonomie van elk volk, gebaseerd op het principe van regionale eentaligheid, ten koste van de taalminderheden. Voor de Vlaamse socialisten kwam dit neer op een volledige vernederlandsing van Vlaanderen, te beginnen met het onderwijs en de Gentse universiteit. Niet zonder enige tegenzin ging een meerderheid van Waalse socialisten daarmee akkoord. In ruil eisten zij dat in België werd afgezien van elke vorm van verplichte tweetaligheid, gezien als een vorm van Vlaams kolonialisme. Eentalige Walen hadden in Wallonië en in nationale instellingen (leger, centrale besturen) recht op aanwerving en carrière zonder kennis van het Nederlands, zoals ook de kennis ervan als tweede landstaal in Wallonië niet mocht worden opgelegd. De betekenis van dit interne compromis kreeg in de historiografie onvoldoende aandacht. Dat geldt ook voor de vaststelling dat beide nationale arbeidersbewegingen, de BWP vanuit de oppositie, in 1930-1932 mee de invoering van het territorialiteitsbeginsel hebben geforceerd. Een tussentijdse fase C uit het model van Miroslav Hroch.___________ ‘Frenemies’? 2Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party 1919-1940. Division, Compromise. Crisis. Part Two: 1935-1940 Around 1910, the Flemish question became a free question in the BWP. The ‘merging’ of two peoples in a Belgian soul (âme belge) through bilingualism was rejected. According to Huysmans, Flemish socialism appealed to the idea of cultural autonomy: the right to education in one’s native language from primary school to university, and therefore, the transformation of the state University of Ghent into a Dutch-speaking institution. Hence, Flemish socialism became part of the vanguard of the Flemish Movement. Walloon socialism, on the contrary, continued to support the superiority of French in Belgium and the myth of a bilingual Flanders. It turned against this key Flemish demand.The next stages were dominated by the introduction of simple universal male suffrage in 1919. The Catholic Party maintained an absolute majority in Flanders, the Socialist Party acquired a similar position in Wallonia. During the second phase (1919-1935) initially the Flemish Movement was weakened and Flemish socialism divided. Huysmans hardly managed to keep the Flemish question a free question. The ‘Compromise of the Belgian Socialists’ (Compromis des socialistes belges) of November 1929 was based on regional monolingualism and a minimal bilingualism in the army and the central administration. The territorial principle in administration and education (1930 and 1932) was accepted. Dutch became the official language in Flanders.During the third phase (1935-1940) pacification did not hold. Conflicts strengthened one another. The party leadership fell into the hands of the Brussels politician Spaak and the Fleming De Man. The latter had just offered the BWP an answer to the socio-economic depression with his ‘Labour Plan’ (Plan van de Arbeid). This new generation wanted a different socialism: rather a people’s party than stressing class conflict, a ‘national socialism’, an authoritarian democracy as a response to a persistent political crisis. In particular Walloons reacted against these developments. At the same time, they critisized the foreign policy of diplomatic independence from France (‘los van Frankrijk’). The Spanish Civil War and the possible recognition of General Franco stressed the divisions. With Spaak, the party had a Socialist Prime Minister for the first time (May 1938-January 1939). While all socialists were opposed to Franco, Walloon socialists had a conflicting view with most Flemish socialists on whether the govern-ment should be brought down on this subject. There was also a conflict over the question of rapprochement with the Christian labour movement concerning a truce over the school question and subsidies for the Catholic ‘propaganda’ schools. The language question worsened the situation. In the Chamber, party cohesion dropped down to 53%.Not only were the Flemish socialists much more strongly represented in the socialist parliamentary group (40% in 1936), their assertiveness also increased. They became more and more annoyed with the quasi-exclusive use of French in their parliamentary group, in the party administration, and mostly during party congresses. Those who knew little or no French no longer wanted to be treated as inferior. Especially, when they had different opinions. The first separate Flemish Socialist Congress was held in March 1937. The Congress wanted to pursue cultural autonomy as far as possible, but opposed any form of federalism, as Flemish socialists would become a powerless minority in a clerical Flanders.Frustration grew among Walloon socialists. They organised separate Walloon Congresses in 1938 and 1939. They emphasized three forms of Flemish imperialism. Unfavourable demographic developments made a Flemish majority in Parliament and political minoritisation likely. Financial-economic transfers impoverished Wallonia to the benefit of Flanders. The loss of jobs for monolingual Walloons in Wallonia and Brussels was discriminatory. This contributed to common framing among Francophones: “Flemish radicalism” was accepted in Flanders, presently threatening the Brussels agglomeration via bilingualism, and Wallonia would be next.On 2 February 1939 Flemish and Walloon socialists opposed one another. The unitary party was in danger of splitting into two language groups, following the Catholic example. It did not come to that. The Walloon radicals, who pursued political federalism, had won some ground, but most Walloon socialists remained supporters of national solidarity, provided the adoption of a new ‘Compromise’ that took account of Walloon grievances.The myth of Flemish socialism as hostile or indifferent to Flemish issues is hard to maintain. After the Second World War, however, the situation became different.

