Relevant bibliographies by topics / Nationalism – Slovakia

Academic literature on the topic 'Nationalism – Slovakia'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Nationalism – Slovakia"

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Deegan-Krause, Kevin. "Uniting the Enemy: Politics and the Convergence of Nationalisms in Slovakia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 4 (November 2004): 651–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404269596.

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Although aggregate popular support for particular nationalisms in Slovakia showed little change during the 1990s, relationships between nationalisms changed significantly. This article uses categories of nationalism derived from the relational typologies of Brubaker and Hechter to analyze surveys of postcommunist Slovak public opinion and demonstrate that popular nationalisms against Czechs, Hungarians, the West, and nonnationalist Slovaks bore little relationship to one another at the time of Slovakia’s independence but converged over time. With the encouragement of nationalist political elites, a large share of the Slovak population became convinced that Slovakia faced threats from all sides and that the country’s enemies were actually working together to undermine its sovereignty. The example of Slovakia thus provides an important case study for understanding how the complex and interactions between distinct nationalisms creates opportunities for the influence of political leadership.
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Mihálik, Jaroslav. "The Rise of Anti-Roma Positions in Slovakia and Hungary: a New Social and Political Dimension of Nationalism." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 179–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2015-0007.

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ABSTRACT This article discusses the continuous substitution of traditional mutual conflicts and historical grievances between Slovakia and Hungary that has created fertile ground for nationalists on both sides. Currently, we witness the rise of anti-Roma positions and negativism oriented toward this particular group of the population in Slovakia and Hungary. For this reason, we track the sources of new nationalism associated with the hatred of the Roma population. This can be demonstrated by a variety of political incentives and measuring extremism as a tool of acquiring and maintaining political power. The aim of the article is to investigate the extent and reasons of the new social and political dimensions of Slovak and Hungarian nationalism. We assume that the traditional form of bilateral nationalism based on historical, political and social tensions between Slovakia and Hungary is being transformed by the ethnic nationalism against the Roma minority in Central Europe. To support our argumentation, we use the qualitative data from in-depth interviews with young respondents from two contrasting research field sites in Slovakia from EC research project MYPLACE (Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement).
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Weber, Nora. "Feminism, Patriarchy, Nationalism, and Women in Fin-de-Siècle Slovakia." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 1 (March 1997): 35–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408489.

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The association of nationalist consciousness and feminist ideology in Slovakia in the late nineteenth century was a protracted and uneven process. This conclusion rests upon the results of this study which examines the feminist and nationalist views of Slovak women intelligentsia who were at the forefront of Slovak nationalist efforts. It explores responses of leading Slovak women to the following issues of nationalist concern: traditional Slovak patriarchy, women's education, and Western feminism. It demonstrates that in Slovakia, gender was not the primary factor determining women's loyalties; there were other connecting allegiances and loyalties to the nation and the community. Slovak women developed their own unique concept of gender equality that aided Slovak nationalist efforts. In doing so they employed the language of motherhood, domestic duties, and religious commitment.Around the turn of the century, a small group of Slovak women intelligentsia attempted to reconcile their own agenda with contemporary nationalist, social, and political currents. Spurred by nationalist efforts of the Slovak male intelligentsia, middle-class women tried to determine what type of new nationalist woman should replace the traditional woman. This question was answered by five women, in four very distinct ways: (1) Ľudmila Ríznerová-Podjavorinská portrayed the goals of Western feminism as a danger to Slovaks; (2) Elena Maróthy-Šolthésová and Terézia Medvecká Vansová encouraged the growth of Christian feminism; (3) Marína Ormisová-Maliaková favored the introduction of pragmatic feminism in Slovak nationalist efforts; and (4) Hana Lilge-Gregorová argued for the establishment of Western feminism as the basis of social and national development. Although the personal lives of these five women represent the social and national distress of the Slovak people, they also show women's fight for the acceptance of new ideas which would improve the fate of their sisters and their nation. Yet this small collection of feminist intellectuals could not and did not effect Slovak public opinion in any substantial way. Their influence, except perhaps that of Hana Lilge-Gregorová, did not stretch beyond the Slovak urban middle-class milieu.
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Quinn, Michael L. "Uncertain Slovakia: Blaho Uhlár, Stoka and Vres." Theatre Survey 36, no. 1 (May 1995): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400006529.

