Dissertations / Theses: 'Nationalism Soviet Union History'

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McDonald, Kristian P. "An investigation into the approach of modern Russian liberal thinkers towards nationalism." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2365/.

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The aim of this study is to show how liberal thinkers have responded to the problems liberalism as an ideology faces in Russia, and to the challenges which Russia is encountering as a country in transition. I will argue that liberals are constantly aware both of their marginalisation (which is seen as being cultural, historical and political) when they react to other ideologies and to those who hold political power, and also of the difficulty of shaping Russia's future along liberal lines. The liberal response to nationalism, therefore, provides a useful model in showing how liberals have reacted to ideologies which are typically regarded as being outside the liberal movement in Russia and also how they have sought to respond to many of the central questions relating to transition. I will show in this study that the response of liberals towards nationalism demonstrates a huge increase in the diversity of the liberal movement from the mid 1990's onwards, as the internal divides amongst liberals have become apparent under the impact of transition. Secondly, liberals have been torn between the possible strategic benefits of combining liberalism with non-liberal elements, weighed against the ideological problems these combinations cause. These dilemmas have left Russian liberalism as an essentially stagnant ideology which remains incapable of forming a united and coherent response both to its own marginalisation and to the challenges faced by Russia.

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Osipova, Zinaida. "Engineering a Soviet Life: Gustav Trinkler's Bourgeois Revolution." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1588365551985983.

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Yilmaz, S. Harun. "Construction of national identities in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Ukraine in Soviet historiography (1936-1953)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5694552d-67e7-4d03-8011-cb01b1c8caa8.

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This dissertation aims to explain how Soviet national historiographies were constructed in Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan, in 1936-1953 and what the political and ideological reasons were behind the way they were written. The dissertation aims to contribute to current scholarship on Soviet nationality policies; on Stalinist nation-building projects; and to the debate on whether the Soviet period was a project of developmentalist modernization or not. This dissertation aims to examine the process of national history writing in three republics from the local point of view, by using the local archival sources. For this research, archival materials that have been overlooked by scholars up to this point from the archives of the communist parties, academy of sciences, and central state archives in Kiev, Ukraine, Baku, Azerbaijan, and Almaty, Kazakhstan have been collected. The timeline starts with Zhdanov’s commission in 1936, which summoned historians and ideologues of the Communist Party in Moscow to write an all-Union history because a parallel campaign of writing national histories had been initialized by the local communist parties. The first two chapters cover the pre-war (1936-1941) period, when national histories were written after the demise of Pokrovskiian historiography. Although there was one ideology, there were different preferences in solving the problem of ethnogenesis, defining national heroes, and also different preferences among the sections of the past that national histories emphasized. The third chapter explains the construction of national histories during the war period (1941-1945). The chapter also presents how national histories were used for wartime propaganda. Finally, the last chapter is about the post-war discussions and the shift of emphasis from ‘national’ to ‘class’ that occurred in the non-Russian national narratives in the Zhdanovshchina period. While there was an ‘imperial design’ for the necessities of managing a multi-national state, the Soviet Union also appears as a modernization project for all three cases by constructing national narratives. Though non-Russian Soviet historiographies produced contradictory narratives in different decades, they also homogenized, codified and nationalized the narrative of the past. Regional, dynastic, religious, tribal figures and events incorporated into grandiose national narratives. Nations were primordialized and their national identities armed with spatial and temporal indigenousness within the borders of their national republics. Modern national identities of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Ukraine gained from this homogenization and codification by the Soviet regime. Although modernism is not only about construction of national narratives, the latter points out the developmental and modernizing character of the Soviet period.

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Retish, Aaron Benyamin. "Peasant Identities in Russia’s Turmoil: Status, Gender, and Ethnicity in Viatka Province, 1914-1921." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1051221981.

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Petronis, Vytautas. "Constructing Lithuania : Ethnic Mapping in Tsarist Russia, ca. 1800-1914." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Södertörn : Stockholm : Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis ; Södertörns högskola ; Almqvist & Wiksell [distributör], 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-7163.

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Trifoi, Bianca. "Kim was Korea and Korea was Kim: The Formation of Juche Ideology and Personality Cult in North Korea." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3275.

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Juche ideology, created by founder Kim Il-Sung, governs all aspects of North Korean society. This thesis attempts to answer the questions of why and how Juche ideology and the cult of personality surrounding Kim Il-Sung were successfully implemented in North Korea. It is a historical analysis of the formation of the North Korean state that considers developments from the late 19th century to the late 20th century, with particular attention paid to the 1950s-1970s and to Kim’s own writings and speeches. The thesis argues that Juche was successfully implemented and institutionalized in North Korea due to several factors, including the rise of Korean nationalism, the personal history of Kim Il-Sung, the Korean War and resulting domestic strife, and the influence of the international socialist movement. It provides a historical explanation of Juche and its importance within North Korea, which in turn is necessary for understanding North Korea as a whole.

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Messina, Claire. "My address is the Soviet Union : Russian migration, nationalization and identity in the Russian, Soviet and post-soviet space." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005IEPP0003.

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Cette thèse se propose d'éclairer les liens existant entre les mouvements migratoires des populations russes des républiques soviétiques et post-soviétiques et le processus de nationalisation dans ces républiques. On s'interroge tout particulièrement sur les raisons de l'inversion de tendance des mouvements migratoires russes, centrifuges au milieu du XVIe siècle jusqu'au milieu de la décennie 1970-1970, centripètes ensuite. Selon l'auteur, cette inversion s'explique par le fait que le processus de nationalisation des républiques, commencé dès le XIXe siècle, atteint un point de rupture dans le dernier tiers du XXe siècle. La réflexion sur l'identité des migrants russes développe l'idée que ces derniers n'ont pas une identité ethnique, russe, mais une identité supra-ethnique, soviétique, qui fait d'eux les prototypes de l'homme soviétique.

