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Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalist thought'
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1
Fois, Marisa. "Algerian Nationalism: From the Origins to Algerian War of Independence." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340140.
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Arab nationalism is not a monolithic construct. In the case of Algeria, the nationalist period undoubtedly played a significant role in determining the nature of its nationalist movement, its foundational principles and the nature of the future independent country. It was during the nationalist period that disputes regarding the colonial order, autonomy versus independence and the definition of Algerian identity emerged. The anti-colonial revolution occurred after a long period of gestation, the result of a combination of people’s spontaneous initiative, the action of forces fed by new or existing ideas and the influence of the international context. This article provides an overview of Algerian nationalism—including both Arab and Berber nationalisms—from the 1920s to the 1950s, identifying parties, leaders and currents of thought.
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Munhanif, Ali, and Yuli Yasin. "RELIGION AND THE POLITICS OF NATIONALIST THOUGHT: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF HINDU NATIONALISM IN INDIA AND MUSLIM NATIONALISM IN INDONESIA." ILMU USHULUDDIN 9, no. 1 (April 29, 2023): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/iu.v9i1.32065.
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The rise of religious nationalism in recent decades in developing countries has sparked attention among scholars. This article seeks to explore the political and cultural dynamics of the contemporary resurgence of religious nationalism, many of them reflected in Hindu nationalist in India and Muslim nationalist in Indonesia. We address the following question: What are the likely factors for religious-nationalist movements coming to the center stage of nation-state politics? Using the historical-institutional approach to religious politics, we argue that the forces that have driven the resurgence of religious nationalist were the interaction between the institutional design of the nation-state and the considerable opportunities for change – in a certain period of political crisis. Embedded in the issues of the institutional challenge is another series of questions that this article will address. There are variations in how and when religious-nationalist politics emerged. Why, for example, did the rise of religious politics occur in such varying ways, for instance, through a political party in India and civil society movements in Indonesia? Why did regimes or governments that promoted secular ideologies in India and Indonesia lose their hegemonic position? The answers to these questions are also largely historical-institutional. By focusing on how political institutions shape political dynamics, we suggest that institutions shape social and political outcomes, they necessarily affect people’s behavior as reflected in the politics of religious nationalism.
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Kotov, Viktor. "The Image of the Habsburg Dynasty in Czech Nationalist Thinking in the 1860s and at the Beginning of the 1870s (on the Example of the Sokol Movement)." Central-European Studies 14, no. 5 (2022): 164–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2022.5.7.
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This article analyses the image of the Habsburg dynasty in Czech nationalist thinking in the 1860s and at the beginning of the 1870s. This complex and changing image is explored through the case of the Sokol movement, which combined Czech nationalism with gymnastics. The research is based on the analysis of newspapers and other primary sources. The complexity of the analysed image derives from the existence of three interrelated currents of monarchist thought in the socalled Czech lands. The traditional current can be described as paternalistic, imperialist, and Catholic. The constitutional current was related to the emperor’s acceptance of the limitation of his power. The third current was Czech nationalist monarchism characterised by the link between the concept of Czech historical state right and the prospect of Franz Joseph I’s coronation as King of Bohemia. Among the main principles of Czech nationalist thinking was totalism, which in this case meant conceiving the nation as the supreme value. Among the consequences of putting Czech national interests over everything else were the merging of nationalist and constitutional currents of monarchist thought, the differential attitude towards Franz Joseph I’s predecessors, and the alternation of anifestations of loyalty and disloyalty. Among the latter were the decisions of the Prague Sokol society not to take part in the emperor’s visit to Prague in June 1868 and to purchase the copy of his rescript dated 12 September 1871, which contained the unfulfilled coronation promise. The totality of nationalism as a political religion and the existence of different interpretations of Austrianness led Czech nationalists to take it as simultaneously their anti-identity and subsidiary identity. Austrianness as the Czech subsidiary identity was related to the idea of multinational monarchy and the concept of Austro-Slavism, while the anti-identity was incited by the German and supranational interpretations.
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Hasan, Moh Abdul Kholiq, Kamila Adnani, and Moh Mahbub. "Kontruksi Pemikiran Keagamaan tentang Nilai-Nilai Nasionalisme Pada Penceramah di Masjid Agung Surakarta dan Sukoharjo." Al-Ulum 18, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 481–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.30603/au.v18i2.660.
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This is a field research using a qualitative descriptive approach. This research aims at understanding the construction of religious thought about the values of nationalism and nationalism insights by preachers at the Great Mosque of Surakarta and Sukoharjo. The results of the study indicate that the constructs of religious thought by the preachers can be divided into two types. First, fundamentalist preachers; Nationalist thought which always makes religious texts the only foothold, too idealized and normative footing, like HTI and Salafi preachers. Second, moderate preachers; Nationalist thought which do not make religious texts the only basis but also saw reality and maqashid sharia, flexible and realistic, like Tarbiyah-PKS and NU preachers. Nationalism insights cover five main points of nationalism values, namely the Pancasila, the love of the homeland and the Republic of Indonesia, tolerance and diversity, democracy and deliberation, respect for the red and white flag and the national anthem. In general the preachers accept and support those. Only HTI and Salafi do not accept democracy which is, on their mind, contrary to Islam. HTI accepts the concept of the NKRI but under the auspices of the Caliphate.
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KAPILA, SHRUTI. "SELF, SPENCER AND SWARAJ: NATIONALIST THOUGHT AND CRITIQUES OF LIBERALISM, 1890–1920." Modern Intellectual History 4, no. 1 (March 8, 2007): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244306001077.
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In giving a historically specific account of the self in early twentieth-century India, this article poses questions about the historiography of nationalist thought within which the concept of the self has generally been embedded. It focuses on the ethical questions that moored nationalist thought and practice, and were premised on particular understandings of the self. The reappraisal of religion and the self in relation to contemporary evolutionary sociology is examined through the writings of a diverse set of radical nationalist intellectuals, notably Shyamji Krishnavarma, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Har Dayal, and this discussion contextualizes Mohandas Gandhi. Over three related sites of public propaganda, philosophical reinterpretation and individual self-reinvention, the essay charts a concern with the ethical as a form of critique of liberalism and liberal nationalism. While evolutionism and liberalism often had a mutually reinforcing relationship, the Indian critique of liberalism was concerned with the formation of a new moral language for a politics of the self.
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Smolik, Bartosz. "Współczesne nurty polskiej myśli nacjonalistycznej — próba podziału w aspekcie kategorii „tradycji”." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 21 (March 14, 2017): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.21.4.
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Contemporary currents of the Polish nationalist thought —an attempt at division in terms of the category of “tradition”This article aims at outlining the method of dividing the Polish political thought. For this purpose the category of “tradition” is used “Tradition” is perceived by the author as a type of conscious and reflective choice of achievements of the past made in the present. Based on “tradition” the author distinguishes the following currents of the Polish nationalist thought: the current of Neo-National Democracy, the current of National Radicalism, the Catholic National current, as well as the Progressive current and the current of Slavonic Neo-Paganism. Apart from political thought the tradition of Polish nationalism also includes political movement issues, literature and art. An important role in the reception and transmission of “tradition” to contemporary times is played by its guardians, which means people who endeavor to pass it on in a form desired by them.