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In the renegotiations of borders and cultures currently underway in former Soviet Europe, the situation in Slovakia stands out as one in which uncertainty itself is perhaps the primary obstacle to renewal and growth. The Slovaks were occupied by Hungarian forces for a millennium, emerging as a modern nation first under the shadow of the Czechs in the first republic, then clouded by a Nazi-style clerico-fascist state which discredited the moral impulses of much Slovak nationalism, and finally dominated by a colonial Comecon culture in which the interests of an integral, cohesive Slovak state were always compromised by its role in a larger international Soviet politics. By virtue of the remarkable Velvet Revolution, the Slovaks have been able to claim unique nationhood for the first time since the Great Moravian Empire in the 9th century. Yet the thousand years between has created a culture which lacks the foundations for the kind of quick, assured policy-making that will succeed financially, and in the international culture market, for the new countries of Europe. Separated from the Czechs, the Slovaks now face a slower pace of industrial conversion, slower ecological recovery, a fading currency, and the legacy of a violent nationalism—personified in Meciar's leadership—that has not made the transition from government by executive fiat to reasoned debate and majority politics.
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Bahna, Miloslav. "Context Matters: Measuring Nationalism in the Countries of the Former Czechoslovakia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 1 (January 2019): 2–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.21.

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AbstractThis paper compares nationalism in the two ex-Czechoslovak countries—the Czech and Slovak republics. The aim is to analyze the measurement of nationalism in the 1995, 2003, and 2013 International Social Survey Program (ISSP) National Identity surveys. According to the nationalism measures from the ISSP survey – which are frequently used by authors analyzing nationalism—both countries experienced a significant rise in nationalism in the 1995 to 2013 period. Moreover, invariance testing of the nationalism latent variable confirms the possibility of comparing levels of nationalism between Czechia and Slovakia over time. However, the associations between nationalism, as measured in the study, and concepts related to nationalism—such as xenophobia, protectionism, or assertive foreign policy—suggest that what is measured as nationalism in 1995 is very different from what is measured in 2013. This is explained by a change of context which occurred in both countries between 1995 and 2013. While answering the same question had a strong nationalistic connotation in 1995, this was not the case in 2013. Based on our findings we advise against using the analyzed “nationalism” items as measurement of nationalism even beyond the two analyzed countries.
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Klyuchkovych, Anatoliy. "POPULISM IN SLOVAKIA: PECULIARITIES OF A POLITICAL PHENOMENON." 39, no. 39 (July 10, 2021): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-39-13.

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The article analyzes the party-political aspects of populism in the Slovak Republic. The structural distinction between the parties of systemic mainstream and populism has come to the forefront of Slovakia's party-political development. The aim of the article is to highlight the specifics of the phenomenon of populism, its forms and party representatives in Slovakia. Considering the emergence and electoral success of populist parties, there is a need to emphasize the complexity of the phenomenon of populism in the modern Slovak Republic. Populists do not have clear ideological attitudes. they use the maxims of various ideological doctrines, which are based on practical needs. The distinction between systemic and populist parties is becoming more complicated today, as their positions on a number of important political issues have converged recently In the process of post-communist development in the Slovak Republic there was a transition from radical forms of populist politics through nationalism and authoritarianism to more moderate tendencies. Populist parties in the CEE countries, and in particular in the Slovak Republic, are characterized by the following features: opposition of the elite and the people based on moral grounds, desire to act as defenders of the people’s interests; anti-immigration, Eurosceptic, anti-globalization orientation of the messages; low level of institutionalization, etc. The main forms of manifestation of Slovak populism are determined: social, national, charismatic, centrist, far-right populism. The article emphasizes that the key trend is the growth of populism in the election campaigns of Slovak parties and competition on the market of populist slogans. Protest calls, social demagoguery, and national populism are electorally perceptible issues that are being pursued by both the opposition and ruling political force. The parliamentary elections of 2020, which can be characterized as «triumph of populism», were an important stage for the development of the party system in Slovakia. The success of the populists and the defeat of the liberal parties in the 2020 elections testify to the crisis of systemic politics and democratic institutions in general, which poses risks to the stable development of Slovakia.
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Tudoroiu, Theodor, Peter Horváth, and Marek Hrušovský. "Ultra-Nationalism and Geopolitical Exceptionalism in Mečiar's Slovakia." Problems of Post-Communism 56, no. 4 (July 2009): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ppc1075-8216560401.

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Urbancová, Hana. "Women as Folk Song Collectors in Slovakia. From Romantic Nationalism to the Beginnings of Modern Research." Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology 69, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 570–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/se-2021-0034.

