Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Nationalist Spain'
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Todd, Daniel. "Teaching "Spanishness": nationalist ideology in texts for children in post-war Spain." Kansas State University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/17588.
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Master of ArtsDepartment of Modern Languages
Laura Kanost
Early in the twentieth century, children’s literature in Spain developed greatly in terms of quality and distribution thanks in large part to the appearance of new publishing houses, illustrators and authors. Additionally, increased demand brought with it new translations of many foreign texts for children. Despite these early developments, children’s literature suffered a dramatic change after the establishment of Francisco Franco’s Nationalist regime; during the post-war period many types of literature were heavily censored, while children’s literature in particular devolved into what was in large part an ideological tool. Many of the texts for children during this period either directly or indirectly propagated a conception of “Spanishness” that excluded non-Catholics, particularly Iberian Muslims and those that supported the Second Spanish Republic that the Nationalists had toppled. Much like the Reconquista fought against the Iberian Muslims centuries earlier, the Spanish Civil War was often represented as a sort of crusade against non-Catholic (and therefore “non-Spanish”) Others. Many texts for children presented the elements of this narrative by means of auto-images (images of the Nationalist conception of “Spanishness”) and hetero-images (typically images of the “Otherly” Republicans and Muslims). The contrasts formed between these two sorts of images reveal how Spanish children were taught to conceive of themselves, as well as the Others of the Nationalist narrative. The texts discussed in this report include two civics texts (Así quiero ser: El niño del nuevo estado [1943] and España nuestra: El libro de las juventudes españoles [1943]), as well as two comic books (El Guerrero del Antifaz [1943-1966] and Flechas y Pelayos [1938-1949]) that were chosen for their representativeness of the sorts of texts widely available to and read by children during the post-war period.
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Gray, C. "Fiscal sovereignty and nationalist politics in Spain : the influence of regional financing on the territorial agendas of Basque and Catalan Nationalist Parties." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2016. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3003434/.
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This PhD thesis investigates the influence of the regional financing systems in Spain on the evolution of the territorial agendas of the mainstream Basque and Catalan nationalist parties, the Basque Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista Vasco, PNV) and Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya, CDC). Spain offers the opportunity to compare two different models of fiscal decentralisation and their significance for the political evolution of two contrasting nationalist movements. While Catalonia forms part of the common financing system, which gives the regions relatively limited tax-raising competences and involves substantial revenue transfers from central government, the Basque region raises almost all of its own taxes under a separate system of extensive fiscal autonomy (the Concierto Económico or Economic Agreement). At different times since the late 1990s, both the PNV and CDC have sought a fundamental reconfiguration of their respective territories’ relationship with Spain. The question posed is why the form of accommodationist politics practised by the PNV and CDC in the 1980s and 1990s has been transformed since then, leading to shifts towards pro-sovereignty agendas, which embrace a spectrum of potential projects ranging from some degree of statehood and political sovereignty within Spain through to full independence. This thesis investigates the issue of regional financing as one explanatory factor. Based on an extensive programme of elite interviews with current and former politicians and civil servants in the Basque and Catalan regions, it is argued that in both cases, albeit in different ways and to different degrees, the regional financing systems have played a fundamental role in influencing the nationalist parties’ evolving territorial agendas.
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Flynn, Mary K. "A comparative study of nationalist movements in early twentieth century Spain, France and Ireland." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239342.
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Guibernau-Berdun, Montserrat. "Nationalism in stateless nations : the case of Catalonia." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261500.
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Landers, Matthew Worth 1984. "Catalonia Is a Country: World Heritage and Regional Nationalism." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10474.
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xi, 114 p. : ill., maps (some col.) A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.Since 1975, the Spanish autonomous region of Catalonia has been renegotiating its political and cultural place within Spain. The designation and promotion of places within Catalonia as World Heritage Sites-a matter over which regional authorities have competency-provides insights into the national and territorial ideas that have emerged in recent decades. This study of the selection and portrayal of World Heritage sites by Turisme de Cata1unya shows that the sites reflect a view of the region as 1) home to a distinct cultural group, 2) a place with an ancient past, and 3) a place with a history of territorial autonomy. These characteristics suggest that even though many Catalan regionalists seek a novel territorial status that is neither independent of nor subservient to the Spanish state, the dominant territorial norms of the modem state system continue to be at the heart of the Catalan nation-building project.
Committee in Charge: Dr. Alexander B. Murphy, Chair; Dr. Xiaobo Su
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Sanabria, Enrique A. "Anticlerical politics : republicanism, nationalism, and the public sphere in restoration Madrid, 1875-1912 /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3007129.
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Albers, Andrew D. "Ethno-nationalism and the Spanish state : a comparison of three regions in Spain /." Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-12042009-020026/.
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Light, Daniel Carleton University Dissertation International Affairs. "The emergence and transformation of Basque nationalism; 1875-1975." Ottawa, 1988.
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Young, Clinton David. "Zarzuela or lyric theatre as consumer nationalism in Spain, 1874-1930 /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3211378.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 14, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 392-417).
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Hyde, Alex J. "Nationalism in Salvador Bacarisse's Tres movimientos concertantes." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1493029389634293.
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Terribas, i. Sala Monica. "Television, national identity and the public sphere : a comparative study of Scottish and Catalan discussion programmes." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1932.
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This project examines questions of national identity and democracy in television through the analysis of the production processes of audience discussion programmes. The study of television debates, as public spaces through which members of particular communities discuss topics of common concern, shed some light on two different questions. On the one hand, this project explores whether the (re)construction of national and cultural identity intervenes in the process of programme-making within stateless nations. On the other hand, audience discussion programmes are examined to assess whether they can function as democratic spheres of social representation in the media. These two strands of research are developed through ethnographic insights into two television debates: Scottish Women - produced by the commercial company Scottish Television (STV), and La Vida en un Xip - transmitted through the. Catalan public television channel TV3 and produced by the production company DCo.S.A. A comparative study of these two programmes and their respective broadcasting contexts is provided. Also, the distinctive political status of Scotland and Catalonia within their respective states - Britain and Spain - and the European and international contexts, is examined in relation to the media. The current debates concerning nationalism, the nation and national identity are discussed on the basis of culture as the essential element of the nation-building process. This study explores the process of cultural identity fonnation in Scotland and Catalonia and the role of their respective media structures as potential actors in the (re)construction of collective identities. Thus, the analysis of television production is regarded as a key instrument with which to assessh ow this medium intervenesi n such processes. Audience discussion programmes are examined as television formats with the potential for providing a democratic public sphere in the media. An expansion of the concept of the public sphere, its transformation and its role in contemporary societies is, therefore, essential to develop this argument. Also, the relation between television debates and the community is explored through a survey carried out amongst participants of Scottish Women and La Vida en un Xip. This work provides media studies with some keys to evaluate the role of television debates in the delicate political make-up of two nations without a state, Scotland and Catalonia. Questions of national and cultural identity are crucial to the policy-making of their respective broadcasting, industries. Yet, such questions are difficult to distinguish and define in their programming. The comparative analysis of the two case studies reveals that every person involved in television making reflects to a certain extent his/her own perceptions of the country, and therefore, television debates mirror the ambiguities that may lie behind them. This study provides some clues to reformulate the concept of the 'public sphere' on the basis of a 'dissection' of television production procedures. The findings also reveal the economic, political and social criteria that develop audience discussion programmes into spheres of entertainment rather than rational communicative environments in which a public sphere could function. The concepts of national identity and the public sphere are framed in the context of contemporary societies, in which post-modem values are eroding the role and interest of the individual in the political process.
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Von, Hippel Karin Lisa. "The intractability of Irredentist disputes with reference to Gibraltar, Ceuta and Melilla, and the Western Sahara." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267934.
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Kerr, Stephanie Lorraine. "Violence, De-escalation, and Nationalism: Northern Ireland and the Basque Country Compared." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35320.