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Helleiner, Eric. "Conservative Economic Nationalism and the National Policy: Rae, Buchanan and Early Canadian Protectionist Thought." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 3 (June 25, 2019): 521–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918001026.
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AbstractTwo distinct strands of conservative Canadian economic nationalism—associated with the ideas of John Rae and Isaac Buchanan—helped to inform the country's protectionist National Policy of 1879. These strands of nationalism were much less influenced by Listian ideas than was economic nationalist thought in many other countries at this time. This study of their content, intellectual sources and influence contributes empirically and analytically to debates in Canadian political economy and international political economy, while also advancing historical scholarship. The arguments also have some potential contemporary relevance in an age when protectionist economic nationalism is rising in the US and elsewhere.
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Eggel, Dominic, Andre Liebich, and Deborah Mancini-Griffoli. "Was Herder a Nationalist?" Review of Politics 69, no. 1 (January 22, 2007): 48–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670507000319.
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This article re-examines Herder's status as one of the founders of nationalism in the light of both older and more recent literature. The article focuses specifically on Herder's position with regard to the classical nationalist thesis that state and nationality should be coterminous. It argues that a close reading of Herder's oft cited and most explicit statement apparently lending support to this thesis has been misunderstood. The existing literature underestimates Herder's concern regarding the question of governance. For Herder there can be no case for statehood without just governance. As earlier drafts of his work confirm, Herder was deeply critical of the states he knew and denounced their overly bureaucratic and despotic character. He thought that nations could and should exist without being states. Depending on the circumstances, however, states might fulfil temporary functions to strengthen and preserve the national character, that most essential attribute of every nation. For Herder the diversity of nations is an insurance against despotism. It is not a licence for the creation of states.
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Burgess, G. Thomas. "The Concept of Cultural Revolution, and Its Indian Ocean Travels during the Cold War." Monsoon 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2023): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/2834698x-10739280.
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Abstract For most of the 1960s, Kweupe served as the official printed mouthpiece of the Zanzibari Revolution. Appearing in Swahili, the newspaper repeatedly claimed the revolution would only succeed if islanders were willing to transform their thoughts, values, and routines. Through analysis of such rhetoric, this article sheds new light upon the relationship between nationalism and socialism in the Indian Ocean during the Cold War. It argues that nationalists frequently perceived in socialism a series of anchoring principles by which to obtain meaningful as opposed to illusory sovereignty. And while socialism proposed ways to resist and reshape global structures faulted for perpetuating neocolonial domination and inequality, it also presented cultural solutions to poverty and powerlessness on the world stage. Indeed, the socialist concept of cultural revolution appealed to nationalists of the 1960s because its effectiveness appeared to be indisputable—and because the concept licensed nationalists to critically evaluate inherited cultural norms in terms of their perceived conduciveness to national progress and sovereignty. Such critique was not exceptional to nationalists of the Indian Ocean searching for means by which to complete the process of decolonization. Rather, it was inherent to nationalist thought since at least the early nineteenth century and was inspired by a series of sentiments and emotions that call for further scholarly examination.
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Sil, Narasingha P. "Bande Mataram:Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay's nationalist thought revisited∗." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 25, no. 1 (April 2002): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856400208723468.
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Bhargav, Vanya Vaidehi. "The Hinduism and Hindu Nationalism of Lala Lajpat Rai." Religions 14, no. 6 (June 5, 2023): 744. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14060744.
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Lala Lajpat Rai was a prominent figure of the Arya Samaj, the influential nineteenth-century Hindu socio-religious reform movement. He is also seen as having sown the seeds of Hindu nationalism in the first decade of the twentieth century. Exploring Lajpat Rai’s thought between the 1880s and 1915, this article traces how felt imperatives of Hindu nation-building impelled him to regularly re-define Hinduism. These first prompted Rai to articulate a ‘thin’ Hinduism, defined less in terms of an insistence on a complex set of beliefs and more in broad, simple terms. They then induced him to culturalise Hinduism and make a distinction between ‘Hinduism’ and ‘Hindu culture’. The article ends by comparing the Hinduism and Hindu nationalism of Lajpat Rai and V.D. Savarkar, the chief ideologue of the Hindutva ideology, which is considered the main influence on India’s Hindu nationalist movement. It argues that while formulations of a thin and culturalised Hinduism enabled both men to articulate a ‘Hindu nationalism’, their nationalisms in fact remained qualitatively different. By scrutinizing intellectual trends and processes occurring in Rai’s thought, the article demonstrates that the modern ideology of Hindu nationalism impacted how Hindu religion was defined and re-defined and how such re-definitions can still produce distinct forms of Hindu nationalism.
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Gürbüz, M. Vedat. "Genesis of Turkish Nationalism." Belleten 67, no. 249 (August 1, 2003): 495–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2003.495.
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In this research, conditions for the emergence of the Turkish nationalism and chief intellectuals who formulated the Turkish nationalism are comprehensively scrutinized. Turkish nationalist thought developed as a part of modernization and Westernization ideologies, then, it became an independent political ideology. Turkish nationalism was the last link of the Ottoman Empire's reconstruction and Westernization movement chains. Namık Kemal was the chief intellectual, who affected almost the entire variety of intellectuals in the Empire. He was the Hegel of the Turks. Ziya Gökalp, who was deeply influenced by Namık Kemal, was the first intellectual to see Turkist ideology as a political thought. He tried to organize and formulate the pillars of the Turkish nationalism. Although, cultural nationalism began earlier, political nationalism, among the Turks, gained popularity, especially during and after the Balkans Wars.
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Ayob, Azman. "India-Burma (Myanmar) Relations under British India Administration prior to 1937 Separation: Influx of Indians and Awakening of Nationalist Movements in Burma." Environment-Behaviour Proceedings Journal 9, SI20 (March 13, 2024): 371–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21834/e-bpj.v9isi20.5892.
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The paper focuses on India-Burma relations under British India’s administration prior to the 1937 separation. As for data gathering, content analysis was adopted. The findings are analyzed through two perspectives: the influx of the Indians into Burma and the awakening of Burma’s nationalist movements related to Mahatma Gandhi. The findings of this study demonstrates that the influx of the Indian immigrants had eventually gave rise to the Burmese nationalist movements and the separation of Burma from British India was influenced by the Indian nationalists as well as a thought by Mahatma Gandhi that Burma cannot be part of India.
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Chey, Hyoung-kyu. "International political economy thought in pre-modern and colonial Korea." International Trade, Politics and Development 3, no. 1 (February 4, 2019): 11–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/itpd-02-2019-002.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse international political economy (IPE) thought in Korea during its pre-modern and colonial eras. Design/methodology/approach It divides these eras into three periods. The first period is the eighteenth century, in which Silhak arose. The second is the mid- and late nineteenth century, a time characterised by conflicts between Wijeong-cheoksa and Gaehwa thoughts. The final period is that of colonial Korea under imperial Japan, and during this time economic nationalist movements were pursued while Marxist theories were also introduced to the country. Findings This research shows that IPE thoughts analogous to Western economic liberalism and economic nationalism did emerge endogenously in Korea when its environment was similar to those in which these Western thoughts arose, although in ways that reflected Korea’s peculiar situations of the times. This study also demonstrates that the “economic” thoughts of the Koreans in these periods were shaped largely by their political thoughts. Originality/value This research contributes to the building of a more “globalised” intellectual history of classical IPE thought.
