Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism Soviet Union History'
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Wang, Horng-luen. "National Culture and Its Discontents: The Politics of Heritage and Language in Taiwan, 1949–2003." Comparative Studies in Society and History 46, no. 4 (October 2004): 786–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417504000362.
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In his groundbreakingNationalism Reframed,Rogers Brubaker challenges conventional understandings of nations and nationalism by advancing a distinctive, if not innovative, approach to the subject. Drawing on recent theoretical developments that problematize the realist ontology implicitly assumed in previous literatures, Brubaker calls for an institutionalist approach to the study of nations and nationalism. As he points out, nation and nationhood can be better understood not as substance but as institutionalized form, not as collectivity but as practical category, and not as entity but as contingent event (1996:18). He then employs this approach to analyze the breakdown of the Soviet Union. According to Brubaker, nationhood and nationality were institutionalized in the Soviet Union in two different modes: political-territorial and the ethno-personal. While the incongruence between these two modes led to tensions and contradictions within Soviet society, the dual legacy of such an institutionalization, manifesting itself as unintended consequences, eventually shaped the disintegration of the Soviet Union and continues to structure nationalist politics in the successor states today.
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Tuminez, Astrid S. "Nationalism, Ethnic Pressures, and the Breakup of the Soviet Union." Journal of Cold War Studies 5, no. 4 (September 2003): 81–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039703322483765.
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Nationalism and ethnic pressures contributed to the breakup of the Soviet Union, but they were not the primary cause. A qualified exception to this argument is Russian elite separatist nationalism, led by Boris Yeltsin, which had a direct impact on Soviet disintegration. This article provides an overview of Soviet policy vis-à-vis nationalities, discusses the surge of nationalism and ethnic pressures in the Soviet Union in 1988–1991, and shows how ethnic unrest and separatist movements weakened the Soviet state. It also emphasizes that the demise of the Soviet Union resulted mainly from three other key factors: 1) Mikhail Gorbachev's failure to establish a viable compact between center and periphery in the early years of his rule; 2) Gorbachev's general unwillingness to use decisive force to quell ethnic and nationalist challenges; and 3) the defection of a core group of Russian elites from the Soviet regime.
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Clark, James D. "New Nation, New History: Promoting National History in Tajikistan." Journal of Persianate Studies 11, no. 2 (January 28, 2019): 224–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341322.
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AbstractThis essay looks at the national history of the Tajiks of Central Asia that was created in the twentieth century and has continued to develop into the twenty-first century. It traces the notion of Tajik nationalism, which arose in the 1920s under the Soviet Union, largely in response to Uzbek nationalism. Soviet intellectuals and scholars thereafter attempted to construct a new history for the Tajiks. The most important effort in that area was Bobojon Ghafurov’s study Tadzhiki (Tajiks, 1972), which gave them primacy among the Central Asian peoples. The essay examines the policies of independent Tajikistan’s government, such as its focus on the Samanid dynasty and the replacement Soviet monuments and names with nationalist ones. Finally, it looks at the challenges that contemporary Islamic movements in the country pose to the earlier secular interpretations.
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Tilly, Charles. "Citizenship, Identity and Social History." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113586.
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With appropriate lags for rethinking, research, writing and publication, international events impinge strongly on the work of social scientists and social historians. The recent popularity of democratization, globalization, international institutions, ethnicity, nationalism, citizenship and identity as research themes stems largely from world affairs: civilianization of major authoritarian regimes in Latin America; dismantling of apartheid in South Africa; collapse of the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Pact and Yugoslavia; ethnic struggles and nationalist claims in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa; extension of the European Union; rise of East Asian economic powers. Just as African decolonization spurred an enormous literature on modernization and political development, the explosion of claims to political independence on the basis of ethnic distinctness is fomenting a new literature on nationalism.
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Klumbytė, Neringa. "Europe and Its Fragments: Europeanization, Nationalism, and the Geopolitics of Provinciality in Lithuania." Slavic Review 70, no. 4 (2011): 844–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.70.4.0844.
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With a focus on Gintaras Beresnevičius's bookThe Making of an Empire(2003) and the marketing and consumption of "Soviet" sausages, this article explores the rise of national ideologies that promote an "eastern" and "Soviet" identity in Lithuania. Both during the nationalist movement against the Soviet Union and later in the 1990s and 2000s, the west and Europe were seen as sites of prestige, power, and goodness. Recently the reinvented "east" and "Soviet" have become important competing symbols of national history and community. In this article Neringa Klumbytė argues that nationalism has become embedded in the power politics of Europeanization. National ideologies are shaped by differing ideas about ways of being modern and European rather than by simple resistance to European Union expansion. The resulting geopolitics of provinciality, a nationalist politics of space, thus becomes an integral part of the story of European modernity and domination within a global history.
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Shanin, Teodor. "Ethnicity in the Soviet Union: Analytical Perceptions and Political Strategies." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 3 (July 1989): 409–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015978.
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Social facts and policies can be understood only in light of our own perceptions. This holds true with a vengeance where ethnicity, nationhood, or nationalism are concerned. All through the twentieth century this syndromecum-terminological chain has played an extensive, puzzling and usually unpredicted part in structuring social life and political action. New ethnic identities (for example, Tanzania'ism or Indonesian'ism) with their related designations and loyalties have cometo the fore with a speed that reveals the transitional and relational nature of ethnic phenomena. The same holds true for the ups and downs of acute nationalism. On the other hand, many throughout the world would agree with the great Catalonian historian, Pierre Vilar, whose internationalist values are not in doubt, that “in the relationship between my own life and history, nationals problems seem to overwhelm all others.” However one may conceptualize ethnicity and nationalism, their political impact has provided a major and continuous dimension of social action.