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Kemp, Walter Adams. "Nationalism and communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266162.

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Shternshis, Anna. "Kosher and Soviet : Jewish cultural identity in the Soviet Union, 1917-41." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367425.

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Ojala, Carl-Gösta. "Sámi Prehistories : The Politics of Archaeology and Identity in Northernmost Europe." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Arkeologi, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-108857.

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Throughout the history of archaeology, the Sámi (the indigenous people in northern Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Kola Peninsula in the Russian Federation) have been conceptualized as the “Others” in relation to the national identity and (pre)history of the modern states. It is only in the last decades that a field of Sámi archaeology that studies Sámi (pre)history in its own right has emerged, parallel with an ethnic and cultural revival among Sámi groups. This dissertation investigates the notions of Sámi prehistory and archaeology, partly from a research historical perspective and partly from a more contemporary political perspective. It explores how the Sámi and ideas about the Sámi past have been represented in archaeological narratives from the early 19th century until today, as well as the development of an academic field of Sámi archaeology. The study consists of four main parts: 1) A critical examination of the conceptualization of ethnicity, nationalism and indigeneity in archaeological research. 2) A historical analysis of the representations and debates on Sámi prehistory, primarily in Sweden but also to some extent in Norway and Finland, focusing on four main themes: the origin of the Sámi people, South Sámi prehistory as a contested field of study, the development of reindeer herding, and Sámi pre-Christian religion. 3) An analysis of the study of the Sámi past in Russia, and a discussion on archaeological research and constructions of ethnicity and indigeneity in the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union. 4) An examination of the claims for greater Sámi self-determination concerning cultural heritage management and the debates on repatriation and reburial in the Nordic countries. In the dissertation, it is argued that there is a great need for discussions on the ethics and politics of archaeological research. A relational network approach is suggested as a way of opening up some of the black boxes and bounded, static entities in the representations of people in the past in the North.

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Schull, Joseph. "Russian political culture and the revolutionary intelligentsia : the stateless ideal in the ideology of the populist movement." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65974.

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Janicki, Maciek. ""Incorrigible enemies of Soviet power" : Polish citizens in the Soviet Union, 1939-1942, in the light of Soviet documents and Polish witness' testimonies." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101883.

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Between February 1940 and June 1941, in four major deportations Soviet authorities moved Polish citizens to work-colonies in the Soviet interior and detained others in various prisons and camps. Based on war-time information, works on the deportations published in the West during the decades of communist rule in Eastern Europe and since reported figures of over 1.5 million deportees, of whom as many as half reportedly died in the USSR. These works held a prevailing view that Soviet intentions towards the deported Poles were genocidal. Recent work with Soviet archival materials has led Polish and Russian historians to revise the number of deportees to 320,000. This substantial reduction has received a mitigated response in the work of Western commentators. A review of published archival materials and of accounts left by witnesses demonstrates that both sets of sources are indispensable to an analysis of the deportations. It also shows that Soviet policies directed against the deportees were not genocidal in their intent and adds a dimension, that of the perpetrators, to the limited conceptualization afforded to the subject thus far. The study shows that under the control of the NKVD the deportations were economic and political components of internal Soviet policy in 1939-1942 and suggests that the Soviet infrastructure was incapable of supplying the resources necessary to fulfill plans set by Moscow. Moreover, the Soviet documentation offers a glimpse into the perpetrators' planning and execution of massive population displacement, thus taking the deportations outside of the realm of conjecture and placing them more firmly within the grasp of historical understanding.

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Gabritchidze, Anna G. "Transition in the Post-Soviet State: From Soviet Legacy to Western Democracy?" Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1289943668.

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Osmar, Christopher M. "Vanguard of Genocide: The Einsatzgruppen in the Soviet Union." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281029869.

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Brine, Jennifer Jane. "Adult readers in the Soviet Union." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1986. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1398/.

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This thesis is a study of ordinary adult readers and their reading preferences in the USSR in the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s. Chapter One provides background information on Soviet policies towards reading and on the changes in Soviet society which have influenced reading habits over the last 30 years. This is followed by a description of the reader surveys used for the research and a discussion of some methodological problems. Chapter Two is concerned with all aspects of political control over reading, as it affects the writer, the publishing process, the book trade, libraries and ultimately the reader. Chapters Three and Four consider problems of the supply of reading matter through the retail trade and through mass (public) libraries. Chapter Five is an analysis of how various sociodemographic factors affect reading, and of the effect of television on reading. Chapter Six considers the relative importance of books, newspapers and journals, and the balance between fiction and non-fiction in readers' preferences. Chapter Seven is concerned with the reading of non-fiction, whether in books, journals or newspapers, and Chapter Eight provides an analysis of readers' preferences in novels, poetry and plays. The thesis concludes that the many, often contradictory, stereotypes of reading in the USSR all have some foundation in reality.

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Fink, Rachael. "France and the Soviet Union: Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.

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Seward, James W. "The German exile journal Das Wort and the Soviet Union." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4104.

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Das Wort was a literary journal published by German Communist writers and fellow-travelers exiled in Moscow from 1936 to 1939. It was to be a mouthpiece for German literature in exile and to promote the Popular Front policy, which sought to unite disparate elements in non-Fascist Europe in opposition to the Nazis. Das Wort, under the editorship of German Communist writers whose close association with the Soviet Union had been well established in the previous decade, tried to provide a forum for exiled writers of various political persuasions, but was unwavering in its positive portrayal of Stalin's Soviet Union and the policies of that country. As the level of hysteria grew with the successive purges and public show trials in the Soviet Union, the journal adopted an even more eulogistic and militant attitude: any criticism or expression of doubt about Soviet policy was equated with support for Fascism. Thus the ability of the journal to contribute to the formation of a true common front in Europe to oppose Fascism was compromised from the outset by its total support for the Soviet Union. The Popular Front policy foundered on this issue, and that portion of German literature in exile which was to form the first generation of East German literature was inextricably bound to the Soviet Union well before the German Democratic Republic came in to existence.