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Melnyk, A. I. "Peculiarities of the development of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the nationalist direction in Galicia in the interwar period (1919-1939) of the 20th century." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 2 (May 11, 2024): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2024.02.7.
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The article examines the peculiarities of the development of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the nationalist direction in Galicia during the interwar period. The ideas and specifics of the views of Ukrainian thinkers who formed and developed Ukrainian nationalist thought are considered. It is shown that the struggle of Ukrainian nationalists was aimed at realizing the natural right of the Ukrainian people to self-determination. It is emphasized that it was extremely difficult for Ukrainians to achieve this in practice, because the process of annexation of Western Ukrainian lands was accompanied by a violation of fundamental international obligations of Poland and its current legislation, which were a prerequisite for the consent of the victorious states to temporary (1919) and permanent, with the rights of autonomy (1923) inclusion of Western Ukrainian lands into the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. It is emphasized that in the 20s, the occupation government began mass polonization in Galicia, which consisted in the artificial colonization of Ukrainian ethnic lands by the Polish population, significant restrictions on Ukrainians in obtaining school education in their native language, persecution of organized public life, etc. The apogee was the so-called pacification, a punitive action to "pacify” Ukrainians, which was carried out from September 16 to November 30, 1930. It was established that repression and mass terror caused acute forms of confrontation in society, which should be considered as an adequate response of Ukrainian nationalists to the efforts of the authorities to oppress the Ukrainian population with violent methods. It is argued that a new stage in the development of Ukrainian political and legal thought of a nationalist direction is largely connected with the figure of Dmytro Dontsov, who formed the basic principles of education of the national elite, defense of national interests and development of national ideology. It has been proven that in the interwar period, nationalist ideas in Galicia penetrated into the popular masses, mastered them and thus significantly changed the character of the Ukrainian people.
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FRENCH, BRIGITTINE M. "Linguistic science and nationalist revolution: Expert knowledge and the making of sameness in pre-independence Ireland." Language in Society 38, no. 5 (November 2009): 607–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404509990455.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the linguistic ideological work entailed in the analyses of Irish by the “revolutionary scholar” and cofounder of the Gaelic League, Eoin MacNeill. It does so to discern one central way in which the essentialized link between the Irish language and a unified Irish people became an efficacious political construction during the armed struggle for independence in the early 20th century. It shows how MacNeill used authoritative linguistic science to engender nationalist sentiment around Irish through semiotic processes even as he challenged a dominant conception of language prevalent in European nationalist movements and social thought. The essay argues that MacNeill wrote against the unilateral valorization of codified linguistic homogeneity and embraced the heterogeneous variation of spoken discourse even as he sought to consolidate Irish national identity through sameness claims. This critical examination suggests that scholars of nationalism reconsider the taken-for-granted homogenizing efforts of nationalist endeavors that are ubiquitously presumed to negatively sanction linguistic variation. (Nationalism, linguistic ideology, Ireland, semiotics, heterogeneity, Eoin MacNeill, Gaelic League, Europe, scientific knowledge)
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Sayers, Luke. "Jefferson’s Rebel: William Carlos Williams and Nationalism." William Carlos Williams Review 39, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 105–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/willcarlwillrevi.39.1.0105.
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Abstract This essay examines William Carlos Williams’s relationship to economic, cultural, and political nationalism. First, it argues that Williams’s fascination with the Social Credit movement was rooted in the nationalist paradigm of economics of C.H. Douglas and Friedrich List. This section also examines archival letters between Williams and literary critic and founder of the American Social Credit Movement Gorham Munson in order to uncover some of Williams’s motivations and values that led him to sympathize with economic and cultural nationalism. The essay then provides a close reading of Williams’s poem “Pastoral [When I was younger]” in order to show how his political and economic nationalist ideology influenced his aesthetics, particularly in the way that Williams imagines communities in his poetry. By analyzing both his economics and poetry, this essay concludes that Williams was more closely tied to broader ideological trends toward nationalism in early twentieth-century thinking than has often been thought, thereby revising current understandings of the politics of modernism.
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Brykczynski, Paul. "Reconsidering “Piłsudskiite nationalism”." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 5 (September 2014): 771–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.917073.
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This paper examines the intellectual underpinnings of the nationalism articulated by the followers of Marshal Józef Piłsudski (Piłsudskiites), who ruled Poland between 1926 and 1939. Scholarly consensus holds that modern Polish nationalism was solely the domain of the National Democratic movement. Conversely, the Piłsudskiites' conception of the nation is generally seen as anachronistic, poorly articulated, self-contradictory, and lacking a deeper intellectual foundation. Focusing on the formative years of the Second Polish Republic (1918-1922), this paper draws a link between Piłsudskiite political thought and the philosophy of the heterodox Marxist theorist Stanislaw Brzozowski. Re-examining the early writings of Piłsudski's followers in light of Brzozowski's philosophy, the paper presents the argument that “Piłsudskiite nationalism” was in fact deeply constructivist, surprisingly sophisticated, and no less “modern” than the nationalist discourse articulated by the National Democrats. In the process, the article interrogates and problematizes the classic “ethnic” vs. “civic” typology of nationalist movements.
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Manetovic, Edislav. "Ilija Garasanin: Nacertanije and Nationalism." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 3 (January 20, 2007): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.201.
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<p>This paper analyses the national thought and policies of Ilija Garasanin. Garasanin was the first to write a Serbian national programme, <em>Nacertanije</em>, that envisioned an independent Serbian state. His ideas and policies remain highly controversial. While some scholars argue that Garasanin was an inclusive Yugoslavist, others maintain that he was an exclusive Serbian nationalist seeking a Greater Serbia. Both arguments assume that the South Slav nations are pre-modern social phenomena. In contrast, this paper suggests that a modernist perspective of nations and nationalism provides a far more coherent and nuanced interpretation of Garasanin. Garasanin was a Serbian, not a Yugoslav, nationalist. But his nationalism was inclusive not exclusive. Inclusion was a precondition for social stability of the large state he wanted to forge. Garasanin was also illiberal. Establishing a state in a predatory inter-state environment required suppressing individual liberties. Insecurity caused by a Hobbesian world political system structured the content of Garasanin's nationalism.</p>
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English|, Richard. "Directions in historiography: History and Irish nationalism." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 147 (May 2011): 447–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400002753.
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Nationalism remains arguably the most important framework within which to explore, explain and understand modern Irish history. The object of this article is, first, to reflect on some impressive recent scholarship on the Irish nationalist past and, second, to propose a related set of suggestions intended to deepen and enrich our approach to the subject. It therefore offers both a respectful assessment of how we have thought about history and Irish nationalism, and also an agenda-conscious programme regarding how we should do so in future.
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Sheremet, Viacheslav. "Marxism, nationalism and modernization processes in Eastern Europe in the middle of 19th – early 20th century." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 3, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26200213.