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Gilley, Christopher. "Reconciling the Irreconcilable? Left-Wing Ukrainian Nationalism and the Soviet Regime." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (May 2019): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.67.
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AbstractThis article examines the attempts by left-wing Ukrainian nationalists to reconcile the seemingly irreconcilable: Ukrainian nationalism and Soviet socialism. It describes how leftist Ukrainian parties active during the Revolution and Civil War in Ukraine 1917–1921 advocated a soviet form of government. Exiled members of the two major Ukrainian parties, the Social Democrats and the Socialist Revolutionaries, then took this position further, arguing in favor of reconciliation with the Bolsheviks and a return to their homeland. After the Entente recognized Polish sovereignty over Eastern Galicia and Soviet Ukraine introduced a policy of Ukrainization in 1923, many West Ukrainian intellectuals took up this call. The Great Famine of 1932–1933 and the Bolsheviks’ purge of Ukrainian Communists and intellectuals all but ended the position. However, it was more the Soviet rejection of the Sovietophiles that ended Ukrainian Sovietophilism than any rejection of the Soviet Union by leftist Ukrainian nationalists. Thus, an examination of the Ukrainian Sovietophiles calls into question the accounts of the relationship between Ukrainian nationalism and the Soviet Union that have common currency in today’s Ukraine.
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Bertelsen, Olga. "Political Affinities and Maneuvering of Soviet Political Elites: Heorhii Shevel and Ukraine’s Ministry of Strange Affairs in the 1970s." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (May 2019): 394–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.51.
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AbstractThis article examines the goals and practices of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Ukraine in the 1970s, a Soviet institution that functioned as an ideological organ fighting against Ukrainian nationalists domestically and abroad. The central figure of this article is Heorhii Shevel who governed the Ministry from 1970 to 1980 and whose tactics, strategies, and practices reveal the existence of a distinct phenomenon in the Soviet Union—the nationally conscious political elite with double loyalties who, by action or inaction, expanded the space of nationalism in Ukraine. This research illuminates a paradox of pervasive Soviet power, which produced an institution that supported and reinforced Soviet “anti-nationalist” ideology, simultaneously creating an environment where heterodox views or sentiments were stimulated and nurtured.
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Shami, Seteney. "Disjuncture in Ethnicity: Negotiating Circassian Identity in Jordan, Turkey and the Caucasus." New Perspectives on Turkey 12 (1995): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001151.
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Theorizing about nationalism must now incorporate phenomena brought about by the break-up of the Soviet Union, the disintegration of formerly socialist states and the emergence of so-called “ethno-nationalisms”. Previously, nationalism was mostly addressed in terms of modernization, nation-building and post-colonialism. In these interpretations, the presence of a modernizing state was a given, although the success or failure of these states in mobilizing the loyalties of their populations was seen to vary. What is now troubling to the older paradigms is how to interpret the phenomenon of nationalism sans state, or at least in the absence of the political, economic, ideological construct of the nation-state.
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Chinn, Jeff, and Steven D. Roper. "Ethnic Mobilization and Reactive Nationalism: The Case of Moldova." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 2 (June 1995): 291–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408378.
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1. IntroductionUntil the October 1991 Soviet coup, Moldova, previously known as Bessarabia and the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic, had known independence only briefly, having been part of the Russian Empire, Romania, or the Soviet Union for almost its entire history. As a result of shifting foreign influences and borders, Moldova, like most modern political entities, has a multiethnic population. The conflicting perspectives and demands of Moldova's different ethnic groups underlie many of today's controversies.
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Chelaru, Valeria. "Dawns in Abkhazia are still quiet: the forgotten roots of a post-Soviet frozen conflict." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 67, no. 1 (September 30, 2022): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2022.1.04.
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"This article re-evaluates Abkhazia's frozen conflict in light of the region's shared history with the Soviet Union. The article's primary purpose is to re-examine the role of politicized identities in the emergence and maintenance of frozen conflicts. Since macro perspectives on the frozen conflicts in the former Soviet space might not be entirely relevant to understanding such a mechanism, Abkhazia's case study provides us the opportunity to substantiate the post-imperial legacy's intricacies. To achieve that, the region's Soviet history, intrinsically linked to Soviet Union's political configuration, has been scrutinized. The impact of the Soviet policies on Abkhazia's engineering for political purposes is tackled in conjunction with the region's ethnic identity. Keywords: frozen conflicts, Abkhazia, nationalism, identities, the Soviet Union."
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Molchanov, Mikhail A. "Post-Communist Nationalism as A Power Resource: A Russia-Ukraine Comparison." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 2 (June 2000): 263–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687473.
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The end of communism brought hopes for a wholesale liberal-democratic transformation to the republics of the former Soviet Union. However, bitter disenchantment soon followed, as resurrected nationalism undermined the republics' stability and threatened democracy. Mass nationalist movements in these countries were not observed until the regime's initial liberalization. In most cases, the high phase of nationalist mobilization was reached only after the postcommunist state elites endorsed nationalism as an official policy of the state. In each instance, nationalist strategies of the state were defined in a complex interplay of domestic and international factors. Ethnicity became politicized as a resource for political action when other resources proved inadequate or insufficient. In addition, exogenous factors often played a leading role in this development.
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Kalinovsky, Artemy M. "Nationalism, Triumphalism, and the Final Months of the Soviet Union." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 17, no. 1 (2016): 228–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2016.0000.