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The sub-state nationalist conflicts in both Northern Ireland and the Basque Country have undergone significant de-escalation. However, while the transformation of the conflict in Northern Ireland involved a negotiated agreement with the host state, that of the conflict in the Basque Country did not. Thus, if the shape of the outcome represents the dependent variable, exploring these transformations requires an examination of three interrelated independent variable groupings. The first explores the operational capacities of each movement through an examination of their resources, and how access to these resources may have changed over time and impacted the overall strategies. Secondly, an examination of state responses to both the conflict itself as well as to changing movement strategies is undertaken. Finally, the third grouping seeks to explore the dynamics the above variables have on the way in which the sub-state nationalist organizations are led and directed. This project found that while both the Republican Movement and the MLNV experienced motivating pulls toward de-escalation and pursuit of movement goals increasingly dominated by institutional politics (Grouping 1), the differences in the responses of the host States (Grouping 2), and the organizational structures through which movement assessments and decisions are funnelled (Grouping 3), allowed for the MLNV to make the more radical commitment to de-escalation in the absence of a negotiated settlement, while the Republican Movement was able to move the bulk of, but not all, its membership into a negotiated agreement with the British state. The Republican Movement experienced greater optimism for and motivation in negotiations than did the MLNV, while the MLNV experienced greater motivation toward de-escalation more generally.
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Bata, Michelle. "Global State-Building and the Transformation of Nationalism: Spain in the European Union, 1977-2002." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/145711.
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The emergence of supranational organizations like the European Union (EU) raises questions fundamental to the sociological study of regions and nation-states. Hypothetically, the EU could provide regions within nation-states most of the governmental services that they currently receive from the state. For regions with strong ethnic and cultural identities that have sought to break away from the nation-state over time, decreased political and economic dependency may provide the autonomy that they have been seeking. On the other hand, if the emergence of supranational organizations like the EU represents state-building at the global level, then the EU can pose a threat to regional groups seeking autonomy from the nation-state. At issue is how the growing influence of supranational organizations like the EU is affecting the demand for autonomy within ethnically, politically, and culturally distinct regions. This dissertation attempts to answer these questions by examining variations in nationalism over time for three regions in Spain (Basque Country, Galicia, Catalonia) from 1977-2002. In order to begin to answer this question, I created a new dataset of protest events in Spain in order to assess variations in demands for autonomy over time. The protest event counts were incorporated into a comparative historical analysis that seeks to explain the effects of the influence of the evolving European Union (EU) on contentious demands for autonomy within those three regions; the variations in the protest event counts over time were analyzed against additional economic and political data collected from archival materials. I find that, while nationalism declined overall over time, it did not disappear but rather took on a different character. The classical manifestations of nationalism transformed into distinct movements centered on human rights. I argue that this transformation took place as a result of three interrelated factors: 1) Forced cooperation between the regions and the central Spanish government; 2) Elite abandonment of the nationalist movement; and 3) The state of the regional economies. In contrast to what extant theory might predict, my results indicate that nationalism continues to exist for the following reasons: 1) The EU has not rendered the nation-state irrelevant, but rather has altered their competencies; 2) The EU has not resolved the tensions between the nation-state and regions, but rather has created new ones; and 3) The EU has not leveled the economic playing-field between regions, but rather has opened them up to new forms of competition. In conclusion, this dissertation argues that supranational organizations like the EU have altered the relationship between regions and nation-states, thus transforming - but not solving - the nationalist question.
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Beauregard, Dionne Maxim. "Les répertoires d'actions politiques, économiques, et culturels de l'intégration européenne pour les régions: le cas de la Catalogne." Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2014. http://savoirs.usherbrooke.ca/handle/11143/391.
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Résumé : L’intégration européenne a changé profondément les dynamiques politiques en Europe. Parallèlement, on a vu un essor du nombre de mouvements régionaux tant politiques qu’économiques. En suivant la logique du principe de subsidiarité, ils ont réclamé plus d’autonomie face à leur État central. Au même moment, les États centraux voyaient leur souveraineté s’éroder par le haut et par le bas. À l’aide du cas de la Catalogne, nous expliquons comment l’Union Européenne offre sans cesse de nouvelles opportunités aux régions qui veulent plus d’autonomie tout en permettant d’éviter les conflits entre ces régions et leur État central en créant une dynamique triangulaire qui permet de voir d’une manière nouvelle la relation État-région. // Abstract : European integration has profoundly changed political dynamics in Europe. Simultaneously, there’s been an increase in the number of regional movement, be they political or economic. Following the subsidiarity principle logic, they asked more autonomy from their central state. At the same time, central states were seeing their sovereignty eroding from the top and the bottom. With the Catalan case study, we explain how European Union offers more and more new opportunities to the regions that want more autonomy while permitting to avoid conflict between these regions and their central states in creating a triangular dynamics that helps to see the state - region relation in a new way.
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Munson, Elizabeth A. "The sex of citizenship : modernizing Spain on the margins of Europe, 1890-1931 /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9945692.
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Tellidis, Ioannis. "Preventing terrorism?" Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/426.
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This study examines the debates on nationalism, terrorism and conflict resolution, and intends to identify, on the one hand, the reasons why and the instances in which nationalist discourses usurp the notions of political violence and present it as a legitimate option for opposing a State, and on the other, whether there exist circumstances where conflict resolution techniques and approaches can be useful in isolating terrorist discourses from the nationalist ones, without necessarily criminalising the latter. The study employs a critical and discourse analysis approach to explaining ethno-nationalist and terrorist phenomena, arguing that a contextualisation of the nationalist and terrorist objects of study is necessary in order to comprehensively analyse the relationship between the two, and the instances where the former gives rise to the latter. The purpose of the study is to develop a theoretical framework for the understanding of nationalism and terrorism as interconnected practices, and looks into ways in which conflict resolution can intervene and prevent the infusion of the two. In order to test this framework, the thesis examines the Basque conflict and discusses how the discriminatory practices of the Francoist dictatorship towards the Basques played a catalytic role in their acceptance of violence as a legitimate vehicle of pursuit of the nationalist aim of independence, and how the radicalisation of counter-terrorist practices after the democratic transition further distanced the civil society from both the State and the militant group. The study analyses the role of the Basque civil society, and how it became the primary actor in the transformation of the conflict by rejecting violent practices from both the State and ETA, while at the same time promoting a more civic aspect of the Basque nationalist discourse. This attitude allows the thesis to conclude that, contrary to theories of conflict resolution, the State can combat terrorism most effectively when it allies with civil society in the alteration of perceptions that perpetuate violence, but instead favour a strictly political approach to the pursuit of political objectives, like self-determination.
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Sjögren, Johan. "¿Viva España? : ¿Cantemos todos juntos con distinta voz y un sólo corazón?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-60014.
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McKevitt, Kerry. "Leabhar gabhála, Yeats, and Joyce : the reception and translation of Irish literature in 'Nós' and 'A Nosa Terra' in Galicia (1918-1936)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:53906832-2c94-4239-bc03-3262c130842e.
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In Galicia, translation slowly emerged as part of a cultural program during the 1920s, primarily through the activities of the Xeración Nós and the Irmandades da Fala, two intellectual and political groups seeking to recuperate and defend Galician language and culture through two magazines, A Nosa Terra and Nós. This aspect of nationalism is deserving of study because few scholars have addressed how the appropriation of literary texts, via translations, impacts nationalists' agendas. Nineteenth-century Galician scholars had claimed to establish ethnic and cultural links in early history between Galicia and Ireland and other alleged Celtic nations. The Xeración Nós and the Irmandades da Fala continued this legacy by researching Celtic and Irish history as well as introducing Irish writers, discussing their contributions to literature, and translating their works in journals. Their main intention was to demonstrate the Galicians' distinctiveness from Spain and to establish a common link with a nation struggling for its national rights. Therefore, for both journals, the subject of Ireland and the Irish was an obligatory and ideologically imperative reference. This thesis examines the role of translation in Nos and A Nosa Terra and its impact on Galician cultural nationalism. Working within the parameters of translation theory, nationalism, and post-colonialism, I consider why literary works by authors such as W.B. Yeats (1865-1939), James Joyce (1882-1941), and Terence MacSwiney (1879-1920), and the Irish epic, Leabhar Gabhála (The Book of the Conquests of Ireland), are discussed and later translated into Galician and what these translations seek to achieve within the re-emerging culture. On this basis, my objective is to show that as translated literature assumes a new role by providing invigorating models in the target culture, it regenerates national culture, language, and literature.