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The aim of the article is to elucidate the impact of Marxism and Nationalism on modernization processes in Eastern Europe from the perspective of their formation and mutual influence. Research methods: synthesis, induction, analysis, retrospective. Main results. During research we studied programs of both ideologies and compared their distinctive traits. Through analysis oftheoretical patterns of nationalism movements, different theories of public modernization and European point of view about backwardness, we found that Nationalism and Marxism significantly diverged around the role of statehood in culture and political changes. For Nationalism – state was the main aim and, simultaneously, result of nationalist movement activity. Further progress of nation was related to national state, which could provide certain conditions for cultural and economic development. Statehood in Marxists views was unwelcome; changes in society were related to social revolutionary movements without creation new state formations. State’s participation in transformation processes was, in theory, different for both ideologies. But when communists seized a power in the former Russian Empire, they faced a necessity of making their own statehood with its national policy. In fact, Nationalism became an artificial method on the way towards modernization of society. In conclusion, Eastern Europe modernization happened due to unification of communist and nationalist political thought. Scientific novelty of the paper is explained by analysis of works by Austrian Marxists, who made a theory for Soviet national policy. We explain this point by comparing some Austrian ideas to J. Stalin’s view on national question. The author also advocates the idea of existence some nationalistic traits during socialistic modernization in the USSR. Practical value of the research is a creation of background for studying Soviet ideology from new point of view. Type of article: empirical research.
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Herr, Ranjoo Seodu. "Can Transnational Feminist Solidarity Accommodate Nationalism? Reflections from the Case Study of Korean “Comfort Women”." Hypatia 31, no. 1 (2016): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12213.
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This article aims to refute the “incompatibility thesis” that nationalism is incompatible with transnational feminist solidarity, as it fosters exclusionary practices, xenophobia, and racism among feminists with conflicting nationalist aspirations. I examine the plausibility of the incompatibility thesis by focusing on the controversy regarding just reparation for Second World War “comfort women,” which is still unresolved. The Korean Council at the center of this controversy, which advocates for the rights of Korean former comfort women, has been criticized for its strident nationalism and held responsible for the stalemate. Consequently, the case of comfort women has been thought to exemplify the incompatibility thesis. I argue against this common feminist perception in three ways: first, those who subscribe to the incompatibility thesis have misinterpreted facts surrounding the issue; second, the Korean Council's nationalism is a version of “polycentric nationalism,” which avoids the problems of essentialist nationalism at the center of feminist concerns; and, third, transnational feminist solidarity is predicated on the idea of oppressed/marginalized women's epistemic privilege and enjoins that feminists respect oppressed/marginalized women's epistemic privilege. To the extent that oppressed/marginalized women's voices are expressed in nationalist terms, I argue that feminists committed to transnational feminist solidarity must accommodate their nationalism.
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Naresh Kumar. "The Philosophical Basis of Jawaharlal Nehru's Thought with Special Reference to Nationalism: General Analysis." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 7 (July 15, 2022): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i07.015.
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Nehru was a great nationalist, but he did not propound any new theory of nationalism. It is evident from his article 'Unity of India' that he believed in the reality of the basic unity of India. He used to accept that despite the diversities, unity is found in the entire history of India. He was also inspired by the notion of cultural pluralism and syncretism. He was influenced by the syncretic universalism propounded by Rabindranath Tagore. He did not sympathize with the religious view of nationalism of Dayanand, Vivekananda, Pal and Aurobindo. Nehru believed that nationalism had an emotional side. Although he was skeptical, but being highly emotional and sensitive, he was greatly influenced by the romantic ideal of Bharatmata. For him, nationalism is actually a form of self-expansion. He wrote, Nationalism is essentially a collective memory of past achievements, traditions and experiences; And nationalism was never as powerful as it is today. Whenever there has been a crisis, there has been a rise of nationalist sentiment, and people have tried to get strength and consolation from their traditions. The rediscovery of the past and the nation is an astonishing progress of the present era. But nationalism also has tangible social, political and economic benefits.
Abstract in Hindi Language:
नेहरू एक महान राष्ट्रवादी थे, किन्तु उन्होंने राष्ट्रवाद का कोई नया सिद्धान्त प्रतिपादित नहीं किया था। उनके लेख ’भारत की एकता’ से प्रकट होता है कि वे भारत की आधारभूत एकता की वास्तविकता में विश्वास करते थे। वे स्वीकार करते थे कि विविधताओं के बावजूद भारत के सम्पूर्ण इतिहास में एकता देखने को मिलती है। उन्हें सांस्कृतिक बहुलवाद तथा समन्वय की धारणा से भी प्रेरणा मिली थी। उन पर रवीन्द्रनाथ टैगोर द्वारा प्रतिपादित समन्वयात्मक सार्वभौमवाद का प्रभाव पड़ा था। उन्हें दयानन्द, विवेकानन्द, पाल और अरविन्द के राष्ट्रवाद सम्बन्धी धार्मिक दृष्टिकोण से सहानुभूति नहीं थी। नेहरू यह मानते थे कि राष्ट्रवाद के भावनात्मक पक्ष होते हैं। यद्यपि वे संशयवादी थे, किन्तु अत्यधिक भावुक और संवेदनशील होने के नाते उन्हें भारतमाता के रोमांसपूर्ण आदर्श ने अत्यधिक प्रभावित किया था। उनके लिए राष्ट्रवाद वास्तव में आत्म-विस्तार का ही एक रूप है। उन्होंने लिखा है, राष्ट्रवाद तत्वतः अतीत की उपलब्धियों, परम्पराओं और अनुभवों की सामूहिक स्मृति है; और राष्ट्रवाद जितना शक्तिशाली आज है उतना कभी नहीं था। जब कभी संकट आया है तभी राष्ट्रवादी भावना का उत्थान हुआ है, और लोगों ने अपनी परम्पराओं से शक्ति तथा सान्त्वना प्राप्त करने का प्रयत्न किया है। अतीत और राष्ट्र का पुर्नन्वेक्षण वर्तमान युग की एक आश्चर्यजनक प्रगति है। किन्तु राष्ट्रवाद से ठोस सामाजिक, राजनीतिक तथा आर्थिक लाभ भी होते हैं।
Keywords: नेहरू, राष्ट्रवाद, माक्र्सवाद, साम्यवाद, अन्र्तराष्ट्रवाद।
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Zhao, Suisheng. "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00009-9.