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Appleby, Ian. "Uninvited guests in the communal apartment: nation-formation processes among unrecognized Soviet nationalities." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 6 (November 2010): 847–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.515971.
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Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, a body of scholarship arose which effectively bypassed Miroslav Hroch's work on the emergence of small nations. Rogers Brubaker, Yuri Slezkine and Ronald Suny, among others, persuasively argued that Soviet nationalities policies shaped the ethnogeographic make-up of the post-Soviet space some sixty or seventy years later: it had become literally almost unimaginable to conceive of national affiliation outside of institutionalized forms. This analysis also convincingly accounted for the relative weakness of ethnic Russian identity in contrast to the assertive nationalism of non-Russian nationalities around the time of the USSR's collapse. The Kuban’ Cossacks – an ethnocultural community in the south of Russia – never had official recognition as a Soviet nationality. Hroch's framework can be applied to show their clearly national characteristics and, indeed, their progress towards nationhood around the turn of the twentieth century. By reclaiming Hroch's framework for the post-Soviet context, and combining it with later scholarship, we are able to identify this process for the first time, and thus further refine our understanding of the nation-formation processes within Russia following the collapse of the Soviet Union.
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Rouland, Michael. "A New Kazakstan: Four Books Reconceptualize the History of the Kazak Steppe." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 1 (March 2004): 233–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000216922.
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Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, scholars developed an interest in Central Asia unmatched since the days of the “Great Game.” Scholarship initially focused on contemporary issues rather than historical analyses, since Central Asia was composed of obscure, newly independent, and strategically important states. With the opening of archives in the 1990s, however, historians began to pursue research on the identity and ideology of modern Central Asia, the legacy of the Soviet Union and Muslim modernism, and the challenges to nationalism and Islam. Drawing from postcolonial studies, these works have filled important voids and expanded our ability to analyze the multitude of factors that function in the conceptualization of the nation and the adoption of national ideas by the Central Asians themselves.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Empire Loyalism and Nationalism in Ukraine and Ireland." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 88–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.88.
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This is the first comparative article to investigate commonalities in Ukrainian and Irish history, identity, and politics. The article analyzes the broader Ukrainian and Irish experience with Russia/Soviet Union in the first and Britain in the second instance, as well as the regional similarities in conflicts in the Donbas region of Eastern Ukraine and the six of the nine counties of Ulster that are Northern Ireland. The similarity in the Ukrainian and Irish experiences of treatment under Russian/Soviet and British rule is starker when we take into account the large differences in the sizes of their territories, populations, and economies. The five factors that are used for this comparative study include post-colonialism and the “Other,” religion, history and memory politics, language and identities, and attitudes toward Europe.
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Bulag, Uradyn E. "Hybridity and Nomadology in Inner Asia." Inner Asia 6, no. 1 (2004): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481704793647199.
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AbstractIdentity, especially modern national identity, entails ideas of authenticity and hybridity. For much of the history of Mongolian studies, authenticity has been a staple of scholarly concern, whereas hybridity or diversity is brushed aside. This is as much an Orientalist imperative as a nationalist quest for the homogeneity of the Mongolian nation/nationality. Every country which has a substantial number of Mongols – Mongolia, China, and the Soviet Union (Russia) – has set their own separate but often mutually conflicting standard of what Mongolness means and where its boundary should lie. In this issue, we publish several important studies about Mongols in China, concerning precisely the issue of hybridity, or Mongols who possess certain qualities or attributes, which are deemed un- Mongol. It is imperative that we realise that hybridity is not only an objective reality but also a product of modernist nationalism that is predicated on such governmentalities as standardisation and categorisation.
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Altuntaş, Nezahat. "Religious Nationalism in a New Era: A Perspective from Political Islam." African and Asian Studies 9, no. 4 (2010): 418–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921010x534805.
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Abstract Nationalism is an ideology that has taken different forms in different times, locations, and situations. In the 19th century, classical liberal nationalism depended on the ties between the nation state and its citizenship. That form of nationalism was accompanied by “the state- and nation-building” processes in Europe. In the 20th century, nationalism transformed into ethnic nationalism, depending on ideas of common origin; it arose especially after World War I and II and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Finally, at the beginning of 21st century, nationalism began to integrate with religion as a result of global political changes. The terrorist attack on the United States, and then the effects that the United States and its allies have created in the widespread Muslim geography, have added new and different dimensions to nationalism. The main aim of this study is to investigate the intersection points between religion and nationalism, especially in the case of political Islam.
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Elie, Marc. "Late Soviet Responses to Disasters, 1989-1991: A New Approach to Crisis Management or the Acme of Soviet Technocratic Thinking?" Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 40, no. 2 (2013): 214–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04002004.
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Under Gorbachev, the Soviet government proved unable to face the dismantling tendencies that led ultimately to the collapse of the Soviet Union as a political regime and a territorial state—the awakening of nationalism, the loss of state legitimacy, ecological disaster, and financial crisis, to name only a few. This article reveals that the Soviet government was acutely aware of these growing risks and of the need to address them in a new way. It analyzes how emergency management developed in the Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s and draws attention to the activity of the State Commission for Emergency Situations (GKChS), a little-known, but influential governmental agency created in July 1989 to respond to the disasters plaguing the country, be they industrial, natural, ecological, or social.
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Wei, Zikui. "Nationalism or Geopolitics: The Rise of Guerillas and Patterns of Military Conflict during the Expansion of the Ili Rebellion, 1944–46." Social Science History 45, no. 3 (2021): 589–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.17.