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Sullivan, John. "ETA and Basque nationalism the fight for Euskadi, 1890-1986 /." London ; New York : Routledge, 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/17620400.html.
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Congdon, Venetia. "Nourishing the nation : manifestations of Catalan national identity through food." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1c07c9a3-3351-46ef-aa02-833dddde375f.
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In this thesis I ask whether food can be used to express Catalan national identity, and if so, in what ways this occurs. In doing so, I consider the lived realities of nationalist movements, rather than simply the ideas and political claims that inform such movements. The Catalan Autonomous Community in northeast Spain is an ideal place to research this issue, due to the strengthening of nationalist sentiments there in light of the rise in support for independence from Spain. I wished to see whether this had any effect on the connections between food and national identity (or gastronationalism). National identity and food are connected in many diverse and varied ways. Food culture allows us to reflect on national identity as a whole. Themes which commonly appear in nationalist discourse, such as cultural specificity, historicism, or landscape (to name but a few), also inform discussions of national food identity. In the present case, while other markers of identity (e.g. language) are also important, ideals of Catalan nationalism may take the guise of Catalan gastronationalism as well. The current pro-independence movement has had the effect of making Catalans more aware of their cultural symbols, including cuisine, which is now one of many such symbols that can be mobilized for the expression of national identity.
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Muñoz, Mendoza Jordi. "From national catholicism to democratic patriotism?: An empirical analysis of contemporany Spanish national identity." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7242.
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El nacionalcatolicisme franquista, ha sigut substituït per un patriotisme democràtic espanyol? Aquesta tesi explora, mitjançant l'anàlisi del cas espanyol, com els estats establerts promouen i dónen forma a la identitat nacional de llurs ciutadans, i com això es reflecteix al nivell individual. La tesi aprofita la recent transició a la democràcia i les diferències internes del cas com a oportunitats per guanyar possibilitats d'anàlisi de la dinàmica de canvi en la identitat nacional en paral·lel als canvis en el context polític. Al llarg de la tesi s'empra una àmplia varietat de fonts I mètodes de recerca: Anàlisi de fonts documentals i literatura secundària, metodologia Q i anàlisi estadística de dades d'enquesta provinents tant d'enquestes preexistents (ISSP, WVS, CIS) com d'una enquesta pròpia realitzada el gener de 2007. Els resultats mostren com l'evolució dels discursos polítics sobre la nació espanyola han condicionat les actituds dels ciutadans, en un procés de reconstrucció incompleta de la identitat nacional espanyola.
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Mueller, Stephanie Ann. "Conflicting identities in Spain's peripheries: centralist Spanish nationalism in contemporary cultural production of Catalonia and the Basque country." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2588.
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This dissertation analyzes symbolic and political discourse in the works of three controversial intellectuals who participate in the contemporary debate on nationalisms in Spain. Basque poet and essayist Jon Juaristi (b. 1951), after brief involvement in ETA during the late 1960s and early 1970s, evolved into one of Spain's most outspoken critics of Basque nationalism, a position that led to death threats from ETA and eventually his permanent abandonment of the region. After founding his theater company Els Joglars in 1962, Catalan playwright Albert Boadella (b. 1943) used it as a vehicle to fight the Francoist dictatorship and promote a Catalan nationalist agenda. However, he eventually reversed his position on the issue of Catalan and Spanish nationalisms and became a political enemy to many in his home region. Finally, Basque filmmaker Julio Medem (b. 1958) caused outrage throughout much of Spain in 2003 with a documentary film exploring the clash between Spanish and Basque identities. In my examination of Boadella's and Juaristi's autobiographies and Medem's documentary I explore the ways each author portrays himself as subverting, transgressing, or transcending the sub-state nationalisms that are virtually hegemonic in their regions, and I reveal how each author's treatment of gender, especially his representations of masculinity, either undermines or substantiates the purportedly "non-nationalist" position he stakes. I argue that Juaristi's and Boadella's restrictive, traditionalist gender constructions reveal conservative Spanish nationalist discourses which prevent them from surpassing the rigid power structures that nourish the opposition between Spain's center and periphery, while Medem's cinematic work does present the possibility of breaking free from the boundaries of the conflict of national identities through the transcendence of patriarchal nationalist symbolism - both Basque and Spanish.
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Harty, Siobhán. "Disputed state, contested nation : republic and nation in interwar Catalonia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0027/NQ50182.pdf.
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Urrastabaso, Ruiz Unai. "Legal histories & modern identities : the emergence of nationalisms in the historical territories of the Kingdom of Navarre, Basque Provinces and State of Spain." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/21052.
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This thesis proposes a legal and organizational approach to better understand processes of modernisation and the emergence of nationalist conflict. Theories of nationalism tend to be significantly influenced by state-centred and rather abstract positivist interpretations of law. Legal perspectives that have proposed understating law in relation to findings developed through the empirical study of law, such as legal realism or legal pluralism, have questioned positivist conceptions of law, emphasising the historical processes that created such conceptions of law, and the relationship between legal praxis and conceptions of society. Presumptions about personhood and society such as those influencing nationalist conflict may not be unrelated to legal existence and legal practice. Social actors’ interpretations of law, and the capacity of social authorities to mobilize human and material resources in defence of certain conceptions of law, may have been able to influence legal and political histories of European states, as well as the national or regional identities that would develop in relation to legal recognition and legitimate exercise of types and degrees of social powers. The historical study of Spanish and Basque nationalisms, although generally involving constant references to law – especially to constitutional law and to the fueros – tends to overlook the influence that social actors’ perceptions of legal order may have had in shaping the emergence of nationalist conflicts. Often, the focus is directed towards factors related to ethno-linguistic features or political ideologies. This thesis studies a historical puzzle, one that appears to have been influenced by legally defined entities, that have influenced the legal and political history of the state, and that may have influenced the development of a Basque-Spanish nationalist conflict: the different jurisdictional and ideological paths followed by key social majorities in Navarre and Euskadi between 1876 and 1936 after at least a century of displaying a rather similar position in regards to the state.
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Dahlqvist, Martin. "Spanjorer är vi allihopa? : En kvalitativ studie av hur spanska och katalanska tidningar identifierar Kataloniens självständighetsprocess." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-39282.
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The Catalan movement of Independence is a well debated subject in Spanish news for the last decade. This thesis aims to examine what kind of identityarguments that spanish versus catalan newspapers make about the independence movement, in relation to nationalism and national identity. This is to deeper the understanding about the current complex situation in the Iberian Peninsula. The research shows that identityarguments about the independence movement presented by catalonian newspapers clearly put focus on identifying the ethnic and cultural reasons for the growing nationalism in the region, as well as discussing the political possibilities and obstacles of a sovereign Catalonia. In comparison, the identityarguments presented by spanish newspapers has another view of the situation, where the political aspect of the nationalistic catalan movement, identify the process as defying the Spanish Constitution and challenging the traditional historic unity of Spain. Within the debate there is a red line pointing out the importance of achieving and maintaining ones own right to express the meaning of the ’nation’ and the ’national identity’. Spain conquer the political and juridical battles of national values, whereas Catalonia has power in its collective cultural values, which through the politic arena enhances its symbolic power for Catalonia.
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Lönner, Kristian. "Katalonien – region, nation eller suverän stat? : En fallstudie över katalansk secession från Spanien." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-37665.