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The decline of Communism after the end of the post-Cold War has seen the rise of nationalism in many parts of the former Communist world. In countries such as the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, nationalism was pursued largely from the bottom up as ethnic and separatist movements. Some observers also take this bottom-up approach to find the major cause of Chinese nationalism and believe that “the nationalist wave in China is a spontaneous public reaction to a series of international events, not a government propaganda.” (Zhang, M. (1997) The new thinking of Sino–US relations. Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 117–123). They see Chinese nationalism as “a belated response to the talk of containing China among journalists and politicians” in the United States and “a public protest against the mistreatment from the US in the last several years.” (Li, H. (1997) China talks back: anti-Americanism or nationalism? Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 153–160). This position concurs with the authors of nationalistic books in China, such as The China That Can Say No: Political and Sentimental Choice in the Post-Cold War Era (Song, Q., Zhang Z., Qiao B. (1996) Zhongguo Keyi Shuo Bu (The China That Can Say No). Zhonghua Gongshang Lianhe Chubanshe. Beijing), which called upon Chinese political elites to say no to the US, and argue that the rise of nationalism was not a result of the official propaganda but a reflection of the state of mind of a new generation of Chinese intelligentsia in response to the foreign pressures in the post-Cold War era. Indeed, Chinese nationalism was mainly reactive sentiments to foreign suppressions in modern history, and this new wave of nationalist sentiment also harbored a sense of wounded national pride and an anti-foreign (particularly the US and Japan) resentment. Many Chinese intellectuals gave voice to a rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s (Zhao, S. (1997) Chinese intellectuals' quest for national greatness and nationalistic writing in the 1990s. The China Quarterly, 152, 725–745). However, Chinese nationalism in the 1990s was also constructed and enacted from the top by the Communist state. There were no major military threats to China's security after the end of the Cold War. Instead, the internal legitimacy crisis became a grave concern of the Chinese Communist regime because of the rapid decay of Communist ideology. In response, the Communist regime substituted performance legitimacy provided by surging economic development and nationalist legitimacy provided by invocation of the distinctive characteristics of Chinese culture in place of Marxist–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. As one of the most important maneuvers to enact Chinese nationalism, the Communist government launched an extensive propaganda campaign of patriotic education after the Tiananmen Incident in 1989. The patriotic education campaign was well-engineered and appealed to nationalism in the name of patriotism to ensure loyalty in a population that was otherwise subject to many domestic discontents. The Communist regime, striving to maintain authoritarian control while Communist ideology was becoming obsolete in the post-Cold War era, warned of the existence of hostile international forces in the world perpetuating imperialist insult to Chinese pride. The patriotic education campaign was a state-led nationalist movement, which redefined the legitimacy of the post-Tiananmen leadership in a way that would permit the Communist Party's rule to continue on the basis of a non-Communist ideology. Patriotism was thus used to bolster CCP power in a country that was portrayed as besieged and embattled. The dependence on patriotism to build support for the government and the patriotic education campaign by the Communist propagandists were directly responsible for the nationalistic sentiment of the Chinese people in the mid-1990s. This paper focuses on the Communist state as the architect of nationalism in China and seeks to understand the rise of Chinese nationalism by examining the patriotic education campaign. It begins with an analysis of how nationalism took the place of the official ideology as the coalescing force in the post-Tiananmen years. It then goes on to examine the process, contents, methods and effectiveness of the patriotic education campaign. The conclusion offers a perspective on the instrumental aspect of state-led nationalism.
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MacPhee, Graham. "Hegel after Ulysses? The (Dis)Appearance of Politics in “Cyclops”." Twentieth Century Literature 69, no. 3 (September 1, 2023): 293–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0041462x-10814826.
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This essay challenges the dismissal of nationalist politics in readings of Ulysses by reconnecting the “Cyclops” episode to the aporias of modern political thought. Drawing from Joyce’s neglected notes to the episode, it relocates anticolonial nationalism within the diremption and mutual implication of civil society and state, first articulated by G. W. F. Hegel and developed by Hannah Arendt. The essay rereads Hegel’s state/society diremption through Gillian Rose’s conception of “speculative thinking” and the historical openness of the “broken middle.” It argues that “Cyclops” generates a dynamic interpretative space in which other configurations of the social and political in the nation might be registered. In a contemporary moment when legality and constitutionality are under attack in the name of nationalist populism, this reading suggests an alternative to frameworks that conceive of law only as violence.
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Sadria, Modj-ta-ba. "L’Indonésie : Interactions et conflits idéologiques avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale." Études internationales 17, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701963ar.
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Since the dawn of the 20th century, three ideologies have been constantly interacting in the Indonesian society, namely Islam, Marxism, and nationalism. Each has played a striking role in the evolution of the movement for independence - which led to independence in 1945. And today each of them wonders to what extent it has been responsible for the coup d'État by General Suharto in 1965. Since in the current situation, the relations which exist between these three trends of thought, in many respects, are reminiscent of those which prevailed during the interwar years, a study of that period may shed new light on an important moment of the history of political thought in Indonesia. The question of relations between Islamic, nationalist, and Marxist thought is a prevalent issue in a country where a population of Muslim creed is held in subordination, and where there exist s an important leftist intellectual movement, with or without a significant working class. Through the history of the anti-Dutch nationalist movements, through the rise of various Islamic movements (Pan-Islamism, the moderen, the "laity") and that of the Islamic parties linked to them (Sarekat Dagang Islam, Sarekat Islam), through the expansion of the social-democratic, socialist and communist parties (ISDU - Indian Social Democratic Union ; PKI - Perserikaten Kommunist de India ; Sarekat Rakjat - People's Association), and finally, through Sukarno's efforts to conciliate all these movements with a view to independence, an attempt is made to show that, in the evolution of the nationalist movement in Indonesia, there are two inherent elements, namely the socialist ideology and Islam. In the light of the case of Indonesia, it is therefore tempting to consider religion and politics as being symbiotic ideologies.
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., Ida Nurjanah. "PENDIDIKAN MULTIKULTURAL DAN RELEVANSINYA TERHADAP PENDIDIKAN ISLAM DI INDONESIA." Al-Ikhtibar: Jurnal Ilmu Pendidikan 5, no. 1 (August 14, 2018): 576–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32505/ikhtibar.v5i2.551.
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Education conditions in each country is different. This could be due to differences in ethnicity, language and culture. Therefore, it is necessary education that can accept such differences through multicultural education. Multicultural education in Indonesia itself has been discourse by education experts has long since. One of those educational figures is our National Father’s Education Ki Hadjar Dewantara, who has made concepts and thoughts about multicultural education. He is an expert in the world of education and many educational concepts in Indonesia today is referring to his thoughts. The pattern of educational thought is nationalist and universal. Nationalistic, because education based on the principle of national culture, while universal is education that can be accepted and enjoyed of every human, class, race, ethnic, nation, religion and culture. So from his thoughts are focused on the teachings of character, independence, humanity and culture of the nation (multicultural).
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Blackton, Charles S., and Partha Chatterjee. "Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse?" American Historical Review 95, no. 5 (December 1990): 1610. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162863.
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Katrak, K. H. "Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse?" Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 8, no. 1 and 2 (March 1, 1988): 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07323867-8-1-2-129.
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Dundua, Salome. "Nationalism and the issue of nation-building in the nineteenth century’s Georgian political thought." Review of Nationalities 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2018-0008.
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Abstract In this article, we discuss two different directions about the Georgian nationalism of the 19th century: first we consider, thetrinity of language, homeland, faith – maybe one of the best classical formulations of nationalist project. And second, in the process of creation of the nation, in the course of research of the Georgian nation-building of that period, we can not avoid the role of printed media. Georgian intellectuals published their opinions on general internal problems or foreign policy processes and all the most important ideas expressed by them were widespread by the printed media. Under strict censorship, discussing foreign policy processes was an indirect way to disclose the attitudes of Georgian intellectuals to the building Georgian nation, restoration of state, territorial integrity and independence, as well as to the colonial politics in generall. “Let’s be self-sufficient” is a phrase best describing the main purpose of Georgian intellectuals. However, it is noteworthy that the creators of that time Georgian nationalismprimarily sought to gain autonomy within the Russian Empire, while full political independence was due to the reality a far and difficult goal. Generally, Georgian nationalism developed during that period was clearly mild and was far from ethno-cultural discrimination that is o”en characteristic for nationalism.
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Ghazal, Amal N. "THE OTHER FRONTIERS OF ARAB NATIONALISM: IBADIS, BERBERS, AND THE ARABIST-SALAFI PRESS IN THE INTERWAR PERIOD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 1 (January 14, 2010): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809990559.