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AbstractThis article investigates the Ili Rebellion in Xinjiang (1944–49). Relying primarily on Chinese sources, the author identifies variations in the rise and fate of non-Han ethnic guerillas, and the patterns of military conflict in different regions during the expansionist stage of the Ili Rebellion from 1944 to 1946. The article argues that neither a nationalist nor a geopolitical explanation adequately account for such variations. Rather, the overlapping and intersecting geopolitical influence (both the Soviet Union and the two Chinese regimes) as well as local conditions (including local ethnic composition and social structure) explain such patterns. Finally, this article discusses broader implications of the role of nationalism and geopolitics in revolutions in small and dependent states.
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Brandenberger, David. "Stalin's populism and the accidental creation of Russian national identity." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 5 (September 2010): 723–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.498464.
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This article argues that the formation of a mass sense of Russian national identity was a recent, contingent event that first began to take shape under Stalin. Surveying the new literature on Russian nationalism, it contends that elite expressions of “Russianness” and bureaucratic proclamations of “official nationality” or russification should not be conflated with the advent of a truly mass sense of grassroots identity. Borrowing from an array of theorists, it argues that such a sense of identity only becomes possible after the establishment of necessary social institutions – universal schooling, a modern army, etc. Inasmuch as these institutions come into being only after the formation of the Soviet Union, this article focuses on how a mass sense of Russian national identity began to form under a rapid and unpredictable series of ideological shifts that occurred during the Stalinist 1930s and 1940s. This article's major contribution is its description of this development as not only contingent, but accidental. Drawing a clear line between russocentric propaganda and full-blown Russian nationalism, it argues that the ideological initiatives that precipitated mass identity formation in the USSR were populist rather than nationalist. In this sense, Stalinism has much more in common with Perónism than it does with truly national regimes.
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Noraiee, Hoshang. "The Baloch nationalism in Pakistan: Articulation of the ethnic separatism after the end of the Cold War." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2020): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520901920.
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The tribal structures of the society in Balochistan has strongly influenced Baloch nationalism in Pakistan. The Baloch nationalism has been shaped in the process of widespread politico-tribal rivalry, in the context of a week state in Pakistan interacted with the post-cold war conditions marked by the absence of the Soviet Union hegemonic power, and the processes of globalization. In this framework, the attitudes, scope, and directions of the Baloch nationalism, in this area, have shifted. The radical nationalism predominantly has become more aggressive, more exclusionary, more puritan, and more ethnically oriented. It has become more relaxed in using unethical and deceitful means such as indiscriminate killing, kidnapping, ransom; arm trafficking, and sometimes some of the nationalists, if not directly, gaining benefit from the drug trafficking, and banditry to achieve their objectives. Considering the geopolitical conditions in the whole region, particularly in Pakistan and Afghanistan; and the strength of tribal- sardari values associated with inter and intra rivalries, it is not surprising to find a peculiar situation in Balochistan. This research is mainly based on literature review, but also some limited conversations with a few anonymous informants and contacts with some of the Baloch political and community organizations and activists.
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Gleason, Abbott, and Ronald Grigor Suny. "The Revenge of the past: Nationalism, Revolution and the Collapse of the Soviet Union." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 26, no. 3 (1996): 521. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206066.
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Richmond, Nathaniel, Gail Lapidus, Victor Zaslavsky, and Phillip Goldman. "From Union to Commonwealth: Nationalism and Separatism in the Soviet Republics." Russian Review 53, no. 3 (July 1994): 468. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131232.
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Krutulys, Titas. "Cultural memory in Lithuanian periodical press during World War II." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 45 (July 21, 2020): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2020.45.8.
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During World War II Lithuania was ruled by three completely different political regimes. In the first year Lithuania was authoritarian state ruled by group of nationalists, in 1940 Lithuania was occupied by Soviet Union and in 1941 State was occupied by Nazi Germany. All these political powers was undemocratic and propagated their ideologies. One of the most important aspect of every ideology is to suggest new concept of time. This change of perception of time could be seen in the change of cultural memory. Article try to analyze this change using the most popular Lithuanian periodical press of the period. This research analyzed main historical periods and the most popular themes represented in the main newspapers. Using theories of Anthony D. Smith and Raoul Girardet research showed what historical periods was seen positively and what negatively, what was main historical heroes and enemies; also how foreign history was represented in the periodical press. The quantitative content analysis showed that while representations of history in the so called independent Lithuania and in Lithuania occupied by Nazis was quite similar, historical representations during first Soviet occupation was unique. Qualitative content analysis showed that there was three very different paradigms of cultural memories, represented in periodical press. Lithuanian nationalist mostly tried to promote Lithuanian medieval times and especially Lithuanian dukes and historical capital Vilnius, also they tried to justify their politics creating myth of great welfare during their rule. They praised Soviet history, criticized Poland and poles, but wrote about most of the countries quite neutral. During Soviet occupation all Lithuanian history was harshly criticized and showed as negative times, this regime promoted only few Lithuanian heroes who died young or was known for their left wing politics. Main historical past represented in the newspapers was history of Soviet Union, other countries was ignored. Main enemies of Soviets was Lithuanian gentry, and Lithuanian rulers of the past. During Nazi occupation there was more Lithuanian national history than German history, but the main appreciable historical periods was Lithuanian prehistory and the 19th Century. Regime promoted history of Lithuanian culture and language, but tried to ignore Lithuanian state. Foreign history was mostly binary – propaganda criticized Soviet Union as well as Tsarist Russia, USA and United Kingdom, but appreciated history of Italy, Japan, Finland, Turkey, Spain etc. Main historical enemies were of course Bolsheviks and Jews.