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Copp, John W. "Egypt and the Soviet Union, 1953-1970." PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3797.

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The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze in detail the many aspects of the Soviet-Egyptian friendship as it developed from 1953 to 1970. The relationship between the two is extremely important because it provides insight into the roles of both Egypt and the Soviet Union in both the history of the Middle East and in world politics. The period from 1953 to 1970 is key in understanding the relationship between the two states because it is the period of the genesis of the relationship and a period in which both nations went through marked changes in both internal policy and their external relations.

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Dinc, Deniz. "Nationality Policies In Post-soviet Kazakhstan." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612633/index.pdf.

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This thesis attempts to analyze the continuity of nationality policies of Kazakhstan between Soviet and post-Soviet periods. As for the Soviet past the Soviet template of nationality policies was deeply rooted in Kazakhstan. Considering the Soviet template of nationality policies, this study conceptualizes the structure of it as first among equals under Russian hegemony. With regard to post-Soviet period, this thesis claims that the nation building policies were not born out of its ashes contrary to the mainstream arguments. This study aims to reveal how the post-Soviet nation building in Kazakhstan is still proceeding along with the Soviet template. Evaluating nation building process of independent Kazakhstan, this study emphasizes the rising titular hegemony of Kazakhs. In other words, this study attempts to analyze the transformation of first among equals taking into account the ethnic and civic aspects of nation-building oscillations

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Davis, Jonathan Shaw. "Altered images : the Labour Party and the Soviet Union in the 1930s." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4074.

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Malinovskaya, Olga. "Teaching Russian classics in secondary school under Stalin (1936-1941)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b23fbd00-e8d5-4889-abfa-fe74626d5e72.

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This thesis contributes to existing discussions of Soviet subjectivity by considering how the efforts of the Party leadership and state agencies to shape personal and collective identities were mediated by the teaching of Russian classics to teenagers. It concentrates in particular on the history of literature course provided by Soviet schools for the upper years. The study addresses the following questions: (1) How was literary expression employed to instigate children's emotions and create interpretive habits as a way of inculcating a Soviet worldview? (2) What immediate effects did the methods have on teenagers? (3) What were the long-term effects of this type of indoctrination? Answering these questions required close reading of material produced by official authorities, such as methodological programmes, teachers' aids, professional journals, and textbooks for class instruction, and also of material produced by those at the receiving end of Stalinist literary instruction, including both sources contemporary to the period under scrutiny (i.e. diaries written between 1936-1941), and later autobiographical material (memoirs, oral history). I argue that for many teenagers growing up during this period, indoctrination in the classroom blurred the boundary between reality and fiction, and provided a moral compass to navigate their social environment, to judge others as well as themselves along prescribed lines, and model their lives on the precepts and slogans of the characters and authors they encountered, particularly the 19th-century radical democrats. Retrospective accounts - interviews, memoirs, and written responses to questions - expose the durability of the moral and ethical lessons derived from Russian classics and reveal the enduring Soviet emotional complex formed by this literary instruction. Investigating the impacts of the study of Russian classics on Soviet recipients, particularly from elite groups such as the city intelligentsia, my discussion highlights the political traction of the literary in, for instance, forming feelings of group belonging and strong emotional responses to differing views. I conclude with a discussion of the relation of this to long-term political effects, including the re-appraisal, in the twenty-first century, of Stalin-era teaching methodology as an effective way of instilling patriotic sentiments in students, and the legacy of Soviet perceptions and practices in the expression of personal and collective identities in the post-Soviet period.

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Knight, Claire Alice Jean. "Soviet cinema of the late Stalin era, 1945-53." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708213.

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Muller, Richard R. "The German Air Force and the campaign against the Soviet Union, 1941-1945 /." The Ohio State University, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487683049378954.

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Swann, Peter William. "British attitudes towards the Soviet Union, 1951-1956." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1994. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1506/.

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The thesis is concerned with the British perception of Soviet foreign policy between 1951 and 1956. In particular it examines the understanding that British diplomats, politicians and civil servants had of the process of change which the death of Stalin stimulated in the Kremlin's relations with the outside world. The core of the study centres around 1955, as this was the pivotal point for the British. With the ascendancy of Khruschev there was perceived not only a new emphasis in Moscow on the necessity of avoiding global war between East and West, but also a new interest in economic competition. By 1956 Whitehall had concluded that there were a number of factors informing the Soviet re-evaluation of foreign policy. Among which were: the stabilisation of the Western alliance culminating with West German rearmament in 1955; the cost of defence expenditure both in armaments and in supporting the satellite regimes and China; the development of American and Soviet thermonuclear potentials. The latter was thought by the British to be the most profound in its implications on the Soviet approach to the future of international relations. The Soviet leadership certainly appeared eager to be friendly and particularly to communicate an awareness of the grotesque futility of a war employing the latest weaponry. To this end they agreed to the Geneva Summit of 1955. Anthony Eden and Harold Macmillan were convinced by this meeting that, in Macmillan's words, "there ain't gonna be no war". For a few brief, golden months, it seemed in London as if the Cold War might even be negotiated into history. However, by the end of 1955 it was apparent to the British that Geneva did not mean the Kremlin had given up aspirations to global supremacy, rather that the means to this end were now to be different.