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In the Spanish region of Catalonia, the overriding political issue during more than adecade has been the conflict concerning the region’s aspirations for independence. Inpolitical science research, the withdrawal of a region from a state is called secession.This phenomenon highlights the conflict between peoples’ and nations right to selfdeterminationand the right of states to protect their borders and defend the nationalunity. This case study focuses on the supporters of Catalan independence and the aimof the study is to better understand the Catalan independence movement’s view on theconflict between self-determination and state sovereignty. The study investigates whyCatalonia has the right to become an independent state according to the independentmovement, what alternative ways Catalonia has toward independence and whatstrategies the independence movement makes use of. The study uses both textanalysis and qualitative interviews to respond the questions. The study shows thatthere are two main alternatives for the independence movement. One is a referendumaccepted by the Spanish state as a result of dialogue and negotiation, the other wayis to reach independence through a unilateral declaration of independence and the useof civil disobedience.
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Kerr, Robert McNab. "The territorial imperative of xenophobia : putting the Extreme-Right in its place /." view abstract or download file of text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3072592.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 176-194). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Aliberti, Davide. "Sefarad : une communauté imaginée : 1924-2015." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM3092.
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Le décret royal du 1924 est souvent considéré le point culminant de la campagne séfardiste du sénateur espagnol Ángel Pulido. Il s'agit d'une initiative qui reflète l’ambiguë de toutes les dynamiques espagnoles envers les Séfarades. La loi de 2015, relative à l’octroi de la nationalité aux descendants des juifs expulsés au XV siècle, et le décret royal de 1924 ont été choisis respectivement comme le point d'arrivée et le point de départ de ce travail. Durant cette période, a eu lieu une série d'événements qui ont constitué l'épine dorsale de cette communauté imaginée appelée Sefarad. Sefarad correspond à un espace indéfini résultant d'une erreur d'interprétation biblique. Cependant, pendant des siècles l'idée de Sefarad a continué à être associée à l'espace géographique connu comme l'Espagne et, à partir de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, le gouvernement espagnol s'est de plus en plus identifié à cet espace idéal. Ce processus de superposition vise à soutenir les intérêts nationaux. La loi de 2015, ainsi que le décret royal de 1924, sont deux initiatives qui s’adressent à l'opinion publique internationale plutôt qu’aux Séfarades. Ces deux lois sont révélatrices d'une tendance politique espagnole basée sur des argumentations séfardistes. L'objectif de ce travail est donc de montrer comment le gouvernement espagnol, à travers la reproduction de cette rhétorique séfardiste, a réussi à reconstruire une communauté imaginée connu comme SefaradThe Royal Decree of 1924 is often considered the culminating point of the campaign of Spanish senator Ángel Pulido. It’s an initiative that reflects the Spanish ambiguity towards Sephardim. The law of 2015 concerning the granting of nationality to descendants of Jews expelled in the XV century and the Royal Decree of 1924 were respectively chosen as the starting point and the end point of the present work. During this period, there was a series of events that have been the backbone of this imagined community called Sepharad. Sepharad corresponds to an undefined space resulting from a biblical misinterpretation. However, for centuries the idea of Sepharad continued to be associated with the geographical area known as Spain. From the second half of the twentieth century, the Spanish government has increasingly identified himself with this ideal space. This superposition process aims to support the national interests. The law of 2015 and the Royal Decree of 1924, are two initiatives addressed to the international public opinion rather than Sephardim. These two laws are indicative of a Spanish political tendency based on sephardist argumentations. The purpose of this work is to show how the Spanish Government, through the reproduction of this sephardist rhetoric, managed to rebuild an imagined community known as Sepharad
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Webb, Joel C. "Drawing Defeat: Caricaturing War, Race, and Gender in Fin de Siglo Spain." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/283/.
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Hatira, Hichem, and Kevin Johansson. "KATALANSK SEPARATISM -Med fokus på politiska organisationers förhållningsätt och argument." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-90150.
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Separatism movements are widespread across the world; however, the European continentcontains several regions who wish to become independent sovereign states. The autonomousregion of Catalonia is one of Europe's many separatist regions, where a separatism movementis present. This study analyses the active separatism of Catalonia, with an emphasis onregional Catalan as well as national Spanish political organization’s attitude towards aCatalan independent state, and also which argument they have regarding an independentCatalonia. The purpose is to describe the regional Catalan as well as the national Spanishpolitical organization’s position within the debate regarding a Catalan separation from Spain.The utilized method for this study is a describing analysis of ideas, in order to analyze andunderstand the empirical material.This essay implements, based on the essay's theoretical framework, two analytical tools inorder to analyze the empirical material of the political organization’s which are two idealtypes of the phenomena nationalism and separatism.The study concludes that the regional Catalan political organizations, CiU and ERC, havemore tendencies of separatism in their pro-independence rhetoric’s, and they have movedaway from their former nationalistic political platforms because of failed dialogs with theSpanish national government. Regarding the national Spanish political organizations, on theother hand, the study concludes that both PSOE and PP have strong tendencies of nationalismin their rhetoric against Catalan independence, much in due to their alignment to the Spanishconstitution and their political goal of a more united Spain.
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Cabanes, Martinez Aintzane. "The Melodramatic Discourse of "Todo es ETA" in Cinema: Terrorism and the Re-Enactment of a Conservative Postimperialist Masculine Spanish Nationalism." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1543235256789197.
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Yapo, Stefania. "(Dual) Citizenship in the Mirror. The everyday understanding of citizenship among Peruvian migrants in Italy and Spain." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/252819.
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This research investigates why people acquire dual citizenship. It focuses on the acquisition of dual citizenship through residency, with a processual lens and under conditions of “ordinariness” to tackle aspects that are usually overlooked. It builds on the differentiated access to dual citizenship granted to Peruvian migrants by the Italian and Spanish citizenship regimes. The 79 Peruvian migrants included in the study are either prospective dual citizens or actual dual citizens. The research builds on qualitative methods ranging from participant observation to in-depth semi-structured interviews. It investigates the motivations, expectations and contingences that bring migrants to the status acquisition. The analysis distinguishes between early and postponed acquisitions to highlight how practices of convenience and everyday forms of substantive commitment can coexist under the same national umbrella. Moreover it suggests that the availability and accessibility of the dual status cannot be conflated with a supposed desirability. Although nation-states design their citizenship and immigration regimes according to normative stances that should shape their ideal citizenry, individuals qua migrants manage to forge their own way into the host community while formally abiding the law. Thus, migrants’ pathways across statuses are the result of structural constraints as much as personal preferences and deliberate positioning vis-à-vis nation-states. The study shows how people navigate the laws through both legal and semi-legal means; how they cultivate constellations of belonging that do not necessarily match formal memberships; and how they invest citizenship with multiple meanings that can converge, collide, or simply bypass the state-led rhetoric on national membership.
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Yapo, Stefania. "(Dual) Citizenship in the Mirror. The everyday understanding of citizenship among Peruvian migrants in Italy and Spain." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/252819.
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This research investigates why people acquire dual citizenship. It focuses on the acquisition of dual citizenship through residency, with a processual lens and under conditions of “ordinariness” to tackle aspects that are usually overlooked. It builds on the differentiated access to dual citizenship granted to Peruvian migrants by the Italian and Spanish citizenship regimes. The 79 Peruvian migrants included in the study are either prospective dual citizens or actual dual citizens. The research builds on qualitative methods ranging from participant observation to in-depth semi-structured interviews. It investigates the motivations, expectations and contingences that bring migrants to the status acquisition. The analysis distinguishes between early and postponed acquisitions to highlight how practices of convenience and everyday forms of substantive commitment can coexist under the same national umbrella. Moreover it suggests that the availability and accessibility of the dual status cannot be conflated with a supposed desirability. Although nation-states design their citizenship and immigration regimes according to normative stances that should shape their ideal citizenry, individuals qua migrants manage to forge their own way into the host community while formally abiding the law. Thus, migrants’ pathways across statuses are the result of structural constraints as much as personal preferences and deliberate positioning vis-à-vis nation-states. The study shows how people navigate the laws through both legal and semi-legal means; how they cultivate constellations of belonging that do not necessarily match formal memberships; and how they invest citizenship with multiple meanings that can converge, collide, or simply bypass the state-led rhetoric on national membership.