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SABLIN, IVAN, and ALEXANDER SEMYONOV. "AUTONOMY AND DECENTRALIZATION IN THE GLOBAL IMPERIAL CRISIS: THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE AND THE SOVIET UNION IN 1905–1924." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 2 (June 18, 2018): 543–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000252.
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This article brings the case of imperial transformation of the Russian Empire/Soviet Union into global discussions about empire, nationalism, and postimperial governance, and highlights the political and legal imaginaries that shaped this transformation, including their global and entangled character. This article argues that the legal and political discourses of decentralization, autonomism, and federalism that circulated at the time of the imperial crisis between the Revolution of 1905 and the adoption of the Soviet Constitution in 1924 contributed to the formation of an ethno-national federation in place of the Russian Empire, despite both the efforts of the Bolsheviks to create a unitary state, and the expectations of a different future among contemporary observers. At the same time, the postimperial institutional framework became a product of political conjunctures rather than the legal discourse. Its weakness before the consolidating party dictatorship made the Soviet Union a showcase of sham federalism and autonomism.
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Raun, Toivo U., Ronald Grigor Suny, and Norman M. Naimark. "The Revenge of the Past: Nationalism, Revolution, and the Collapse of the Soviet Union." American Historical Review 100, no. 3 (June 1995): 927. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168686.
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Getchell, Michelle Denise. "Revisiting the 1954 Coup in Guatemala: The Soviet Union, the United Nations, and “Hemispheric Solidarity”." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 2 (April 2015): 73–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00549.
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This article reevaluates the U.S.-backed coup in 1954 that overthrew Guatemala's democratically elected president, Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán. The coup is generally portrayed as the opening shot of the Cold War in the Western Hemisphere and a watershed moment for U.S.–Latin American relations, when the United States supplanted its Good Neighbor Policy with a hardline anti-Communist approach. Despite the extensive literature on the coup, the Soviet Union's perspectives on the matter have received scant discussion. Using Soviet-bloc and United Nations (UN) archival sources, this article shows that Latin American Communists and Soviet sympathizers were hugely influential in shaping Moscow's perceptions of hemispheric relations. Although regional Communists petitioned the Soviet Union to provide support to Árbenz, officials in Moscow were unwilling to prop up what they considered a “bourgeois-democratic” revolution tottering under the weight of U.S. military pressure. Soviet leaders were, however, keen to use their position on the UN Security Council to challenge the authority of the Organization of American States and undermine U.S. conceptions of “hemispheric solidarity.” The coup, moreover, revealed the force of anti-U.S. nationalism in Latin America during a period in which Soviet foreign policy was in flux and the Cold War was becoming globalized.
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Repinetskiy, Alexander Ivanovich. "History of a children’s home." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 178–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201762218.
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The paper is devoted to history of childrens home 25 established in 1946 on the territory of the Kuibyshev Region. Children of Russian emigrants living in Austria were accommodated there. These children were transferred to representatives of the Soviet authorities by the American administration. Under the terms of the agreements between the USSR, the USA and Great Britain signed at the Yalta conference (1945) people with the Soviet nationality were transferred to the Soviet Union. Children of Russian emigrants born in Austria didnt belong to this category but despite it they were transferred to the Soviet Union. Local authorities didnt know what to do with repatriated children. That is why the childrens home was established in a remote rural area; life and material conditions of its inhabitants were heavy: there was no necessary furniture or school supplies. Its tutors and staff were in a more difficult situation. Some of them lost their jobs. Some children were returned to parents. Unfortunately, available documents do not allow tracking the future of the children from this childrens home.
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Kendzior, Sarah. "Redefining Religion: Uzbek Atheist Propaganda in Gorbachev-Era Uzbekistan." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 5 (November 2006): 533–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600952954.
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Much has been made in the social sciences of the ambiguity of nationalism in Central Asia, where not only the boundaries between republics but between nations, languages, and peoples were drawn by the Soviet state. The similar ambiguity of Central Asian religiosity, however, has remained largely ignored. Perhaps religiosity, unlike the more recent idea of nationalism, is considered too fixed a construct for the modern and artificially created states of Central Asia. The division of religions into specific sects, each with its own explicit doctrine and precepts, would seem to preclude definitional necessity. Yet in the 1980s it was religiosity, malleable and stubborn, which proved as essential to the decline of the Soviet Union as did nationalism. As a vital component of identity, religion can exist without any clergy, place of worship, or understanding of sacred text, much as a nation can exist without a state or a government. The illusory aspects of religion, the comforts and mystery of rite and ritual, are as difficult for a state to control as national sentiment, and often prove the impetus behind the latter.
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Işık, Ayhan, and Ugur Ümit Üngör. "Mass Violence and the Kurds: Introduction to the Special Issue." Kurdish Studies 9, no. 1 (May 9, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v9i1.634.
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The Kurds’ experience with modern mass violence is long and complex. Whereas Kurds lived under the Kurdish Emirates for centuries in pre-national conditions in the Ottoman and Persian empires, the advent of nationalism and colonialism in the Middle East radically changed the situation. World War I was a watershed for most ethnic groups in the Ottoman Empire, such as the Kurds, and some political minorities such as Armenians and Assyrians suffered genocide – including at the hands of Kurds. Moreover, the post-Ottoman order precluded the Kurds from building a nation-state of their own. Kurds were either relegated to cultural and political subordination under the Turkish and Persian nation states, or a precarious existence under alternative orders (colonialism in Syria and Iraq, and communism in the Soviet Union). The nation-state system changed the pre-national, Ottoman imperial order with culturally heterogeneous territories into a system of nation-states which began to produce nationalist homogenisation by virtue of various forms of population policies.