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Bruyneel, Stephen Alan. "The future of Soviet domestic reform : an analysis of three sovietologists' views." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28587.

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This thesis had two related purposes: to compare, contrast and critique three scholars' views of the Soviet domestic reform process, and to use these analyses as the means by which to examine the emerging Soviet domestic reform program. The arguments of Stephen F. Cohen, Timothy J. Colton and Richard Pipes served as the primary subject matter of this thesis, with their individual views determined by a critical analysis of the writing which each has recently done on this subject. Investigated in particular was each individuals' interpretation of the reform process, its component parts and the kind of change that was expected to be involved in any new domestic reforms. The final chapter dealing with the contemporary Soviet situation relied upon as much primary source material as possible in an attempt to provide an accurate picture of the state of affairs within the country at this time. The results of my analysis indicate that Richard Pipes' interpretations and conclusions do not receive much support from either Soviet history or the contemporary situation within the country. His one dimensional view of Soviet elite interests and his "crisis/reform" theory of Soviet reform were found to be generally unsubstantiated. Stephen Cohen's arguments, on the other hand, received a good deal of support, especially with regards to his emphasis on the probability of moderate change and the existence of reformist and conservative constituencies within the Soviet Union, constituencies which do appear to have been involved in the domestic reform process. At the same time, however, the terminology which he employed to describe the reform process was found to be somewhat problematic. Timothy Colton's arguments, finally, were also found to have a good deal of efficacy, especially with respect to his view of the country's new generation of political leadership and the role that it would play in the reform process. In conclusion, the new domestic reform program itself was found to be indicative of generally moderate economic and political change, change that was embraced for the moat part by a good segment of the new leadership, but which had found significant resistance at the lower levels of the bureaucracy and among the working class.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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Holloway, Thomas Walter. "Propaganda analysis and the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1272462089.

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Ebert, Cynthia C. "The Writer in the Early Soviet Union| A Study in Leadership." Thesis, Franklin Pierce University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3730809.

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This study will focus on the role of the writer during the early years of the Soviet Union (1920–1935) through the example of the life and works of Mikhail Bulgakov. Bulgakov’s literary career paralleled Josef Stalin’s rise to supreme power over not only the Communist Party but the Soviet Union and its citizens. As Bulgakov struggled to publish and stage his works, the Soviet government under Stalin strengthened its resolve to utilize writers to educate the masses in the correct behaviors and values of good Soviet citizens. Each demonstrated his own leadership style: as Stalin evolved into a strong Authoritarian Leader, Bulgakov ‘s survival depended upon his Adaptive Leadership skills. Stalin’s greatest successes were during his lifetime; Bulgakov’s followed his death as the Soviet Union declined and his works were published. Research questions include the role of the writer in his contemporary society and the writer’s ability to influence his contemporary society through his own survival in an authoritarian society but the survival of his works for audiences in other times and places. Bulgakov could not compromise his artistic vision, Stalin, although he recognized and appreciated talent, could not compromise his ideological convictions. The result was a complex relationship between two prominent figures whose leadership styles as much as their differing viewpoints dictated the course of their actions.

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Jones, Sarah Jessica. "Under the Permafrost: Uncovering a Social Movement in the Soviet Union." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1366211237.

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Voogt, Ryan J. "MAKING RELIGION ACCEPTABLE IN COMMUNIST ROMANIA AND THE SOVIET UNION, 1943-1989." UKnowledge, 2017. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/46.

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This dissertation focuses on religious gatherings in communist Romania and the Soviet Union, 1943-1989. Church was one of the few opportunities for voluntary associational life and is invaluable for the study of power, ideology, and belonging in an everyday social setting. This project is based on archival documents and memoirs, uncovering how state officials and religious representatives struggled to establish religious practice that would be acceptable to all. Although ideologically atheist, state officials regarded some religious gatherings as acceptable and others unacceptable, but not due to utterances of beliefs or performance of traditional sacraments, but because of social aspects: how people related to one another, what kinds of people came, the settings of the gatherings, and affective characteristics like enthusiasm, engagement, and authenticity. Even though believers participated in religious gatherings for their own reasons, state officials policed them as contests for mobilization. This project compares the cases of the Romanian Orthodox Church and Reformed Church of the Transylvanian region of Romania and the Russian Orthodox Church and the Baptist Church in the Moscow region of the Soviet Union. Based on comparisons, the role of a Church's culture in shaping church-state relations becomes clear. Officials largely considered traditional Orthodox hierarchy and rituals as religiously unproblematic, but they underestimated the power of such features of Orthodoxy to endure and mobilize successive generations. The hierarchical nature of the Orthodox Churches did not preclude spirited negotiations over acceptable Orthodox religiosity, but non-conforming or innovating priests were marginalized relatively easily. Protestant Churches have had a more entrenched custom of decentralization in governance and Scriptural interpretation, factors which presented officials with difficulty in centralizing the management of such churches and which at times led to protracted interpersonal battles and inner-church divisions. One such case sparked the Romanian Revolution in 1989. Officials in Romania and the Soviet Union handled the problem of religion very similarly in defining the acceptable limits of religious activity in practice, but virulent attacks on religion in the Soviet Union prior to WWII made for a stronger lingering religious antagonism there after the War than in Romania, where Orthodoxy was at times incorporated into the state’s nationalist discourse.

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Knight, John Marcus. "Our Nation’s Future? Chinese Imaginations of the Soviet Union, 1917-1956." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu149406768131314.

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Kashirin, Alexander Urievich 1963. "Protestant minorities in the Soviet Ukraine, 1945--1991." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10956.