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Abstract Collecting activities were an important cultural and social phenomenon in 19th century Europe. Women also participated in these activities, although in many cultures their role and the results of their collecting work have not yet been adequately evaluated. Taking the example of Slovakia, it is possible to highlight the contribution of women in collecting folk songs, while encompassing those features which are specific to the regional circumstances. Women took part in all important collecting projects of the 19th century in Slovakia. Reconstruction of their socio-cultural background highlighted the fact that at the inception of these projects women of the aristocracy and gentry were active collectors. The majority of female collectors came from families of the Slovak intelligentsia, who belonged to the middle class. By the end of the 19th century many such families had become part of the contemporary elite of Slovak society. We focus on two research questions: 1, how did the gender category of the collector condition the record of song material (an aspect of the collection concept); and 2, what contribution did women’s collecting activities make to the study of traditional song culture (an aspect of the collected material). A definition of women’s concept of collecting, with primary orientation on song lyrics, was deduced from the 19th century preference for the national language and the role of Slovak women in its diffusion in private as well as public life, and from analysis of the genre structure of the collected material. The romantic concept of collecting in Slovakia is compared with an early concept of documentation at the beginning of the 20th century which derived from abroad, although some of its elements were beginning to take effect also in domestic collecting activities.
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Szabó, Miloslav. "From Protests to the Ban: Demonstrations against the ‘Jewish’ Films in Interwar Vienna and Bratislava." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 1 (November 17, 2017): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417712112.

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Taking the example of the protests against the films All Quiet on the Western Front (1930–1) and Le Golem (1936) in interwar Austria and Slovakia, this study addresses the links between antisemitism, nationalism and cinema in Central Europe that historical research has so far overlooked. Unlike other demonstrations against the talkies, campaigns against so-called ‘Jewish’ films were not an expression of linguistic nationalism, as they pointed to the ‘destructive’ impact of capitalism, socialism or modern art, which in the ideology of antisemitism were allegedly personified by ‘Jews’. The conservatives and radicals who called for a ban of those ‘Jewish’ films considered it a first step towards the creation of a national community without ‘Jews’. In Austria the moderate and radical opponents of A ll Quiet on the Western Front ultimately reached their goal through a joint effort. In Slovakia they only managed to get the film Le Golem completely banned when the geopolitical conditions changed after the mutilation of Czechoslovakia on the eve of the Second World War. The fact is that in both cases, moderate nationalists placed themselves in the ambivalent position of pioneers of antisemitism and ultimately facilitated fascist and Nazi radicals in the practical implementation of their postulates.
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Podoba, Juraj. "Rejecting green velvet: Transition, environment and nationalism in Slovakia." Environmental Politics 7, no. 1 (March 1998): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644019808414376.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nationalism – Slovakia"

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Hilde, Paal Sigurd. "Nationalism in post-Communist Slovakia and the Slovak nationalist diaspora (1989-1992)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273215.

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Drelová, Agáta. "A cultural history of Catholic nationalism in Slovakia, 1985-1993." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/21846.

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This thesis is about the construction of a nationalised public Catholic culture in Slovakia from 1985 to 1993. At the core of this culture was the assumption that the Catholic Church had always been an integral part of the Slovak nation, her past, her present and her future. The thesis seeks to answer the question of who created this culture during the 1980s and 1990s and how and why they did so. To answer these questions this thesis adopts a cultural approach and explores how this culture was created utilising the concepts of collective memory, symbols and events as its main analytical tools. The data for this analysis include, but are not restricted to, materials produced in relation to various commemorative events and pilgrimages, especially those related to the leading national Catholic symbols: the National Patroness Our Lady of the Seven Sorrows and Saints Cyril and Methodius. The thesis argues that this culture was deliberately constructed from the point of view of many actors. Before 1989 these included the official Catholic hierarchy, underground Catholic Church communities, the pope and nationalist Communists. After 1989 these actors continued to construct this culture even as their positions of power changed. Most notably, underground Catholics became part of current ecclesiastical and political elite, and communist nationalists dissociated themselves from the Communist Party but retained their position within the cultural and political elite. The thesis consists of three chapters. The first chapter looks at how the nationalised public Catholic culture started in the mid-1980s with underground Catholic communities that focused on culture and grassroots mobilisation. The second chapter looks at how the nationalist Communists and the official church hierarchy became involved in construction of parts of this culture and how their involvement resonated with the underground Catholic communities. Chapter Three examines how this culture continued to develop in the early 1990s in a new political context, and how it contributed to a broader cultural legitimisation of Slovak independence.
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Harris, Erika. "The role of nationalism in the democratisation process : Slovakia and Slovenia 1989-1998." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3208/.