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Galbreath, David J. "From Nationalism to Nation-Building: Latvian Politics and Minority Policy." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 4 (September 2006): 383–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600841918.
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With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent independence of Latvia, a minority group became a majority and a majority group became a minority. This has been the situation for Latvians and Russians after August 1991. The Baltic States led the way towards first autonomy and then independence. The nationalist movement in the Latvian SSR was primarily a minority nationalist movement. Why do minorities mobilise? Gurr finds that minorities rebel for two reasons: relative deprivation and group mobilisation. Relative deprivation answers the question of why and it characterizes the status of the Latvian language and culture vis-à-vis that of Russia during the Soviet period. While relative deprivation has come under considerable criticism because of its inability to explain when a group will mobilise, the notion can be found in the nationalist rhetoric before and since the restoration of Latvian independence. Group mobilisation goes further in explaining when minorities may assert political claims. Considered in terms of changes in the political opportunity structure, the changing politics of glasnost allowed the nationalist movements to mobilise in the Baltic States.
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Risch, William. "A Soviet West: nationhood, regionalism, and empire in the annexed western borderlands." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 1 (January 2015): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.956072.
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This article considers the role the Soviet Union's western borderlands annexed during World War II played in the evolution of Soviet politics of empire. Using the Baltic Republics and Western Ukraine as case studies, it argues that Sovietization had a profound impact on these borderlands, integrating them into a larger Soviet polity. However, guerrilla warfare and Soviet policy-making indirectly led to these regions becoming perceived as more Western and nationalist than other parts of the Soviet Union. The Baltic Republics and Western Ukraine differed in their engagement with the Western capitalist world. Different experiences of World War II and late Stalinism and contacts with the West ultimately led to this region becoming Soviet, yet different from the rest of the Soviet Union. While the Soviet West was far from uniform, perceived differences between it and the rest of the Soviet Union justified claims at the end of the 1980s that the Soviet Union was an empire rather than a family of nations.
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Goldin, Vladislav I. "100 Years of the USSR and 30 Years Without the USSR: Historical Lessons and the Present (Review)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences 22, no. 5 (December 15, 2022): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v218.
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This article is devoted to the centenary of the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, to the understanding of its history and development, primarily, in the sphere of interethnic relations and nation building, to the key periods of this process and its results, achievements and problems, as well as to the strengths and weaknesses of the Soviet historical project as an alternative way of world development. The paper presents a review and analysis of the main trends in Russian and foreign historiography on nation building in the USSR and Soviet ethnopolitical issues in the context of a general consideration of the Soviet historical and political project. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the reasons for the country’s collapse and discussions on this subject in Russian and foreign literature. Key versions as well as objective and subjective factors are considered, including the significance of the crisis phenomena and actions in the sphere of interethnic relations, the rise of nationalism, chauvinism and separatism, as well as the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies. Further, the paper describes the main consequences of the collapse of the Soviet Union and its historical lessons, as well as the results of the development of post-Soviet states during the last thirty years. In addition, the author analyses Russian public opinion polls on the dissolution of the USSR. The article points out how the centenary of the Soviet Union can be used to enhance patriotism and form historical memory in the Russian citizens in the context of the country’s current efforts to gather the “Russian world” and promote the Russian language and culture globally.
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Laruelle, Marlène. "The Two Faces of Contemporary Eurasianism: An Imperial Version of Russian Nationalism." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 1 (March 2004): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000186197.
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The Eurasianist ideology is coming back on the Russian political and intellectual scene but also among the Turkic and Muslim elites in the Russian Federation and in Kazakhstan. The political, economic, social and identity difficulties of the transition invite Russians and other post-Soviet citizens to think about their relations with Europe and about the relevance of taking the West as a model. In this context of destabilization, Eurasianism proposes a geopolitical solution for the post-Soviet space. It presupposes the existence of a third continent between East and West, called “Eurasia,” and supports the idea of an organic unity of cultures born in this zone of symbiosis between Russian, Turkic, Muslim and even Chinese worlds. Neo-Eurasianism is the main ideology born among the different Russian conservative movements in the 1990s. Its theories are very little known, but the idea of an entity called Eurasia, regrouping the center of the old continent in which Russia would be “at home,” is more and more rife. It attracted many intellectuals and politicians in the first years after the collapse of the Soviet Union: Eurasianism was a way to explain the “disaster.”
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MacKinnon, Elaine McClarnand. "The Mind Aflame:Ethnicity, Nationalism and Conflict In and After the Soviet Union, by Valery Tishkov.The Mind Aflame:Ethnicity, Nationalism and Conflict In and After the Soviet Union, by Valery Tishkov. Thousand Oaks, California, Sage Publications, 1997. xv, 334 pp. $29.95 (paper)." Canadian Journal of History 35, no. 2 (August 2000): 343–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.35.2.343.
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Leustean, Lucian N. "Ethno-Symbolic Nationalism, Orthodoxy and the Installation of Communism in Romania: 23 August 1944 to 30 December 1947." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 4 (December 2005): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500353915.
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The presence of Soviet troops in Eastern Europe and the reshaping of Europe's internal borders sped up the separation between the Eastern and Western blocs in the first years after the end of the Second World War. In countries where communism had been declared illegal or lacked the support of the electorate before 1944, the accession of communist leaders to governmental structures had been advanced by the politics of the Soviet Union, based on systematised political intimidation, institutionalised violence, and blackmail. The communist authorities then legitimised their political positions in relation to the historical past of their countries and according to the development of their societies after the Second World War.
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Sonn, Tamara. "Bandali Al-Jawzi's Min Tārīkh Al-Harakāt al-Fikriyyat Fi'l-Islām: The First Marxist Interpretation of Islam." International Journal of Middle East Studies 17, no. 1 (February 1985): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800028786.