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Sánchez, Romy. "Quitter la Très Fidèle : exilés et bannis au temps du séparatisme cubain (1834-1879)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01H060.
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Cette thèse analyse le rôle ambivalent de l'exil politique cubain dans le processus de séparation de Cuba et l'Espagne au XIXe siècle, à l'époque où se définit un mouvement anticolonial dans l'île. S'il est indéniable que le héros national cubain, José Marti, a passé plus de temps en exil qu'à l'intérieur de Cuba, ce travail s'écarte de l'idée d'une « fabrique de la nation» hors-sol que l'omniprésence de cette figure a pu suggérer. Des années 1830 à la fin de la guerre des Dix Ans, quitter Cuba n'est pas toujours synonyme d'aspirations indépendantistes. Loin de prétendre au portrait de groupe exhaustif, cette étude insiste sur la grande diversité d'un personnel unifié par l'histoire-patrie insulaire, et sur les dissonances que l'exil introduit dans le récit patriotique cubain. Cette analyse sociopolitique d'un personnel à première vue secondaire pour le récit national cubain aborde trois points principaux. Premièrement, l'étude de l'exil pousse à repenser les jalons chronologiques du nationalisme cubain, et ceux: de la relation impériale entre île et péninsule. Cet objet transversal fait émerger une nouvelle temporalité du lien colonial. Plutôt que de considérer Cuba comme « attendant sa libération » dès le temps des indépendances ibéro-américaines, un « temps du compromis » se dessine, qui dure pendant tout le long XIXe siècle cubain et hispano-cubain. Deuxièmement, la nouvelle géographie impériale dessinée par la carte de l'exil séparatiste pendant la période étudiée donne à voir de nouveaux problèmes politiques pour un empire espagnol amputé de ses anciennes possessions américaines et cherchant à se renouveler. Enfin, s'il est certain qu'il a existé une synergie indépendantiste dans les années 1870 chez les créoles cubains séparatistes de l'intérieur et de l'extérieur, cette thèse montre que ceux qui s'autodéfinissent comme « exilés cubains » compliquent par leur grande diversité les aspirations nationales définies par la République en Armes de Guaimaro en avril 1869This dissertation analyses the ambivalent role of political exile from Cuba at the moment of its separation from Spain in the 19thcentury, a period during which the anticolonial movement on and off the island solidified. Although Jose Marti, the Cuban national hero who spent most of his time outside of Cuba in exile, is ubiquitous in the narrative of Cuban independence, I argue that the figure of exil.es is far from simple. This work contends that from the 1830s to the end of the War of Ten Years, leaving Cuba was not necessarily indicative of supporting independence. It tracks these exiles in ail their diversity, and traces the kinds of dissonance that exile might introduce into the patriotic Cuban narrative. Using Cuba as a case study, this thesis maps a new field of knowledge of the Euro-American XIXth century, often defined as the "century of exiles". I approach this analysis of a group, considered secondary until now, through a sociopolitical lens, and make three main contributions. First, a study of political exile challenges the usual chronology of Cuban nationalism, as well as the relationship between the island and the peninsula relationship's timeline. Second, the framework of exile points to a new imperial geography. Separatism abroad reveals the Spanish empire's navel political challenges once a significant part of it had been lost. The number of exiles and banishments it imposed was not a sign of decline, as is most often interpreted. Rather it shows how the empire was seeking renewal, trying to reinvent itself starting in the late 1830s. The empire used exiles to design new colonial policies at home and abroad, and made use of diplomacy to keep a close eye on separatists in exile. While the historiography of this period claims that there was a uniformity of political vision among Cuban creoles, this work claims that those who called themselves "Cuban exiles" were too politically diverse to be considered mere supporters of a monolithic independence
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Ramón, Solans Francisco Javier. "Usos públicos de la virgen del pilar : de la guerra de la independencia al primer franquismo." Paris 8, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA084155.
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La dimension publique, nationalisatrice et politique, du culte à la Vierge du Pilar constitue l’objet de cette thèse. Cet objet est construit à partir de deux axes principaux : l’étude des processus de traditionalisation et ancrage social à succès de cette dévotion et, à partir de cette analyse, l’observation des changements politiques, sociales et culturelles du catholicisme à l’échelle locale, nationale et internationale. L’hypothèse de départ est donc que le rôle si important qu’a joué la Vierge du Pilar comme élément mobilisateur, point de ralliement où la population se reconnaît, symbole avec lequel on s’identifie, tout comme la profondeur de son ancrage social et culturel, mais aussi sa popularité, ont permis de transformer le Pilar en un vecteur de diffusion de certains cosmovisions politiques et nationales. Dans une première partie, on montre le processus de traditionalisation, territorialisation, reconnaissance et ancrage social de cette dévotion qui commence au XVIII siècle et qui permet d’expliquer le rôle si important qui a joué la Vierge du Pilar pendant la crise de l’Ancien Régime en Espagne. Dès la moitié du XIX siècle, les changements politiques, sociales et culturelles, entraînèrent l’essor de cultes mariales et l’apparition en Espagne d’une culture politique national-catholique qui défend la confessionnalité de la nation face au défi sécularisateur. Cette cosmovision se construit sur le terrain fécond de la culture catholique et, notamment sur ses symboles religieux. A travers la Vierge du Pilar, on a vu le développement du national-catholicisme et son arrivée au pouvoir lors de deux dictatures de Primo de Rivera et de FrancoThe public dimension of the cult to the Virgin of Pilar is the research’s aim of this thesis. Two aspects emerge from this subject: the study of the successful traditionalization of this devotion; and, based on this analysis, observe the political, social and cultural changes in Catholicism at the local, national and global level. The assumption is that the Virgin of Pilar play an important role as a mobilizing element, a rallying point where people can be recognized as a symbol with which one identifies. The depth of its social and cultural anchoring, but its popularity has transformed the Virgin of Pilar into a distribution’s vector of certain worldviews and national policies. In the first part, we saw the process of traditionalization of the Virgin of Pilar as the sacred center of Zaragoza, which helps to explain the important role that played her cult in the crisis of the Old Regime, as a legitimation’s factor and also as an instrument of mobilization and reassuring of the public. By the mid-nineteenth century, the political, social and cultural changes have led to the development of Marian devotion and the appearance in Spain of a nationalcatholic political culture which defends the confessionalisation of the state face the challenge of secularization. This political culture has benefited from the fruitful cultural substrate of Catholicism, including such powerful symbols like the Virgin of Pilar, to strengthen. Through this Marian cult, we saw the development of National Catholicism and his came to power in Spain with the two dictatorial regimes of Primo de Rivera and Franco
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Ajanaku, Akinwale Oluremilekun. "Spain’s Immigrants’ Integration Policy Strategy - National Approach Model." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21356.
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This paper analyzes the Spain’s immigrants’ integration policy with the aim to reveal Spain’s national approach model using path dependence as a theory to search for the consistent and stable constraining or motivating ideas that dictate the direction of Spain’s immigrants’ integration policy. This paper finds out that the public philosophy of Spain is premised on historical ties, the interest is motivated by shared culture and the problem definition is framed based on the country of origin of the immigrants. However, these ideas make Spain’s immigrants’ policy to be restrictive or liberal to some group of immigrants depending on their country of origin. Immigrants from Third country nationals consisting of Latin- America, Andorra, the Philippines, Guinea Equatorial, Portugal and the Sephardic Jews who have had historical experience acquire Spanish Nationality faster than the other immigrants from third country nationals composed mainly of Morocco, Africa and Asia because of the way laws regulating immigrants acquisition of Spanish nationality is designed.