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xiv, 934 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
The dissertation focuses on Protestants in the Soviet Ukraine from the end of the Second World War to the collapse of the USSR. It has two major aims. The first is to elucidate the evolution of Soviet policy toward Protestant denominations, using archival evidence that was not available to previous students of this subject. The second is to reconstruct the internal life of Protestant congregations as marginalized social groups. The dissertation is thus a case study both of religious persecution under state-sponsored atheism and of the efforts of individual believers and their communities to survive without compromising their religious principles. The opportunity to function legally came at a cost to Protestant communities in Ukraine and elsewhere in the USSR. In the 1940s-1980s, Protestant communities lived within a tight encirclement of numerous governmental restrictions designed to contain and, ultimately, reduce all manifestations of religiosity in the republic both quantitatively and qualitatively. The Soviet state specifically focused on interrupting the generational continuity of religious tradition by driving a wedge between believing parents and their children. Aware of these technologies of containment and their purpose, Protestants devised a variety of survival strategies that allowed them, when possible, to circumvent the stifling effects of containment and ensure the preservation and transmission of religious traditions to the next generation. The dissertation investigates how the Soviet government exploited the state institutions and ecclesiastic structures in its effort to transform communities of believers into malleable societies of timid and nominal Christians and how the diverse Protestant communities responded to this challenge. Faced with serious ethical choices--to collaborate with the government or resist its persistent interference in the internal affairs of their communities-- many Ukrainian Evangelicals joined the vocal opposition movement that contributed to an increased international pressure on the Soviet government and subsequent evolution of the Soviet policy from confrontation to co-existence with religion. The dissertation examines both theoretical and practical aspects of the Soviet secularization project and advances a number of arguments that help account for religion's survival in the Soviet Union during the 1940-1980s.
Committee in charge: Julie Hessler, Chairperson, History; R Alan Kimball, Member, History; Jack Maddex, Member, History; William Husband, Member, Not from U of O Caleb Southworth, Outside Member, Sociology

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Strickland, John. "The church valuables campaign in the history of the new martyrdom in Russia." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2004. http://www.tren.com.

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Choate, Ksenia. "From "Stalinkas" to "Khrushchevkas": The Transition to Minimalism in Urban Residential Interiors in the Soviet Union from 1953 to 1964." DigitalCommons@USU, 2010. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/628.

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During the shift from the rule of Joseph Stalin to that of Nikita Khrushchev, people in the Soviet Union witnessed dramatic political, economic, and social changes, evident even in such private aspects of life as residential home interiors. The major architectural style of Stalin's era, known as Stalin's Empire Style, was characterized by grandeur and rich embellishments. The buildings' interiors were similarly grandiose and ornate. By endorsing this kind of design, Stalin attempted to position himself as an heir of classical traditions, to encourage respect for his regime, and to signal his power. When Nikita Khrushchev became the country's leader shortly after Stalin's death in 1953, he proclaimed that "excessive decorations" were not only unnecessary, but harmful. As a result, the standardized panel buildings produced at his initiative were defined by straight, plain lines, and were devoid of literally any architectural details that were not considered functional. These changes in Soviet architecture were reflected in interior design and furnishings: the minimalist aesthetic became their defining characteristic. The purpose of this study is to gain, through examination of existing literature, new insight into why a transition to a minimalist aesthetic was happening in the 1950s and 1960s in Soviet urban interior design. To achieve this goal, the present thesis analyzes works by contemporary scholars on the subject and examines statements the Soviet government as well as Soviet architects and interior decoration specialists made regarding the state's views on architecture and interiors during the period of 1950-1960. While research has been published that explores some aspects of this stylistic transition, the present work is unique in that it identifies and focuses on three distinct reasons for the change to minimalism in Soviet urban residential interiors under Khrushchev: the deficit of apartment space, reduction of construction costs, and ideological motives.

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Foisy, Cory A. "Soviet war-readiness and the road to war : 1937-41." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79938.

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This is a study of the foreign and domestic policies of the USSR as they pertain to its war-readiness, as well as the degree to which these policies presumably opened the door to the European conflagration and, in 1941, to the Nazi-Soviet war. Topics to be discussed include: (1) the crash industrialization of the Soviet Union and industrial war preparations from 1928--41; (2) the development of Soviet military doctrine before and after 12 June 1937; (3) a critical re-examination of the popularly accepted reasons for the devolution of the Soviet armed forces; and (4) Soviet foreign policy from 1937--41. The chronological end of the paper (1941) is followed by a brief epilogue discussing the evident success of the Soviet industrialization program by reference to Soviet industrial performance during the Nazi-Soviet war. Furthermore, the epilogue will challenge the popular depiction of the German invasion as an effortless, seamless advance into the Soviet heartland.

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Battis, Matthias. "Aleksandr A. Semenov (1863-1958) : colonial power, orientalism and Soviet nation-building." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8c290939-3662-4204-b670-881028aecfae.

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This study explores the life of the prominent Russian Orientalist and colonial administrator Aleksandr Semenov (1873-1958). In the course of his long and versatile career in Central Asia - where he came to in 1901 as a low-ranking member of Turkestan's colonial administration, and where he died in 1958 as the first director of the Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of Tajikistan's Academy of Sciences - Semenov participated in the transformation of the region from a Tsarist colony into part of what Francine Hirsch has called an 'Empire of Nations'. His influence on national historiography and notions of national identity was especially marked in the case of the Soviet Union's only Persian-speaking republic, Tajikistan, with which Semenov was connected through his interest and expertise in Persianate Central Asia. This thesis even goes so far as to argue that Semenov's scholarship and his work as an advisor to the Soviet government facilitated the very establishment of Tajikistan, which Paul Bergne has described as a nation initially promoted by Russian Orientalists. Further research in Russian archives is required, however, to better substantiate this claim. Rather than focussing on the (early) Soviet period and on so-called national territorial delimitation of Central Asia, as scholars such as Hirsch and Arne Haugen have done, the present study, in the vein of scholars like Vera Tolz and Vladimir Genis, highlights the ways in which both Bolshevik nationalities policy and Soviet Oriental Studies grew out of the studying and ruling of Central Asia in the late imperial period. It does so through an examination of Semenov's career, scholarship and personal networks, and on the basis of his personal archive in Tajikistan's Academy of Sciences, which has not been researched in any systematic way since the early 1970s, and in which no scholar from outside the former Soviet Union has ever worked.