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Bandali al-Jawzi (1871–1943) has been regaining popularity recently, particularly among his native Palestinians and Muslim nationalists of his adopted home, the Soviet Union. In 1977, for instance, the Union of Palestinian Journalists and Writers, in cooperation with the Oriental Institute of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, commemorated Jawzi as an outstanding Palestinian author. At that time a collection of various of his articles on the Arabic language and history was published in Beirut, as well as an edition of his only book, Min Tārīkh al-Harakāt al-Fikriyyat fi'l-Islām (The History of Intellectual Movements in Islam), first published in 1928. It is this recent exposure which was to take its rightful place in Islamic intellectual history.
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Boterbloem, Kees. "Reviews of Books:An Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939 Terry Martin." American Historical Review 107, no. 4 (October 2002): 1325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/532833.
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Taras, Raymond, and Ronald Grigor Suny. "The Revenge of the Past: Nationalism, Revolution, and the Collapse of the Soviet Union." Russian Review 54, no. 2 (April 1995): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130950.
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Schmaltz, Eric J. "Reform, “Rebirth” and Regret: The Rise and Decline of the Ethnic-German Nationalist Wiedergeburt Movement in the USSR and CIS, 1987–1993." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 2 (June 1998): 215–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408561.
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In early 1989, the Soviet Germans established the Wiedergeburt (“Rebirth”) All-Union Society. An umbrella-organization originally designed to protect and advance ethnic-German interests in the USSR, the “Rebirth” Society adopted the most effective legal means by which it could confront the regime—namely, political dissent based on Lenin's notion of national self-determination. The “Rebirth” movement evolved in this context and represented the fifteenth-largest Soviet nationality numbering more than two million in the 1989 Soviet census. By 1993, official membership in the “Rebirth” Society included nearly 200,000 men and women. Ironically, at the very moment the Soviet Germans became more politically conscious, the Soviet Union and the ethnic-German community were disintegrating.
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Goodwin, Jeff. "Old Regimes and Revolutions in the Second and Third Worlds: A Comparative Perspective." Social Science History 18, no. 4 (1994): 575–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017168.
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When they saw so many ridiculous, ramshackle institutions, survivals of an earlier age, which no one had attempted to co-ordinate or adjust to modern conditions and which seemed destined to live on despite the fact that they had ceased to have any present value, it was natural enough that thinkers of the day should come to loathe everything that savored of the past and should desire to remold society on entirely new lines. —Alexis de TocquevilleThe dissolution of empires has been one of the distinguishing and most consequential characteristics of the twentieth century. The popular struggles for national sovereignty that have helped to destroy these empires have sometimes (although certainly not always) been fused with attempts to change radically the socioeconomic institutions inherited from the imperialists. The result of this fusion has been nationalist revolution—or revolutionary nationalism—another phenomenon largely unique to the present century. Most recently, in the Eastern European satellites of the former Soviet Union, imperial domination not only generated a nationalist opposition but also unwittingly radicalized it—albeit in a very peculiar way that I explain below. Thus, the Eastern European revolutions of 1989, as Pavel Campeanu (1991: 806–7) has pointed out, had “a dual nature: social, since their goal was to destroy the socioeconomic structures of Stalinism, and national, since they aspired to re-establish the sovereignty of the countries in question.”
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Rowland, Richard H. "Nationality Population Distribution, Redistribution and Degree of Separation in Moscow, 1979–1989." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 4 (December 1998): 705–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408596.
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Despite the fact that the former Soviet Union was perhaps the most multinational state in the world, until recently data were not available to undertake a systematic investigation of patterns of nationality population, distribution, redistribution and segregation within Soviet cities. However, nationality data were recently published for the 32 rayons of Moscow for the last two census years of 1979 and 1989.
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Kornev, Arkady V. "Nationalism, State or Why Empires Crash. Review of the Book: The Soviet Union. Discontinuity of History by Z.A. Stankevich." HISTORY OF STATE AND LAW 22 (November 16, 2017): 38–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3805-2017-22-38-47.
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Karbal, Mohamed. "The New Cold War." American Journal of Islam and Society 11, no. 2 (July 1, 1994): 264–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v11i2.2432.
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The collapse of the Soviet Union, which resulted in the demise of thefonner bipolar system in international relations, has led writers to offerpredictions about the future framework of international political relationships.Francis Fukuyama posits the end of history as a result of the endof the cold war. Samuel Hlllltington speculates that the post-cold warworld will be divided according to differences in civilizations: a "clashof civilizations." Unlike Hwttington, Mark Juergensmeyer argues that anyfuture conflict will have a religious nature. Hwttington predicts that thestruggle will occur on the international level, whereas Juergensmeyer saysit will take place on the nation-state level, for religious nationalism willchallenge the dominant secular ideology that now rules nation-states.Before proceeding, two important elements asserted by Juergensmeyershould be kept in mind: the conflict between secular nationalismand religious nationalism will take place in the Third World and will beconfined to the borders of the nation-state. In other words, Islamic movementswill not be united and their concern will be limited to their respectivecmmtries. Based on these assertions, we can assume that the WestwiH remain secular and unthreatened by religious revolts, and that theconflict may develop from the national to the international level (i.e.,between western secular states and nonwestem nation-states dominatedby religious groups).The book is based on interviews conducted by the author withleaders of various religious groups and an analysis of their writings. Muslim,Hindu, Buddhist, Sikh, and Jewish movements are studied. In thefirst chapter, "The Loss of Faith in Secular Nationalism," the authorexamines the emergence of nationalism in the Third World through theworks of Hans Kohn and Donald Smith. The main theme here is the religiousrejection of secular nationalism. He asserts that secular nationalistsare perceived by religious nationalists as partners in a western-led globalconspiracy against religion:An example occurred in 1991 during the Gulf War: Islamic politicalgroups in Egypt reversed their initial condemnation of Iraq'sinvasion of Kuwait when the United States sent thousands of ...