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Manrique, Gómez Marta 1974. "Recepción político-literaria de Calderón : de la querella calderoniana a Menéndez Pelayo y sus discípulos." Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=115630.
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This thesis examines the political and literary reception in Spain of the figure of Pedro Calderon de la Barca, Golden Age playwright, during the years comprising the start of the querella calderoniana until the end of the nineteenth century; a period dominated by the intellectual figure Marcelino Menendez Pelayo. The nineteenth century is characterized by widespread social, political, economic, religious and cultural change, as much as for the development of the intention, on the part of political ideologies in positions of power, to generate a concrete idea of the Nation; in short, a specific way of interpreting Spanish national identify. This changes and the process which followed the configuration of this idea of the nation are recorded in little studied and highly politicized print media of the time, as well as in various verbal polemics maintained over the course of the century.The study of these has allowed me to demonstrate that the reception of Calderon has been strongly influenced by the presence and interaction of these aspects. As the century progresses, the figure of the playwright becomes increasingly identified with the ideals of the National identify established by political conservatives.
In the first chapter, I analyse what happened in this intellectual conflict contextualizing it ideologically in the calderonian polemics of the eighteenth century, and frame it within relevant events in the formation of national identity.
The next two chapters analyse the development of the querella calderoniana and the subsequent appropriation of Calderon, in one of the darkest moments for the written press in Spain, corresponding with Fernando VII's absolutist regime. This study has been achieved through close readings of various periodicals, literary and ideological discourses of this epoch.
The final chapter concentrates on the conservative appropriation of Calderon effectuated by Menendez Pelayo, one of the most important intellectual figures of nineteenth century in Spain, who attempted to integrate this appropriation with others preceding it. A brief section of conclusions summarizes the theses, followed by a selected bibliography.
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Doukaga, Kassa Pachely. "Football, société et politique en Espagne : du franquisme à la transition démocratique (1939-1982)." Thesis, Tours, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017TOUR2013/document.
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Cette thèse analyse la fonction politique et identitaire du football en Espagne pendant le franquisme et la transition démocratique, en se focalisant particulièrement sur deux clubs : le Real Madrid et le FC Barcelone. L’un est considéré comme le meilleur ambassadeur de l’Espagne à l’étranger. L’autre, un instrument pour la mobilisation de l’opposition démocratique, et surtout un refuge pour les revendications de types identitaires à cette époque. Réaliser une étude sur le football peut sembler a priori ne pas s’inscrire dans une démarche scientifique. Pourtant, au-delà du sport et du divertissement, le football est un fait social, dont l’analyse est essentielle à la compréhension des sociétés contemporaines. Il mérite de ce fait une attention particulière, notamment lorsque l’on s’intéresse à l’histoire de l’Espagne, laquelle est extrêmement révélatrice des enjeux socioculturels et politiques que revêt le football dans ce paysThis thesis analyzes the political and social function of football in Francoist Spain and during the democratic transition, focusing particularly on two clubs: Real Madrid and FC Barcelona. One is considered the best ambassador of Spain abroad. And the other is an instrument for the mobilization of the democratic opposition, and above all a hub for ethno-social identity related claims at that time. A study about football may at first seem to not to belong within the scientific approach. Yet, beyond sport and entertainment, football is a social phenomenon, the analysis of which is essential to the understanding of contemporary societies. It deserves attention, especially when one is interested in the history of Spain, which is extremely revealing of the socio-cultural and political stakes that football has in this country
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Rabaza, Jiménez Ramir. "The Unilateral Declaration of Independence in Catalonia, 2017: strategies of legitimation in political discourses." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21589.
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The relation between the Catalan nationalist forces as well as the other sub-nationalisms and the Spanish Government has been a matter discussed throughout all the Spanish democracy. In recent years the challenge to the Spanish state set by the Catalan government when taking a unilateral approach on Independence has resulted in the imprisonment and exile of political leaders. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the events that occurred in Catalonia after the Catalan elections of 2015 and the unilateral approach on self-determination taken by the Catalan Autonomous Government with the promise of a binding referendum. The laws passed by the Catalan government which were rejected by the Constitutional Court, as the law itself denied the authority of the Constitutional Court and declared independence. This resulted in the application of the 155th article of the Spanish Constitution, suspending autonomous government, to enforce the Constitutional Court’s resolutions by the Spanish government. The essay will focus on the discourses given by politicians to criticize or justify these actions, analysed through theoretical and political normative perspectives.
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McConaghy, Kieran. "Terrorism and the state : intra-state dynamics and the response to non-state terrorism." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6535.
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Although there has been a wealth of academic literature which has examined counter-terrorism, both in the general sense and in case study focused approaches, there has seldom been an engagement in terrorism studies literature on the nature of the state itself and how this impacts upon the particular response to terrorism. Existing literature has a tendency to either examine one branch of the state or to treat (explicitly or implicitly) the state as a unitary actor. This thesis challenges the view of the state as a unitary actor, looking beneath the surface of the state, investigating intra-state dynamics and the consequences for counter-terrorism. I highlight that the state by its nature is ‘peopled', demonstrating through comparative analysis of case studies from Spain, France, and the United Kingdom, how the individual identities and dispositions of state personnel at all levels from elites to entry level positions determine the nature and characteristics of particular states. I show that if we accept that the state is peopled, we must pay attention to a series of traits that I argue all states exhibit to understand why campaigns of counter-terrorism take the shape and form that they do. I posit that we must understand the role that emotional and visceral action by state personnel in response to terrorism plays, how the character of particular state organisations can impact upon the trajectory of conflicts, and how issues of intra-state competition and coordination can frustrate even the best laid counter-terrorism strategies. Furthermore, I show how the propensity for sub- state political violence to ‘terrorise' populations makes the response to terrorism a powerful political tool, and how it has been deployed in the past for political gain rather than purely as an instrument to improve security. I conclude that future academic analyses of counter-terrorism must take this into consideration, and likewise, state personnel must be mindful of the nature and character of their state should they wish to effectively prevent terrorism and protect human rights and the rule of law.
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Caminada, Díaz David. "La prensa nacionalista catalana y vasca ante la Constitución, los Estatutos de Autonomía y la consolidación del autogobierno en Cataluña y Euskadi (1977-1981)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667395.
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La presente tesis doctoral analiza el comportamiento político de la prensa nacionalista catalana y vasca durante la Transición a la democracia y en especial, en relación a la aprobación de la Constitución, los Estatutos de Autonomía de Sau y Gernika y la puesta en marcha del autogobierno catalán y vasco. El estudio cubre el periodo 1977-1981 y se centra en los diarios El Correo Catalán y Avui, por la parte catalana, y Deia y Egin, por la parte vasca. El estudio describe el papel jugado por estos cuatro medios de comunicación en el proceso de construcción de un nuevo Estado democrático, el cual dejase atrás el carácter centralista y unitario y diese cabida a nacionalidades históricas como Cataluña y País Vasco, que desde el franquismo habían luchado para preservar su identidad histórica, social y cultural. La investigación describe también el comportamiento político y profesional de periodistas relacionados con los medios estudiados.The following PhD investigation analyzes the political behavior of Catalan and Basque nationalist newspapers during the Transition to democracy in Spain and, especially, in relation to the approval of the new Constitution, the Statutes of Autonomy of Sau and Gernika and the launch of the Catalan and Basque self-governments. The study covers the period between 1977 and 1981, and is focused on the Catalan daily papers El Correo Catalan and Avui, and the Basques Deia and Egin. The aim of this investigation is to discuss the role played by these papers in the process of building a new democratic State, one which overcame centralism and a rigid united structure in order to include historical nationalities such as Catalonia and the Basque Country. During Franco’s regime, these nationalities had fought to preserve their historical, social and cultural identities. Furthermore, the paper examines the political and professional behavior of journalists which were linked to the mentioned nationalist newspapers.