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Gotlinsky, Ilya. "The history of the Russian Orthodox autonomous church." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2003. http://www.tren.com.

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Lipton, Miriam. "Sex education and contraceptive acceptance| From the Soviet Union to Russia." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1555757.

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In Russia today women use traditional forms of birth control at unusually high rates, whereas, conversely their use of modern contraceptives is unusually low. During the Soviet period, women’s access to modern contraceptive methods may have been limited. However, one would postulate that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the nature of the new reforms that developed would have lent itself to an increase in modern contraception usage on par with other countries. In Russia today there is not a lack of availability of modern contraceptives. Yet, women are still not using modern contraception at a rate that is congruent with an increase in availability. What then is influencing Russian women’s decisions? The contraceptive acceptance of Russian women today is shaped by cultural legacies of the Soviet Union surrounding both contraceptives themselves and sex and sex education.

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Bartram, Faye. "35mm bridges: cultural relations and film exchange between France and the Soviet Union, 1945 to 1972." Diss., University of Iowa, 2017. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/5413.

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In the divided atmosphere of the Cold War, East and West competed for the world’s hearts and minds through military standoffs and proxy wars, but more extensively through popular culture. While Cold War tensions generally separated East from West, the USSR maintained unusually friendly ties with France. I seek to understand how France and the Soviet Union reached détente in 1964, a full eight years before the US and other western nations. My research in public and private archives in France and Russia, of the French and Soviet press, and from interviews with key cinema figures reveals a solid base of cultural diplomatic relations that existed before 1964. Cinema in particular proved a useful tool for the French state to rebuild postwar relations with the Soviet Union. The Cannes International Film Festival and another cinema event called the Semaines du cinema led to an influx of film exchange that triggered the formation of a bilateral body in 1957, whose sole purpose was to negotiate cultural trade and exchange, called the Franco-Soviet Permanent Mixed Commission. These festivals and the Commission provided a bilateral framework upon which to build amicable political and diplomatic relationships, which helped ease tensions between France and the USSR and ultimately expedited détente in 1964.

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Mikkonen, Simo. "Music and power in the Soviet 1930s : a history of composers' bureaucracy /." Lewiston, N.Y. [u.a.] : Mellen, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017397006&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Barry, William Patrick. "The missile design bureaux and Soviet manned space policy, 1953-1970." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f2b8544f-5852-4283-b7ac-892afc6f39ae.

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The Soviet manned space programme is one of the most impressive and mysterious legacies of the Soviet Union. Evidence that has come to light since 1989 throws considerable doubt on earlier Western understanding of the Soviet space effort. One of the more puzzling aspects of the new data is the claim that the Chief Designers of several missile design bureaux played a pivotal role in the making of Soviet manned space policy. This claim contradicts much of what was thought to be known about the Soviet space programme, their research and development system, and Soviet politics generally. This dissertation is an empirical study that seeks to answer four interrelated questions. 1. What major manned space projects did the Soviet Union engage in during the 1960s, and how were these projects authorised? 2. Did the Chief Designers play an influential role in the promotion, selection, approval, and implementation of these projects? 3. What were the overall objectives and purposes of the Soviet manned space programme? 4. What does the example of Soviet space policy tell us about the Soviet political system? The examination of institutions, individuals, and the policymaking process has led to the following conclusions. The Soviet manned space programme was an extremely limited state undertaking until 1964. Prior to Khrushchev's ouster, the Soviet Union began several manned lunar space programmes designed to upstage the US Apollo moon landing effort. When all of these efforts failed by 1969, Soviet manned space policy was re-directed toward orbital space stations. One Chief Designer, Sergei Pavlovich Korolev, played a central role in establishing the Soviet manned space programme. However, the ability Chief Designers to influence space policy was systematically restricted after 1960. The manned space programme was essentially a political programme. Throughout the 1960s, it was effectively controlled by a handful of top party leaders to achieve their domestic and international political objectives.

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Link, Stefan. "Transnational Fordism. Ford Motor Company, Nazi Germany, and the Soviet Union in the Interwar Years." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10393.

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This historical dissertation investigates the international proliferation of Fordism in politically illiberal settings during the 1920s and 1930s. Based on American, German, and Soviet primary sources, it is the first archive-based study of this process. The dissertation's main finding is that the implementation of Ford's ideas and practices was a key component of illiberal modernization drives - that is, projects of state-led economic growth which explicitly fashioned themselves as alternatives to Western liberal capitalism. This point of view is a departure from previous accounts of the global success of Fordism, which subsume the story under the spread of American market capitalism or portray it as a process of quasi-self-explanatory technology transfer. It is also distinct from the well-known approach in history and the social sciences that describes Fordism as a specifically capitalist production regime (in distinction to a later post-Fordism). The argument pursued here requires a re-interpretation of Ford Motor Company's position within the American corporate arena of the 1920s and 1930s. Undertaken in the opening chapter, this re-examination characterizes the production practice of Ford Motor Company as an illiberal strategic alternative to the American business mainstream. Subsequent chapters trace the reception of Ford's political and business writings abroad, reconstruct the Nazi and Soviet motorization effort in the wake of Ford's model, and examine the transfer of Ford's mass production techniques to Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia. The empirical results show that motorization and productive efficiency, both associated with Ford's innovations, became hallmarks of illiberal modernization efforts in these countries. The dissertation highlights the importance of non-market motivations for economic actors and policy-makers. It introduces the term illiberal modernism to describe the motivating power of ideology on economic practice during the interwar years.
History

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Thieme, Ulrike. "Armed peace : the Foreign Office and the Soviet Union, 1945-1953." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1735/.