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The historiography of Arab nationalism has tended to concentrate on the secular press from the Mashriq, especially the Cairo–Beirut axis, at the expense of the religious nationalist press and the non-Mashriqi one. There is often an assumption that reliance on the secular press from the Mashriq alone can provide a clear picture of Arab intellectual life and that a proper analysis of that thought can be confined to a few intellectual centers in the eastern Arab world. Although there has never been an explicit claim that such a focus is the end of the story, there have not been enough attempts to look beyond the Cairo–Beirut axis and beyond its secular press organs in search of a broader story of the depth and breadth of Arab nationalism. This article addresses this imbalance by examining an Arabist-Salafi press network that operated between Algeria, Tunisia, Zanzibar, and Egypt and involved members of two sectarian communities, Sunnis and Ibadis. This Arabist-Salafi press network created a public sphere of intellectual engagement in which Salafism and nationalism were interwoven, producing a nationalist discourse transgressing post World War I borders of identity and linking the three layers of nationalism—the territorial, the Pan-Arab, and the Pan-Islamic—together. These layers not only intersected but also legitimized one another.
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Dávila, Jerry, and Zachary R. Morgan. "Since Black into White: Thomas Skidmore on Brazilian Race Relations." Americas 64, no. 3 (January 2008): 409–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2008.0017.
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In the 40 years since he published Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Thomas Skidmore has simultaneously been a leading U.S. scholar of Latin American history and a prominent public figure in Brazil. Balancing these roles, Skidmore has written and commented extensively on recent Brazilian political and economic history. But he is also the author of an influential intellectual history of racial thought in Brazil, Black into White: Race and Nationality in Brazilian Thought (1974). Black into White examines what Skidmore calls the “whitening thesis” by which Brazilian intellectuals of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries managed their racial and nationalist anxieties by interpreting miscegenation as a dynamic process that would dilute Brazil’s black population.
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FUNG, EDMUND S. K. "Nationalism and Modernity: The Politics of Cultural Conservatism in Republican China." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 3 (May 2009): 777–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003472.
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AbstractThis article explores the political dynamics of modern Chinese cultural conservatism. It proceeds from the premise that modern Chinese conservatism, as distinct from traditionalism, was a response to modernity and, as such, a part of modernity. The article identifies the conservative with the nationalist, but not vice versa, and understands politico-cultural conservatism as politico-cultural nationalism. It will first trace the rise of modern Chinese conservative thought, revisit the ideas of two noted cultural conservatives Liang Shuming and Zhang Junmai, examine the politics of China-based cultural reconstruction, and then explore the conservative thought of the war period (1937–1945) to illustrate the interplay of war, culture and nationalism. It argues, basically, that although the conservatives did not defend the prevailing socio-political order as a whole, their understanding of politics from a cultural perspective was nuanced and that they stood in an ambiguous relationship with the existing regime and the party-state.
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REID, COLIN. "STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM IN IRELAND, 1919–1921." Historical Journal 53, no. 3 (August 17, 2010): 723–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000269.
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ABSTRACTThe Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party's electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland's direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn's experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further.
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Fakih, Farabi. "Conservative corporatist: Nationalist thoughts of aristocrats: The ideas of Soetatmo Soeriokoesoemo and Noto Soeroto." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 168, no. 4 (2012): 420–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003551.
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Javanese nationalism was one of the earliest nationalist thoughts to have arisen in the colony. It later bifurcated into two discourses: a leftist-inspired, revolutionary minded nationalism and a conservative, aristocratic-based Javanese nationalism based on the idea of cultural rejuvenation. Indonesian nationalism was a composite of a variety of nationalist discourses that appeared in the early twentieth century, yet present day nationalist historiography dismisses and camouflaged the influence of the conservative, feudal-minded discourse of Javanese aristocratic nationalists. The paper looks into the thoughts of two aristocratic conservative, Soetatmo Soeriokoesoemo and Noto Soeroto, and highlight the major thoughts within the conservative discourse. It points to the possible conservative origin of some of the components that represent present-day Indonesian nationalism and stress the need to understand further the intertwined and trans-ideological nature of Indonesian nationalism.
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Jiang, Linlin. "The Relationship of Socialism, Nationalism and Pan- Africanism in the Thinking of Nyerere and Nkrumah." BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 14 (December 17, 2021): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v14i.195.
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Nyerere is the first-generation of African nationalist, while Nkrumah is a famous ideological theorist and politician in the history of Ghana. They all saw socialism as manifestation of communitarianism. Nyerere believes that socialism is a state of mind and elaborates on the relationship between nationalism and Pan-Africanism, putting forward that unity is more important than independence and that African countries should establish federalism before achieving national independence. While Nkrumah holds the view that African socialism is the reappearance of traditional spirit in a modern environment. Pan-African Movement is the expression of African nationalism, and his socialist thought is mainly embodied in the philosophy of conscience. Socialism is the defence of local autonomy, and the goal of socialism is the decolonization of Africa.
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Wahab, Wisyly. "MUHAMMAD NATSIR’S THOUGHT ON CORRELATION OF RELIGION AND STATE." JURNAL AL-AQIDAH 14, no. 2 (December 18, 2022): 174–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/ja.v14i2.4944.
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The wish of Muhammad Natsir is just how to realize Indonesia as independent, peaceful, prosperous, and just state. So, its logic if he given a nickname as leader of freedom who integrates with the other, Soekarno, in exterminating colonizer – Dutch colonization. Although they are in difference of opinion, but still in building communication each other openly.Muhammad Natsir rejects secularism against state as implemented by movement of Kamal Attaturk in Turkish. He said that Islam is not only merely a religion but also a philosophy of life which covers political aspects, economy, social and culture. Islam doesn’t separate between religion and state, but its primary one. ( D.P. Sati Alimin, 1957: h. IX ) Lesson of the story can become evidence of reflection and understood that in political field the different opinon doesn’t bring enmity, but its mercy and as development of democracy dynamics. Muhammad Natsir consistently refuses all thoughts that weaken existence of Islam in state such as he opposes Soekarno’s nationalism ideas. This reality is indicated that Muhammad Natsir is a prominent leader of Islam nationalist since the age of Dutch colonization. He is also one of speakers and mediators of his group in verious cases that relate Islam and mankind, namely the correlation between religion and state. Beside that, Natsir’s ability integrates His view with his nationalism paradigm, and how then it becomes important one to be studied and thought of its struggle values for next Moslem generation. Actually, the above matter still becomes roof nowdays. It can be proven and indicated by appearing Moslem thinkers and secular thinkers whom they raise voice to fight for their each idea. Even though, deliberation about the correlation of religion and state still can’t be solved untill now. For that reason, this writing is expected as necessary one to be committed.
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Krzywiec, Grzegorz. "Recenzja: Katarzyna Wrzesińska, "Kultura i cywilizacja w myśli Narodowej Demokracji (1893–1918). Między ideą wychowania a polityką", Warszawa: Instytut Slawistyki PAN, Fundacja Slawistyczna 2012, ss. 377." Studia Litteraria et Historica, no. 3–4 (January 31, 2016): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/slh.2015.017.