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Wozniuk, Vladimir. "In Search of Ideology: The Politics of Religion and Nationalism in the New Russia (1991–1996)." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 02 (June 1997): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408499.
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Just after becoming the first-ever successful, democratically re-elected President of Russia, Boris Yel'tsin ambitiously called for creating, within the next year, a new ideology that would reflect the new state of affairs in Russia—in essence, he was calling for “re-imagining,” or reinventing, the foundations upon which Russian national community is based. With this directive, Yel'tsin was confirming something that had already become clear to many observers of Russian politics: post-Soviet Russian political life not only continued to resist democratization and pluralism, but also appeared to exhibit signs of discomfort without an officially-sanctioned ideological reference point by which the political players could set their compasses. The Kremlin's quest for a restoration of Russia's credibility as a great power included serious consideration of religion, specifically Russian Orthodoxy, playing a leading role in helping to reformulate an ideology acceptable to diverse communities within Russia in order to replace the now-defunct Marxist–Leninist ideology of the Soviet state. The old French adage “plus ça change, plus c'est la même chose” seems particularly appropriate for the new Russia in its efforts to regain credibility as a great power, along with the prestige and respect to which it had become accustomed. This article examines the dynamics of the Russian search for a new ideology in order to help restore its credibility as a great power, as suggested by Yel'tsin's call for a new “national idea.” But the search for a new ideology began well before Yel'tsin made this statement, and, therefore, the following discussion focuses on the interplay between religion and politics in this quest, covering the first five years of a reconstituted, post-Soviet Russia, that is, the time period roughly from the collapse of the Soviet Union up to the Duma (parliament) elections of December 1995 and the two-stage presidential elections of June-July 1996.
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Korobeinikov, Aleksandr, and Egor Antonov. "Toward a Postimperial Order?" Sibirica 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sib.2021.200203.
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Abstract Focusing on the works and intellectual activity of the Sakha intelligentsia, this article examines the development of postimperial political imagination in the region of Yakutia. The formation of the Sakha intellectuals was a result of the circulation of wider imperial discourses on nationalism, anticolonialism, socialism, and regionalism during the crisis of the Russian Empire. By discussing the Sakhas’ marginal, even colonial, conditions, the Sakha national intellectuals followed self-governing aspirations inherited from political exiles and Siberian regionalists, whose ideas became frequent demands for many Siberian indigenous movements. Despite the Stalinist myth that the Soviet Union (and its social engineers) created autonomy in Yakutia for the first time in Russian history, it was the Sakha intellectuals who developed the autonomist discourse during the first two decades of the twentieth century.
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Eicher, John. "Rustic Reich: The Local Meanings of (Trans)National Socialism among Paraguay's Mennonite Colonies." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 4 (October 2018): 998–1028. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000361.
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AbstractThis article compares two German-speaking Mennonite colonies in Paraguay and their encounters with Nazism during the 1930s. It focuses on their understandings of the Nazi bid for transnationalvölkischunity. Latin America presents a unique context for studying the Nazis’ relationship to German-speakers abroad because it held the allure of being the last prospect for German cultural and economic expansion, but was simultaneously impossible for the German state to invade. The Menno Colony was made up of voluntary migrants from Canada who arrived in Paraguay in the 1920s. The Fernheim Colony was composed of refugees from the Soviet Union who settled alongside the Menno Colony in the 1930s. Both groups shared a history in nineteenth-century Russia as well as a common faith and culture. Nevertheless, they developed radically different opinions aboutvölkischnationalism. The Menno Colony's communal understanding of Germanness madevölkischpropaganda about Hitler's “New Germany” unappealing to their local sensibilities. They rejected all forms of nationalism as worldly attempts to thwart their cultural-religious isolationism. The refugees of Fernheim Colony, by contrast, shared little communal unity since they originated from diverse settlements across the Soviet Union. They viewed Germanness as a potential bridge to an imagined German homeland and believed that the highest goal ofvölkischunity was to promote communal unity. Resembling other German-speaking communities in Latin America, the two colonies—which seemed identical to Nazi observers—held vastly different interpretations ofvölkischnationalism at the height of the Nazi bid to establish transnational German unity in Latin America.
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Simonsen, Sven Gunnar. "Between Minority Rights and Civil Liberties: Russia's Discourse Over “Nationality” Registration and the Internal Passport*." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 2 (June 2005): 211–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500088578.
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The registration of citizens' ethnicity (“nationality”) in official documents was commonplace and often obligatory in the Soviet Union, and the practice continued in the Russian Federation through the 1990s. In 1997, the Yeltsin government replaced the Soviet internal passport with a new one not featuring the “nationality” entry. The new document was met with an instant wave of protests from Russia's regions, above all the ethnically defined federal subjects. They objected to the removal of the “nationality” entry, and also because the passport (unlike the Soviet one) did not have a section in the federal subject's own language(s) besides Russian, and did not display the emblems of the region in question.
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Yapp, M. E. "The Soviet Union and Arab Nationalism, 1917–1966, by Hashim S. H. Behbehani. 252 pages. Kegan Paul International, London1986. $65.00." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 22, no. 1 (July 1988): 68–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400019726.
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