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This thesis examines the role of the Northern Department of the British Foreign Office and its perception of, and attitude towards, the Soviet Union between 1945 and 1953. In these formative years after World War II many assumptions and policies were shaped that proved decisive for years to come. The Northern Department of the Foreign Office was at the centre of British dealings with the Soviet Union after 1945 in an atmosphere of cooling diplomatic relations between both camps. Keeping channels of communications open in order to exploit every opportunity for negotiation and the settlement of post-war issues, officials built up an extensive expertise of Soviet domestic and foreign policy. Their focus on all aspects of Soviet life accessible to them, for example, Soviet domestic and international propaganda, revealed in their view a significant emerging future threat to British interests in Europe and worldwide. This view provided the basis of the analysis of new information and the assessment of the best possible policy options for the British government. The Northern Department tried to exploit those traits of Soviet policy that could persuade the USA and Western Europe to follow British foreign policy initiatives vis-à-vis the Soviet Union in the early Cold War while attempting to balance those weaknesses that could harm this effort. The focus of the Department often varied as a result of Soviet action. Some issues, like the Cominform were of momentary importance while other issues, like the Communist threat and the issue of Western European defence remained on the agenda for many years. A realistic approach to foreign policy allowed officials to exploit and counter-act those Soviet foreign policies seen as most threatening to Britain and those most likely to aid Britain’s recovery of her much desired world role. While the initial optimism after 1945 soon faded and consolidation on both sides was followed by confrontation, officials in London and the embassy in Moscow tried to maintain diplomatic relations to aid Western recovery efforts and support the new foreign policy doctrine of containment. When by the early 1950s entrenchment was speeding up in East and West, the Northern Department nevertheless utilised the available information to support British foreign policy worldwide as well as strengthen the domestic effort to explain the increasing international tension to the British people. Realism on the part of officials, and awareness of the information and options available to them meant that a Britain closely allied to the USA but one that continued to talk to the Kremlin was seen as the best way to achieve a continued world role for Britain and a safe Europe.

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Kusluch, Joseph Aloysius IV. "Building Socialism: The Idea of Progress and the Construction of Industrial Cities in the Soviet Union, 1927-1938." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1347969635.

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Nanson, Steffanie Jennifer. "Fleet Street's dilemma : the British press and the Soviet Union, 1933-1941." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14303.

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British press opinion concerning the Soviet Union in the 1930s contributes to an understanding of the failed cooperation, prior to 1941, between the British and Soviet Governments. During the trial of six British engineers in Moscow in 1933, the conservative press jingoistically responded by demanding stringent economic action against the Soviet Union and possibly severing diplomatic cooperation. The liberal and labour press expected relations to improve to prevent similar trials of Britons in the future. Despite the strain in relations and ideological differences, between 1934 and 1935, Britain and the USSR worked for collective security. The quality conservative press was willing to support a closer relationship, though popular conservative newspapers remained anti-Soviet. The liberal and labour press, though hoping for more, expressed relief that Britain was improving relations with the Soviet Union. The Spanish Civil War led the conservative press to resume its non-collective beliefs and to become ideologically critical of the Soviet Union. The provincial conservative newspapers were the exceptions. Liberal and labour papers were annoyed with the British refusal to cooperate with the USSR over Spain and became disappointed by the Government's decision to support appeasement rather than collective action. While the British Government reviewed the benefits of collective security, the Moscow show trials damaged Britain's belief in the stability of the USSR. All papers realised there was something seriously wrong in the Soviet Union. The conservative press advocated avoiding cooperation with a country weakened by purging. The liberal and labour press, though concerned about the image of the USSR, realised that Britain required an East European ally and called for an improvement of existing relations. In 1939 nearly every newspaper demanded the British Government form an alliance with the USSR against Hitler's aggression and criticised both governments for wasting time. Condemnation of the Soviet Union's signing of the Nazi-Soviet pact and role in the partition of Poland was relatively limited as hope remained that Britain and the USSR would collaborate to defeat Hitler. However, the Winter War strained these hopes and led to intense press condemnation of the Soviet attack on Finland. Nevertheless, in July 1940 newspapers became interested in the emerging conflict of interests between Germany and the USSR. Despite criticism of Soviet expansion in Eastern Europe, the press accepted that Britain's security depended on the Soviet Union. All newspapers welcomed the alliance in 1941 and ignored ideological issues.

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Hale, Carol Anne. "German-Soviet military relations in the era of Rapallo." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59388.

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This study examines German-Soviet military relations between 1917 and 1922 and demonstrates the involvement of the Reichswehr in the Treaty of Rapallo. Since early 1919, the Reichswehr cultivated entente with the Soviet Union in opposition to the German government and in violation of the Treaty of Versailles, both to regain its military preeminence and to recapture Germany's power-political position in Europe. The Reichswehr attempted to draw German industry into relations with the Soviet state in order to secure the manufacture of military machinery and support troop training. By 1922, the foundation for collaboration between German industry, the Reichswehr and the Soviet Union/Red Army had been laid. The Treaty of Rapallo, concluded by government officials that were privy to the activities of the Reichswehr, removed the threat of a western consortium against the Soviet Union, and ensured the growth of the Reichswehr's alliance with the Soviet state.

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Lemonte, Marco Vallada. "Profetas do apocalipse: os autores ocidentais com visão \'catastrofista\' sobre o problema das nacionalidades na URSS." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-14062017-084858/.