Qindīl Umm Hāšim, ‘The Lamp of Umm Hāšim’, is the title of Yaḥyā Ḥaqqī’s collection of short stories, first published in 1944, that made the author famous. Its enormous success can be traced back to the novella of the same title that opens the collection. The novella, due to its themes and narrative form, perfectly synthesizes the nationalistic spirit and modern ideals that developed in the 1920s around the al-madrasa al-ḥadīṯa movement, ‘The Modern School’, and ranks among the classics of modern Arabic fiction. It is a formally and stylistically mature work that manages to communicate in a linear and concise manner – with a formally perfect style and language that is both symbolic and direct – the spiritual, psychological and cultural complexity of the multidimensional tensions that characterise modern Egyptian reality. In 1975, following numerous reprints, an integrated edition of the collection was published containing Yaḥyā Ḥaqqī’s autobiography, which constitutes a true original essay by the author. In his autobiography Ašǧān ʿuḍw muntasib (Concerns of an affiliated member), Ḥaqqī not only reports the most important events of his life, but also offers a literary manifesto in which he confides his ideological, stylistic and literary concerns to the reader. The autobiographical manifesto emphasises how through writing (and the short story, in particular), Ḥaqqī wants to ‘shake up the Egyptian people’ so that they become aware of the socio-cultural and identity-national values that art plays in the modern era. Both his autobiography and the novella The Lamp of Umm Hāšim complement each other in capturing all the details that make up the style, ideology, innovation and commitment of a modern Egyptian intellectual. The novella – concentrated in a modest narrative space, along with Ḥaqqī’s literary manifesto – indisputably finds its place among the Great Books of Arabic Literature.

This chapter examines how the lineaments of U.S. national identity were shaped and consolidated by three wars over a span of eighty years: the American Civil War, World War I, and World War II. It explains how American writers during these years sought to accommodate the heterogeneous nature of national space within an allegorical circumference where the geography of the nation would embody its redemptive spirit. The chapter first considers the establishment of social boundaries in William Dean Howells's novel A Hazard of New Fortunes and its effort to redescribe regionalism as a nationalist phenomenon. It then explores the concerted attempt to restore the “multilingual” dimensions of American literature and the nationalistic approach adopted by some writers that incorporates geography as a mode of allegory. It also analyzes the fiction of Wallace Stevens and Gertrude Stein, the latter of whom used the airplane as an emblem of modernism.

Abstract Techno-security innovation is a crucial but overlooked phenomenon in the study of the development of the space sector. This chapter offers analytical insights and approaches drawn from the broader examination of defense innovation and techno-security innovation that can be applied to the space domain. A number of key characteristics of techno-security space innovation can be discerned that include the catalytic role played by external threat perceptions and top-level leadership intervention, the powerful presence of self-reliant techno-nationalistic impulses driving decision-making, and the emphasis on civil-military integration. These factors are readily apparent in case studies of the US and Chinese techno-security space innovation systems, and their impact can be expected to grow more prominent as US-China great power techno-security competition intensifies. Both countries believe that civil-military integration is pivotal in gaining a decisive edge, although their approaches differ greatly.

This paper comprehensively investigates the current impact of the Dayton imbedded concept of ethnicity which strengthens ethnic belonging and overemphasizes the concept of territorial or constituent minorities in BiH. It argues that statistical differences in the number of constituent peoples across the country significantly contribute to state’s shattered internal stability, overstressing and strengthening the pre-existing nationalistic discourses and creating space for new, but pre-war inspired rhetoric. The analysis is presented through an investigation of the impacts that this issue has on two separate domains of the socio-political life in BiH – the power-sharing and the citizens’ realms.

The chapter sheds light on the factual relations between peninsular cultures, as well as on their ideological configuration and imaginary substrate, considering how the Iberian idea was constructed by the Castilian translations of Eugénio de Castro’s works. It intends to demonstrate that the Portuguese poet’s Castilian translations can be interpreted as an instrument of the imaginary configuration of a modern Iberian identity that is aesthetically multifaceted and ambiguous. This ambiguity is justified by the semi-peripheral and post-imperial status of Spain in the global context, and it helps us to understand how Castro’s work was appreciated for the tension caused by its own contradictions (nationalistic vs. cosmopolitan or innovative vs. traditionalist). Taking into account the crucial relation of the Iberian space with other cultural spaces, namely the French canonization centre and Latin America, the chapter contends that the Iberian space devised through the translation of Eugénio de Castro’s work is constitutively heterogeneous, semi-peripheral, and post-imperial.

Abstract There are few pursuits less fashionable yet more contentious than literary history. What is this outdated discipline that continues, in spite of itself, to be so up-to-date? And if literary history is seen, as it often is, as being an ‘anachronistic reflex’ (Pierce 1988: 88), then why is so much fuss being made about it, in Australia and elsewhere? One possible answer is that the current debates surrounding literary history are closely linked with those centring on the figure of the nation. If the nation can loosely be defined as a shared symbolic space invested with collective memories (Featherstone 1996: 53), then literary history charts that space, attempting to give it meaningful shape. Literary histories, it need hardly be said, are not intrinsically nationalistic; but they are national narratives of a kind, textual constructions of the nation: they are part, that is, of the negotiable field of meanings, signs, and symbols that is associated with national culture, national identity, national life (Bhabha 1990: 3).