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Review of a book by Katarzyna Wrzesińska, Culture and civilization in the thought of National Democratic Party (1893–1918). Between the educational idea and politics, Warszawa: Instytut Slawistyki PAN, Fundacja Slawistyczna 2012, pp. 377.The book by Katarzyna Wrzesińska, a historian of ideas and Polish political thought of the 19th and 20th centuries, a researcher of the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences, has an ambitious aim to deal with cultural politics of National Democracy, the largest political movement in the history of Polish lands, at the fin-de-siècle. The further themes are, among others, definitions of nation and folk in the nationalist framework, the role and place of educational ideas in a wider scope of the nationalist project, an influence of nationalist ideas on the Polish intelligentsia.Interestingly, Wrzesińska does not correspond with current social sciences debates about definitions and understandings of nationalisms in literature, but tries to step outside them altogether. Undoubtedly, such a new framework would have helped us move forward in studies on Polish nationalism. Paradoxically though, while the book analyzing a wide array of published primary documents, it offers, in the end, a well-known and conventional story on ‘young idealist’ debouched whether by mass-politics or by masses as such. The rhetoric of nationalism is quite evident but not equally obvious from Wrzesińska’s presentation are the ways in which people appropriated that vocabulary and those ideas for their own ends. The author gives then another casual tale on an innocent but cultural nation and, first and foremost, its elites beset by brutal and uncivilized enemies. Epistemological naiveté, surplus of not analyzed details and quotations, and, last but not least, rather surprisingly narrow catalogue of questions does not address how and why the Polish integral nationalists differed from other national strains of this time.All in all, unfortunately, the book does not help to capture the complexity of National Democracy in the Polish history of the period under discussion. Not only it does not substantially extend our knowledge on the subject, but as well obscures and blocks serious questions about this political movement and its toxic legacy.Recenzja: Katarzyna Wrzesińska, Kultura i cywilizacja w myśli Narodowej Demokracji (1893–1918). Między ideą wychowania a polityką, Warszawa: Instytut Slawistyki PAN, Fundacja Slawistyczna 2012, ss. 377.Książka Katarzyny Wrzesińskiej, historyczki idei oraz polskiej myśli politycznej w XIX i XX wieku, związanej z Instytutem Slawistyki PAN, stawia sobie ambitny cel: omówienie polityki kulturowej Narodowej Demokracji, największego ruchu politycznego na ziemiach polskich przełomu XIX i XX stulecia. Książka porusza kwestię definicji „narodu” i „ludu” w nacjonalistycznej ramie pojęciowej, roli pomysłów edukacyjnych w szerszym spektrum projektu nacjonalistycznego oraz wpływu nacjonalistycznych idei na polską inteligencję.K. Wrzesińska nie odnosi się do obecnie toczącej się w naukach społecznych debaty dotyczącej definicji i rozumienia nacjonalizmu w literaturze, decyduje się zupełnie pominąć tę dyskusję. Bez wątpienia nowa rama teoretyczna pozwoliłaby rozwinąć studia nad polskim nacjonalizmem. Paradoksalnie jednak, chociaż autorka analizuje szeroki zestaw publikowanych już, podstawowych dokumentów, na koniec oferuje dobrze znaną i konwencjonalną opowieść o „młodych idealistach”, z czasem uformowanych przez masową politykę lub przez masy jako takie. Retoryka nacjonalizmu jest sama w sobie wystarczająco zrozumiała, jednak w obrazie stworzonym przez Wrzesińską nie jest oczywiste, w jaki sposób nacjonalistyczne słownictwo i idee zostały powszechnie przejęte i wykorzystane. Autorka tworzy za to kolejną wymijającą opowieść o niewinnej i kulturalnej nacji oraz – przede wszystkim – o jej elicie, napastowanej przez brutalnych i niecywilizowanych przeciwników. Epistemologiczna naiwność, nadmiar niezanalizowanych cytatów oraz wąski zestaw pytań badawczych nie pozwalają w pełni przedstawić przyczyn i sposobu, w jaki polski integralny nacjonalizm różnił się od innych nacjonalistycznych nurtów epoki.Niestety książka nie pomaga zrozumieć złożoności sytuacji Narodowej Demokracji w polskiej historii omawianego okresu. Nie tylko w niewystarczający sposób poszerza naszą wiedzę, lecz również blokuje poważne pytania na temat tego ruchu i jego toksycznej spuścizny.
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Setiawan, Aris, Subaryana Subaryana, and Siska Nurazizah Lestari. "Evolusi Ideologi: Pengaruh Tan Malaka terhadap Politik Indonesia, 1921-1949." Warisan: Journal of History and Cultural Heritage 4, no. 3 (January 6, 2024): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.34007/warisan.v4i3.1971.
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The study critically examines the pivotal role of Tan Malaka in Indonesian political thought and nationalism from 1921 to 1949. Investigating Tan Malaka's background and ideological evolution, the research addresses key questions: What influenced Tan Malaka's political trajectory during 1921-1949, and how did he conceptualize Indonesian nationalism? Employing historical methods, the study meticulously traces Tan Malaka's political journey, beginning with his foray into politics in 1921, association with the PKI, founding of PARI in 1927, and the articulation of the one hundred percent independence concept in 1946. Additionally, it explores the establishment of the Murba Party in 1948, which reflected Tan Malaka's unwavering commitment to resisting colonial diplomacy. The study concludes in 1949 with Tan Malaka's demise, influenced by his call for armed resistance and refusal to negotiate. Despite governmental disapproval and rumors surrounding the Murba Republic, Tan Malaka's legacy endured, evoking widespread sympathy. His profound impact on Indonesian political thought and the nationalist movement persists as a testament to his unwavering dedication to the cause of independence.
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Dubow, Saul. "Afrikaner Nationalism, Apartheid and the Conceptualization of ‘Race’." Journal of African History 33, no. 2 (July 1992): 209–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700032217.
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This paper analyses the ideological elaboration of the concept of race in the development of Christian-nationalist thought. As such, it contributes to our understanding of the ideological and theological justifications for apartheid. The paper begins by pointing to the relatively late moment (c. mid-1930s) at which Afrikaner nationalist ideologues began to address the systematic separation of blacks and whites. It takes its cue from a key address given by the nationalist leader, Totius, to the 1944 volkskongres on racial policy. Here, racial separation was justified by reference to scriptural injunction, the historical experience of Afrikanerdom and the authority of science. Each of these categories is then analysed with respect to the way in which the concept of race was understood and articulated.The paper argues that both scientific racism and distinctive forms of cultural relativism were used to justify racial separation. This depended on the fact that the categories of race, language and culture were used as functionally interdependent variables, whose boundaries remained fluid. In the main, and especially after the Second World War, Afrikaner nationalist ideologues chose to infer or suggest biological notions of racial superiority rather than to assert these openly. Stress on the distinctiveness of different ‘cultures’ meant that the burden of explaining human difference did not rest solely on the claims of racial science. As a doctrine, Christian-nationalism remained sufficiently flexible to adjust to changing circumstances. In practice, the essentialist view of culture was no less powerful a means of articulating human difference than an approach based entirely on biological determinism.
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Penrose, Jan. "Nations, states and homelands: territory and territoriality in nationalist thought." Nations and Nationalism 8, no. 3 (July 2002): 277–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1469-8219.00051.