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O desmantelamento da URSS foi um dos processos políticos mais importantes do século XX, tendo sido causado, em grande medida, pelas demandas por independência, oriundas do seu tipo mais importante de entidades federadas, as Repúblicas. Antes da Perestroika eram poucos os especialistas, mesmo dentre os chamados sovietólogos ocidentais, aqueles que arriscariam fazer previsões sobre um possível e iminente colapso, seguido de desintegração, do poderoso Estado soviético, cuja estatura política, militar e demográfica era capaz de rivalizar com os Estados Unidos ao menos desde o término da II Guerra mundial. Neste trabalho apresentamos e analisamos o trabalho de autores ocidentais que chegaram a cogitar a possibilidade de fragmentação política do Estado Soviético, levando em consideração a gravidade da questão etnonacional para a antecipação de um cenário desintegracionista, analisando quais fatores influenciaram no menor ou maior grau de precisão dos cenários prospectivos traçados.
The dismantling of the Soviet Union was one of the most important political pro-cesses of the twentieth century, having been caused, to a large extent, by demands for independence arising from its most important type of federated entities- the Republics. Before perestroika there were few western specialists, even among the so-called \"sovietologists\", who would risk making predictions about a possible and imminent col-lapse, followed by desintegration, of the mighty Soviet State, whose political, military and demographic stature was able to rival the United States at least since the end of World War II. In this paper we present and analyze the work of western authors who have come to consider the possibility of political fragmentation of the Soviet State, taking into ac-count the seriousness of the ethnonational question for the anticipation of a disintegra-tionist scenario, analyzing which factors influenced the lower or greater degree of accu-racy of the prospective scenarios which they designed.

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Peterson, Christian Philip. "Wielding the Human Rights Weapon: The United States, Soviet Union, and Private Citizens, 1975-1989." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1242234040.

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Iandolo, Alessandro. "Soviet policy in West Africa, 1957-64." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2f17b326-8c4e-427a-8ce4-040c34582083.

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Between 1957 and 1964 the Soviet Union sought to export to West Africa a model of economic and social development. Moscow’s policy was driven by the conviction that socialism was a superior economic system, and could be replicated in Ghana, Guinea, and Mali. However, Soviet confidence in the project was undermined by the unreliability of local leaders, and then by the Congo crisis. The setback in West Africa taught the Soviet leadership crucial lessons, including the importance of supporting ideologically reliable leaders, and the necessity of building military strength to bolster intervention. Combining Soviet and Ghanaian sources with those more readily available in the UK and the US, this thesis shows the importance of modernisation of the Third World for Moscow’s foreign policy during the Khrushchev era, and contributes to the new sets of literature on the cold war in the third world, and on the Soviet Union’s foreign policy.

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Callum, Douglas R. "Soviet society and law : the history of the legal campaign to enforce the constitutional duty to work." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6553/.

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In both the 1936 and 1977 USSR Constitutions conscientious labour in socially useful activity was decreed to be a "duty and matter of honour" for every Soviet citizen. This study examines the various approaches adopted by successive Soviet leaderships in their determined efforts to reinforce that ethos. It focuses, in particular, on the so-called "anti-parasite" laws dating back to 1957, when as a part of Khrushchev's attempt to revive popular justice, several smaller republics experimented with enactments that permitted peer justice institutions in the form of amorphous social assemblies to exile "parasites" via a procedure which bypassed the existing court system. Special attention is devoted to the criticism lodged against the laws (during their adoption and spread to the other union republics in 1961) by members of the legal profession, who complained that the wide punitive given to the extra-judicial bodies and the attitudes and behaviour encouraged in them would erode the respect for "socialist legality" which they had been charged with enhancing in the minds of the mass public. Although as a result of such criticism, the Khrushchev regime modified the peer justice institutions in the early 1960's, and even though his populism was absorbed by or subordinated to the normative sector of social control in Brezhnev's legal policy, the study highlights the fact that complaints of abuses and inconsistencies in anti-parasite proceedings continued to be levelled against the prosecution process. This, it is contended, was due in large part to the extreme vagueness of the notion of social parasitism itself, although the lack of a precise and consistent definition of this peculiar offence (and of the key elements which were deemed to constitute it) was actually seen as necessary and even desirable since it allowed the authorities to use the anti-parasite legislation as a weapon of suppression against a broad spectrum of socially, politically, and economically inconvenient groups within Soviet society.

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Bennett, Jeffrey D. "Rising to the occasion : the changing role of the KGB and its influence in Soviet succession struggles 1953-1991." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23324.

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After having reached a level of influence unmatched by any other element of Soviet government under Stalin and Beria, the security organs of the Soviet Union proved difficult to tame. While it has been argued that the KGB was made subservient to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union after the ascent of Khrushchev in the late 1950's, this essay will attempt to show that the security police apparatus was able to maintain a high level of prominence and even autonomy throughout the history of the Soviet Union and beyond. While it may have appeared that the organs were under constraints during periods of unchallenged leadership, the lack of a legislative definition of the KGB's role made the possibility of a coup or putsch a constant threat. During periods of instability, particularly those surrounding the succession struggles, the KGB was able to act independently and was highly influential as to the outcome of these contests. In the latter years of the Soviet era, efforts to alter the system in order to avoid the excesses of previous years revealed the organs to be highly adaptable and cognizant of the need to change to avoid being excluded from the political decision-making process. Through an assessment of the various succession struggles and efforts to place the organs within the confines of legality, the political power of the KGB may be better understood, and placed in a historical perspective side by side with its post-Soviet counterpart, which too is shown to have survived recent upheavals.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Nationalism Soviet Union History'

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