This Introduction focuses on public disruption and violence to demonstrate how a political cause, the greater good, a future feminist matria, motivates many of the women in these narratives to endanger their lives. Exploring the intersection of the familial and the national, the personal and the public, the exile and the refugee, these works are set mid-twentieth century during the time of dictatorships, national independence, and communist revolution. By focalizing wars, violence, and women, the novels offer a unique postcolonial feminist perspective on a subject typically told by men about men. The result is that Edwidge Danticat’s The Farming of Bones and Andrea O’Reilly Herrera’s The Pearl of the Antilles conceive matria as an anti-nationalistic maternal space that brings mothers and daughters together and thus provides a means to heal from the traumas of the past.

Finegan explores the expression of Noah Webster’s religious convictions and nationalistic beliefs as expressed in An American Dictionary of the English Language. He reviews Webster’s changing values over the course of his life, from idealistic enthusiasm surrounding the American Revolution to political disillusionment and intensified religious conviction later in his life. Becoming a born-again Christian in 1808, Webster adopted religious beliefs that shaped not only his personal life but also his etymologies, choice of illustrative quotations, and the very tone of his 1828 American Dictionary as a whole. While the definitions in the 1828 work are now most notably promoted in conservative religious contexts, Webster’s earlier and more secular Compendious Dictionary, first published in 1806, is consulted in a wider span of viewpoints in the United States today.

Chapter 4 examines how the conventional gendering and sexualization of redemption is revised in John Horne Burns’s internationally beloved novel The Gallery (1947) as Naples—long described in terms of “porosity”—becomes a queer, trans-national space. The Gallery rejects the heteronormative encounter culminating in reproduction, dismissing it as the basis of a nationalistic egotism that lays the groundwork for war. Instead, the novel favors a momentary communion between Allies and Italians as the Dantean narrator’s rebirth culminates in an orgasmic encounter with a genderless Italian. Moreover, I show how the narrator’s redemption depends on a trans-national dimension that crisscrosses the Mediterranean, moving between the U.S., North Africa, and Naples, and a metonymic slippage between the Galleria Umberto I, Naples, Italy, and the universe. As it dehistoricizes Naples versus colonial Africa and materialist America, The Gallery erases all local identities, including the queer spaces and bodies that preface his redemption.

Abstract The connections between Confucianism and the lives of women have been a subject of interest since the turn of the 19th century, taken up, first, by missionaries and travelers as part of their anthropological observations of the “natives”; then by the Reform Movement and the May Fourth Movement, culminating in the Cultural Revolution as part of the nationalistic discourse; and lastly by the contemporary feminists as part of their “outreach” effort to form a global sisterhood. In all these three approaches, Confucianism is portrayed as a negative force in the lives of women. Up to the mid-1990s, the notion of universal victimhood of women overshadowed the notion of female agency in Chinese gender studies. Now with the rise of the field of comparative feminist philosophy exploring positive feminist space within Confucianism, the theoretical construction of Confucian feminism emerges as the latest attempt to reconceptualize the complex connections between Confucianism and the lives of women.

This chapter delves into Manchuria and Taiwan's peripheral status in China's tourism radius. It reviews the place of Manchuria and Taiwan in Chinese travel culture in the first half of the twentieth century, and inspects the impact of the Japanese colonial empire on the imagination of China's national space. Even though myriad obstacles imposed by the Japanese colonial order prevented the expansion of Chinese tourism in these two regions during the majority of the Republican period, there was still a steady stream of travel writing about Manchuria and Taiwan that circulated in the popular print media. The chapter first looks at the upsurge in travel in Manchuria in the late 1920s when the launch of the Northern Expedition by the Nationalists triggered a fervent anticolonial nationalistic movement. In then investigates the uptick in mainland Chinese travelers to Taiwan when the island was returned to China after Japan's defeat in World War II. The chapter reviews how the Chinese travelers and tourists attempted to incorporate these areas into their imagined national territory at different critical moments during the Republican period.

Today, mass media constitute the widespread sharing, transmission and transmission channels of societies, and games played on the computer, which is a mass communication tool, are also accepted as an important media tool. These games are an activity tool where individuals of all ages, especially the young generation, evaluate their spare time, relieve stress and participate to have fun. Since computer games have become widespread, they have gained popularity day by day as they have the opportunity to convey personal ideas and ideologies of individuals. In this context, the national feelings of individuals also manifest themselves in games. The nationalistic attitudes and behaviors of individuals, which are revealed by computer games, which are one of the most popular technological developments of the 21st century, constitute the subject of the research. In this context, Mobile Legends, one of the most played games in the world, was selected and the user dialogues with the winners of the game in Turkey gave direction to the research. The fact that the communities in the game are divided according to nationalities and compete with the flags of their own country has been important for the selection of the game. The relationship of the individual with the flag has been revealed by the analyzes taken from the Turkey Values Research.