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Driehuis, Raymond. "‘The coming australienne’: Landscape and gender in Furphy's nationalist thought." Journal of Australian Studies 25, no. 67 (January 2001): 144–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050109387648.
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Burrow, John. "A common culture? Nationalist ideas in 19th-century European Thought." History of European Ideas 32, no. 3 (September 2006): 333–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.histeuroideas.2006.05.002.
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Pašeta, Senia. "FEMINIST POLITICAL THOUGHT AND ACTIVISM IN REVOLUTIONARY IRELAND, c. 1880–1918." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 27 (November 1, 2017): 193–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440117000093.
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ABSTRACTFeminist thought and activism was a feature of Irish political life in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Because the women's suffrage campaign coincided with and was at times influenced by wider debates on the national question, it has often been understood almost entirely in relation to Irish nationalism and unionism, and usually in the specific context of acute political crisis such as the third Home Rule. The Irish suffrage movement should instead be understood both in terms of wider political developments and in particular Irish contexts. This paper surveys aspects of feminist political culture with a particular emphasis on the way that nationalist Irish women articulated and negotiated their involvement in the women's suffrage movement. It argues that the relationship between the two was both more nuanced and dynamic than has been allowed, and that opposition to women's activism should be understood in structural and cultural terms as well as in broadly political ones. The relationship should also be understood in longer historical terms than is usual as it also evolved in the context of broader political and social shifts and campaigns, some of which predated the third Home Rule crisis.
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Haynes, Naomi. "Taking Dominion in a Christian Nation." Pneuma 43, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 214–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-bja10036.
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Abstract This article traces some of the North American theological influences on contemporary Christian nationalism in Zambia. Beginning with an overview of key tenets of Christian Reconstruction and the New Apostolic Reformation, I show how these movements have influenced the writing of some key players in Zambia’s Christian nationalist project. I also demonstrate how these authors have modified the Western ideas that have shaped their thought. This analysis responds to calls in the anthropology of Christianity for better documentation of the various forms Christian nationalism takes around the world, perhaps especially outside the West. It also challenges easy arguments about the influence of Western Christian activists on Christian politics in Africa by foregrounding the agency of local writers and theologians, even as they engage with theological ideas that originated in the West.
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CROWCROFT, BARNABY. "EGYPT'S OTHER NATIONALISTS AND THE SUEZ CRISIS OF 1956." Historical Journal 59, no. 1 (February 9, 2016): 253–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000060.
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ABSTRACTThe Egyptian experience of the Suez crisis and subsequent conflict of 1956 has received significantly less treatment than those of the other major players, Great Britain, France, Israel, and the United States. The consensus over Egypt's role in the crisis has, moreover, has advanced very little from the narrative put forward by official participants at the time, portraying the event as a landmark in a nationalist struggle to restore Egypt's independence and national dignity. This article takes a fresh look at the Suez crisis from the perspective of the figures of an emergent Egyptian political opposition in 1955–6, whose responses differed substantially from this received view. By bringing domestic Egyptian political struggles to the foreground of this international crisis, the article will offer a more nuanced view of the origins of Suez in British planning, and of its significance for contemporary Egyptians. The conclusion will seek to explain how a collection of sometimes extreme nationalists could take such a counter-intuitive position in the Suez crisis through exploring the diversity of nationalist thought in the Egypt of the 1950s.
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BRENNAN, JAMES R. "BLOOD ENEMIES: EXPLOITATION AND URBAN CITIZENSHIP IN THE NATIONALIST POLITICAL THOUGHT OF TANZANIA, 1958–75." Journal of African History 47, no. 3 (November 2006): 389–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706001794.
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The major concepts of nationalist political thought in Tanzania formed at the meeting point between local and international understandings of exploitation, and prescriptions for its removal. These ideas were given social form through a politics of enmity concerned with defining enemies of the nation and creating corresponding purge categories. Acquiring urban citizenship in Tanzania required the demonstrated commitment to fight exploitation for a party and state hostile to urban growth. While such ideas formed the boundaries of legitimate political debate, Africans struggling to lay claim to urban life appropriated nationalist idioms to lampoon official pieties and make sense of class differentiation in a socialist country.
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Stoll, Christian. "Religiöser Universalismus im Zeitalter der Nation. Friedrich von Hügel und die deutsche Geisteswelt (Eucken, Troeltsch, Naumann)." Journal for the History of Modern Theology / Zeitschrift für Neuere Theologiegeschichte 28, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 246–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znth-2021-0018.
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Abstract The article analyzes the influence of German thought on Baron Friedrich von Hügel’s philosophy of religion. The activities of the British scholar in the networks of Catholic modernism are placed within the broader framework of the international discussion on religion around 1900. His religious universalism was shaped to a great extent by the encounter of German intellectuals from a liberal Protestant background, most notably by Rudolf Eucken, Ernst Troeltsch and Friedrich Naumann. This encounter, started during the 1890s, focussed on the concepts of historical individuality and historical development. It took a new direction with the public role adopted by German intellectuals in the propaganda of the World War. Von Hügel’s often ignored treatise The German Soul reacted to the fusion of liberal religious thought with German nationalism as observed in Troeltsch and Naumann. His criticism of a lack of „international morality“ of German thought and his approach to identify the reason for this deficit in the Lutheran and idealistic tradition shed light on the ongoing discussions of a „Sonderweg“ of German thought. Von Hügel’s late attempts to promote Christianity as an anti-nationalist force remind of other more theological rejections of nationalism after the war. However, these attempts are not based on a strict theological or confessional rationale (like in dialectical theology) but try to continue the interconfessional and interdisciplinary discussion of the beginning of the century. This is revealed best by von Hügel’s close but not uncritical relationship to Troeltsch in the early 1920s.
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Ansari, Ali M. "Iran without the Iranians: The Troubled History of Iranian Nationalism." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 6, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2015): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.6.1-2.0070.
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Abstract Iranian nationalism and its implications for historiography remains one of the more contested areas of study among scholars of Iran and most studies will make reference to it consciously or unconsciously in their discussion of continuity and change. Two broad schools of thought have emerged; one that is radically modernist in its approach, drawing on the ideas of Edward Said, while the other derives its inspiration from the Cambridge school and the field of hermeneutics. This impressive collection of essays suggests the former and excels at the latter, with diverse studies analyzing the origins of nationalist ideology and its successes and failures over the last century. Imbued with Enlightenment ideas, Iranian nationalism has yet to succeed in transforming itself from an ideology of state control to one of social emancipation as its founding fathers had hoped.
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Ansari, Ali M. "Iran without the Iranians: The Troubled History of Iranian Nationalism." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 6, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2015): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.6.1-2.70.
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Abstract Iranian nationalism and its implications for historiography remains one of the more contested areas of study among scholars of Iran and most studies will make reference to it consciously or unconsciously in their discussion of continuity and change. Two broad schools of thought have emerged; one that is radically modernist in its approach, drawing on the ideas of Edward Said, while the other derives its inspiration from the Cambridge school and the field of hermeneutics. This impressive collection of essays suggests the former and excels at the latter, with diverse studies analyzing the origins of nationalist ideology and its successes and failures over the last century. Imbued with Enlightenment ideas, Iranian nationalism has yet to succeed in transforming itself from an ideology of state control to one of social emancipation as its founding fathers had hoped.