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Palash, Polina. "Organizing transnational social protection in times of crisis : Ecuadorian families in between Ecuador, Spain and England." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AIXM0601.
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Cette thèse porte sur les arrangements transnationaux de protection sociale à l’échelle des familles, c'est-à-dire les stratégies développées par leurs membres dispersés pour faire face aux risques et couvrir leurs besoins, par delà les frontières nationales. Le terrain concerne les familles transnationales équatoriennes qui organisent leur protection sociale entre l’Europe et leur pays d’origine, et s’appuie sur une étude ethnographique multi-localisée et avec un échantillon partiellement combiné, conduite en Espagne, en Angleterre et en Équateur. Les familles ont été affectées par deux crises financières majeures : en Équateur à la fin des années 90 et en Europe en 2008. Ces crises ont généré des reconfigurations spatiales des mobilités, en particulier une deuxième migration récente de citoyens de l'UE bénéficiant de la double nationalité (équatorienne et espagnole), depuis l’Espagne vers Angleterre, où des Equatoriens étaient déjà installés depuis les années 1980. Ces recompositions affectent les formes de protection sociale au sein des familles, générant notamment des flux économiques inversés en provenance d'Équateur, qui assurent les besoins des migrants en Europe. Dans leurs multiples adaptations, les migrants accumulent des vulnérabilités, tout en faisant face aux insuffisances des systèmes de protection sociale nationaux pour couvrir les besoins de leurs familles transnationales. Les risques relatifs à la gestion des questions de protection sociale sont en partie compensés par une circulation diffuse du soutien au sein des réseaux familiaux, qui génère des flux de ressources multidirectionnelsThis thesis addresses the transnational social protection arrangements deployed as strategies developed and sustained by people living across different countries to cope with risks and cover their needs. The thesis focuses on Ecuadorian transnational families managing social protection concerns between Europe and their country of origin, drawing on a multi-sited, partly matched-sample ethnographic study conducted across Spain, England and Ecuador. Families in this study have had to deal with two financial crises – at the end of 1990s in Ecuador and the global 2008 recession, which again destabilized the life of Ecuadorian migrants abroad. This implied various spatial reconfigurations, such as the onward move of dual EU (Ecuadorian-Spanish) citizens from Spain to England, where there has been a small Ecuadorian community since the 1980s. The 2008 recession also prompted readjustments of protective arrangements for Ecuadorian migrants, including reverse economic flows from Ecuador aimed at providing for their daily needs in Europe. In their multiple adaptations migrants accumulate vulnerabilities, while dealing with inadequacies of the different welfare systems with respect to the needs of their transnational families. The predominant risks of the management of social protection concerns across several countries is partly compensated by a diffuse circulation of support in family networks, entailing multidirectional flows of resources
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Drew, Liesl. "'I'm from Barcelona': Boundaries and Transformations Between Catalan and Spanish Identities." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-325011.
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In the last decade or so, the multiple political factions in Catalonia have adopted pro-independence initiatives in their platforms following the 2008 financial crisis. Catalonia’s position as representing a minority culture in the face of the centralized administration of Madrid presents a contentious history of fighting for the right ‘to be’, culminating in what today is viewed by many as an identity crisis. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Barcelona, this thesis examines how informants construct and transform their socio-cultural identities in the framework of the independence movement in Catalonia. It places informants’ experiences in the theoretical realm of ethnic boundaries, analyzing central issues of Catalan language normalization vis à vis the historical imposition of Spanish as the national language. These themes are broadened in light of the recent upsurge of Catalan secession, and explores identity politics within the background of Spanish and Catalan nationalisms.En la última década, las múltiples facciones políticas de Cataluña han adoptado iniciativas de independencia en sus plataformas tras la crisis financiera de 2008. La posición de Cataluña como representante de una cultura minoritaria frente a la administración centralizada de Madrid presenta una historia contenciosa de lucha por el derecho 'a ser', culminando en lo que hoy muchos ven como una crisis de identidad. Basándose en el trabajo de campo llevado a cabo en Barcelona, esta tesis examina cómo los informantes construyen y transforman sus identidades socioculturales en el marco del movimiento de independencia en Cataluña. Coloca las experiencias de los informantes en el ámbito teórico de las fronteras étnicas, analizando cuestiones centrales de la normalización de la lengua catalana frente a la imposición histórica del español como lengua nacional. Estos temas se amplían a la luz del reciente recrudecimiento de la secesión catalana y exploran la política de identidad en el contexto de los nacionalismos españoles y catalanes.
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Trujillo, Marie-Carmen. "L'Espagne à la une du journal Le Monde (1986-2005) : de l'entrée dans la CEE au retour de la mémoire, la deuxième Transition en marche : regards croisés et représentations culturelles." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012TOU20102.
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Le 1er janvier 1986, l’Espagne a intégré la Communauté Economique Européenne et cet évènement-clé a marqué le premier pas vers la deuxième Transition. Etudier l’Espagne à la Une du Monde entre 1986 et 2005, c’est faire l’histoire d’une « Défrancoïsation en gestation », d’une mémoire retrouvée et d’une lente réconciliation nationale gérée par une monarchie pragmatique.A travers l’analyse du discours de la presse française de référence, et en particulier des stratégies discursives du journal Le Monde, ce travail de recherche s’inscrit dans l’histoire des représentations culturelles afin d’étudier comment l’imaginaire français est influencé au fil du temps et des évènements par un dispositif textuel et iconographique particulier : la Une et la mise en scène de l’informationOn the first of January 1986, Spain became a full-fledged member of the EEC and this major event was a milestone for the second Transition. Our work focuses on the representation of Spain in the editorial articles of the French newspaper, Le Monde, from 1986 to 2005. It analyses the "Post Franquist Period", the recovery of a lost memory and the progressive process of national reconciliation brought about thanks to a pragmatic monarchy. This word analyses the discourse and the textual strategies of the leading French newspaper is embedded in the story of cultural representations and endeavours to show how the French imaginary has been shaped throughout this period by a specific textual and iconographic setting : the editorial articles (La Une) and the staging of information
El 1ero de enero del 1986, España ha integrado la Comunidad Económica Europea y ese acontecimiento clave fue el primer paso hacia la segunda Transición. Estudiar España en la primera página del periódico de referencia francés Le Monde, entre 1986 y 2005, es hacer la historia de una “Defrancoïzación latente”, de una memoria recuperada y de una lenta reconciliación nacional gestionada por una monarquía pragmática.Mediante el análisis del discurso de la prensa francesa de referencia, y en particular de las estrategias discursivas del periódico Le Monde, nos proponemos ahondar en la historia de las representaciones culturales y ver cómo el imaginario francés ha sido influenciado, a lo largo del tiempo y de los acontecimientos por un dispositivo textual e iconográfico particular : la primera página y la puesta en escena de la información
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Passetti, Francesco. "Keeping policy and politics apart: integration policies in Europe and the politics of citizenship in Spain and Italy." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/587162.
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This thesis investigates immigrant integration policies paying special attention to the Spanish and Italian citizenship regimes. It hinges upon a multi-method design and its results take the shape of a three-article structure. The first article addresses similarities and differences among European countries’ integration policies and, by means of cluster analysis on MIPEX data, it identifies policy-models characterizing the current European scenario. Two shared-configurations are captured, cutting across the East/West cleavage. The Eastern configuration is more restrictive than the Western one, especially in traditional areas of integration. The second and third articles concentrate on the domain of citizenship and try to account for the puzzling continuity of nationality laws in Spain and in Italy by relying on the explanatory power of ideas. The Spanish case is treated in the second article whereas the third article compares such case to the Italian one. In both countries ideas prove to be crucial in driving the evolution of nationality laws; however according to distinct causal logic.La presente tesis investiga las políticas de integración de los inmigrantes prestando especial atención a los regímenes de nacionalidad españolo e italiano; sigue un diseño de investigación “multhi-method” y sus resultados se estructuran en tres artículos. El primer artículo aborda similitudes y diferencias entre las políticas de integración de los países europeos y, mediante un cluster análisis con datos MIPEX, identifica los modelos de policy que marcan el escenario europeo actual. Dos macro-configuraciones son identificadas, a través de la división este/oeste. La configuración del este es más restrictiva de la del oeste, especialmente en las tradicionales áreas de integración. Los artículos segundo y tercero se centran en el área de la ciudadanía y tratan de dar cuenta de la enigmática continuidad de las leyes de nacionalidad en España y en Italia, confiando en el poder explicativo de las ideas. El segundo artículo trata el caso español, el tercero compara éste con el caso italiano. En ambos países los factores “ideacionales” se demuestran cruciales en influenciar la evolución de las leyes de nacionalidad; sin embargo, según distintas lógicas causales.
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Paternotte, David. "Sociologie politique comparée de l'ouverture du mariage civil aux couples de même sexe en Belgique, en France et en Espagne: des spécificités nationales aux convergences transnationales." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210404.
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Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les mouvements LGBT en Belgique, en France et en Espagne à travers une double comparaison (entre les cas et à travers le temps) qui intègre également les échanges et influences transnationaux et internationaux. Elle examine l’émergence et le développement de la revendication d’ouverture du mariage civil aux couples de même sexe dans ces pays, analysant les convergences en termes de contenu des demandes et de timing des mobilisations. Par conséquent, elle porte sur des convergences au niveau des mouvements sociaux, à l’inverse de la majeure partie de la littérature, qui se concentre sur les convergences de politiques publiques. Cette situation impose de construire une grille d’analyse basée sur la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux, les politiques publiques et les relations internationales (influence des normes internationales). Le développement des revendications relatives au droit au mariage a été retracé de manière généalogique depuis la fin des années 1980. La comparaison repose sur la méthode du most different systems design et un travail empirique important combinant analyse documentaire et entretiens a été réalisé. Cette thèse confirme l’importance de l’étude des échanges et des influences internationaux et transnationaux pour comprendre la politique domestique et insiste sur l’influence cruciale du réseautage transnational sur les revendications des mouvements sociaux. Elle révèle aussi quelques cas de diffusion entre mouvements sociaux et montre comment des caractéristiques et des contraintes communes peuvent inciter les mouvements sociaux à formuler des revendications similaires. Par ailleurs, les discours en faveur du droit au mariage ont été analysés avec soin. L’émergence de cette revendication a aussi été mise en perspective sur le plan historique, ce qui implique de réfléchir aux modalités de transformation des mouvements LGBT au cours des trente dernières années. Pour terminer, la notion de citoyenneté sexuelle a été interrogée et la manière dont l’accès à la citoyenneté a été posé a été examinée à partir du concept de resignification proposé par Judith Butler. This dissertation looks at LGBT movements in Belgium, France and Spain through a double comparison (between cases and through time), which also takes into account transnational and international exchanges and influences. It investigates the simultaneous emergence and development of same-sex marriage claims in these countries, examining convergences in the content of the claims and the timing of protest. Therefore, it looks at convergences at the level of social movements, unlike most of the literature, which focuses on convergences in public policies. This specific research interests implies building an analytical model based on the literature on social movements, public policies and international relations (influence of international norms). It has also required a genealogical account of the development of same-sex marriage claims in each country from the end of the eighties until now. The comparison is based on the most different systems design method, and an extensive field work combining archives analysis and interviews has been carried out. This dissertation confirms the importance of taking into account international and transnational exchanges and influences to understand domestic politics, and insists on the crucial influence of transnational networking on social movements claims. It also discloses some cases of diffusion between social movements and shows how common characteristics and constraints may induce social movements to make similar but independent decisions. Discourses in favour of same-sex marriage have been carefully analysed, and the emergence of this claim has been put into a historical perspective. This implies a reflection on the transformations of the LGBT movement over the last thirty years. Finally, this dissertation interrogates the notion of sexual citizenship and examines the specific mechanisms through which access to citizenship has been proposed, discussing Judith Butler’s concept of resignification.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Amado-Borthayre, Lontzi. "La construction collective de l'action publique en faveur de la langue dans un cadre transfrontalier au Pays Basque et en Catalogne." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012BOR40006/document.
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Beaucoup ont qualifié la construction de mouvements identitaires à base linguistique de Nouveaux Mouvement Sociaux dans les années 70. S’il est vrai qu’en France ils se sont fait connaitre à ce moment-là, en réapparaissant sous de nouvelles formes, il n’en demeure pas moins qu’ils puisent leurs racines dans une opposition historique aux Etats modernes européens. La longévité et la structuration des réseaux militants des langues basque et catalane, tant en France qu’en Espagne, en sont la preuve. Ainsi, outre les grands cycles de protestation, ce sont surtout les nouvelles formes de l’action publique locale et de la construction européenne qui vont permettre une prise en compte et une mise en œuvre de politiques linguistiques en Pays Basque et en Catalogne. La construction collective de manière transfrontalière des politiques linguistiques de la langue montre combien les acteurs collectifs deviennent des acteurs essentiels à la mise en œuvre de politiques publiques contemporaines. Et ce, non seulement en les cadrant lors des luttes politiques et lors de leurs élaborations mais également en étant des acteurs essentiels à l’expertise et à la mise en œuvre, puisqu’ils en sont la cause et les bénéficiaires à part entière. Finalement, les réseaux d’action politique en faveur de la langue se transforment, une fois la langue devenue enjeu et objectif de politique publique, en réseaux d’action publique local ouvrant ainsi un nouveau cycle d’actionThe construction of language-based identity movements was called New Social Movements in the 70’s. If in France, they make themselves known at that time, reappearing under new forms, the fact remains that they originate from an historical opposition with the Europeans Modern States. The longevity and the structuration of the language-based militant networks of basque and catalonian languages, both in the Basque country and in Catalonia, are the proof. Besides the larges protest cycles, it is above all the new forms of local public policy and of European construction which will permit consideration and implementation of language policies in the Basque country and in Catalonia. The collective construction and across borders of language policies shows how collective actors become key players in the implementation of contemporary public policy, not only framing politics and policy making but also being essentials in the expertise and implementation because they are the cause and the beneficiaries. Finally, policy networks based on language turn, once the language become issue and target of public policy, on local public networks opening a new cycle of action
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Farinelli, Marcel A. 1978. "Un arxipèlag invisible: la relació impossible de Sardenya i Còrsega sota nacionalismes, segles XVIII-XX." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/129737.
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Còrsega i Sardenya, dues illes que disten només 12 km., formen un arxipèlag en el bell mig del Mediterrani occidental. No obstant, van estar dividides al llarg de gran part de la seva història, i actualment són una part perifèrica de dos diferents Estats: França i Itàlia. En ambdues illes han sigut presents, i encara ho són, moviments nacionalistes, tant illencs com continentals, una situació que ha generat una ulterior clivella. Aquesta tesi pretén analitzar, des d'una perspectiva comparada, els darrers tres segles d'història de Còrsega i Sardenya. El treball està dividit en dues parts, una primera dedicada a les dues illes, i una segona a un estudi de cas sobre un indret en particular d'aquest arxipèlag: l'Alguer.Corsica and Sardinia, two islands that are hardly separated by 12 km, forms an archipelago in the middle of the western basin of the Mediterranean sea. However, they were divided along much of its history, and now they are a peripheral part of two different States: France and Italy. In both of these islands have been presents, and still are, nationalist movements, as islanders and continentals, a situation that has generated a further gap. This thesis aims to analyze, from a comparative point of view, the last three centuries of history of Corsica and Sardinia. The work is divided into two parts, the first devoted to the two islands, and the second one is a case study about particular place in this archipelago: Alghero.
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Snell, Brandon Charles. "The Origins of Ethno/National Separatist Terrorism: A Cross-National Analysis of the Background Conditions of Terrorist Campaigns." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1244481182.
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