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This thesis constitutes an inquiry into the relationship between nationalism and democracy in a particular setting - the postcommunist newly independent democracies. The purpose is to seek an answer to two related questions about what is the role of nationalism in the democratisation process and under which conditions is nationalism more or less compatible with democracy. Nationalism’s capacity to threaten minorities, fragment states and complicate interstate relations has been amply demonstrated and documented. This study takes a different approach to nationalism. Its starting point is the democratisation process as a factor contributing to the importance of nationalism in the political life. It revolves around a theoretical and empirical exploration of the relationship between nationalism and democracy. The empirical side is underpinned by the investigation into politics of Slovakia and Slovenia as two newly independent postcommunist states that emerged as a result of democratisation. The comparative aspect of the thesis leads to the conclusion that the role of nationalism in the democratisation process cannot be generalised and constitutes a complex process in itself, conditioned by the political context of the society undergoing the transition. The following factors are explored: the stage of national development, the conditions and circumstances surrounding the achievement of independent statehood, the previous regime and the period prior to that, the formation of transitional elites and the stage in the transition, the ethnic composition and the historically predetermined ethnic harmony within the state. This thesis presents a number of new arguments. Firstly, it proposes that nationalism in new postcommunist democracies contains civic and ethnic demands at the same time which consequently gives postcommunist nationalism a different character from classical nationalism. Secondly, the thesis seeks the correlation between the progress of the transition and nationalism in the priority given to either nation-building or state-building. Thirdly, it proposes that whilst nationalism might have a positive role at the beginning of the democratisation process, its capacity to sustain that process is limited.
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Bragd, Andreas. "Konstitutionell nationalism i Östeuropa : En idéanalys av postkommunistiska konstitutioner i Östeuropa." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-20677.

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This study focuses on nationalism in Central and Eastern Europe. Anchored in theories that this region historically has been characterized by a nationalism that is based on the ethnic group rather than on liberal or civic concepts, it is the purpose of this study to explore whether these theories still apply in recent times when the region has been liberalized, for example manifested in the entry to the European Union. The research question has been tested through analysis of the constitutions of a number of Central and Eastern European countries in order to investigate what type of nationalism that the states have codified in their basic political documents. The results show that some of the states give expression to the historical ethnic nationalism in their constitutions, which indicates that the theories still are relevant.
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Roditi, Ourania. "Assessment of civil society's role in promoting democracy and preventing nationalism : a comparative study of non-governmental organisations in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340777.

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This thesis explores whether and to what extent civil society within the framework of post-communist transition, provides a bulwark against the resurgence of exclusivist nationalism, in four countries: Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania. In that respect minorities' and especially Roma's rights are extensively examined. Related to these issues is to what extent the third sector has been able to develop a democratic political culture among the populations of the respective countries. During the course of the research, the concept of political culture was perceived relatively strong, considering the short period of post-communist transition. However, it is worth looking into whether civil society has managed to develop attitudes consistent with what a democratic political culture demands. Non-governmental organisations have been selected as agents of civil society, capable of articulating the demands in the new post-communist era. Particular consideration is given to the theoretical relation between civil society, nationalism and democracy both before and after the fall of communism. The same topics are briefly presentedfo r eachc ountry individually. The empirical section examines three different methods of appraising NGOs: firstly NGOs are assessed according to basic criteria namely, founding members, financial resources, co-operation with local authorities etc. Secondly, their direct impact on legislation and institutional development is analysed. Thirdly, their impact on the development of a democratic political culture is examined. Finally, all factors are evaluated and concluding comparative remarks are made
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Fisher, Sharon Lynne. "From nationalist to Europeanist : changing discourse in Slovakia and Croatia and its influence on national identity." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.400505.

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Bakke, Elisabeth. "Doomed to failure? : the Czechoslovak nation project and the Slovak autonomist reaction ; 1918 - 38 /." Oslo : Unipub Forlag, Akademika, 1999. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/303736836.pdf.

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Lisack, Gaëlle. "Institutions nationales ou interculturelles ? Analyse de la programmation d'instituts culturels d'Europe centrale à Berlin et Paris à l'aube du 21ème siècle." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040069.

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À l'occasion de l'élargissement de l'Union européenne à dix pays en 2004, il s'est avéré nécessaire d'approfondir le dialogue interculturel entre les pays membres. Les instituts culturels nationaux à l’étranger font partie des structures étatiques susceptibles de porter ce dialogue. En effet, présentant la culture de leur pays à l’extérieur de leurs frontières, ces institutions se prêtent – et c’est là leur spécificité et l’une de leur raison d’être – à la rencontre et l’échange direct entre des représentants de différentes cultures. Cependant les critiques à l’encontre de ces institutions ne manquent pas à l’aube du vingt et unième siècle. La Pologne, la Slovaquie, la République tchèque et la Hongrie ont fait le choix, après la remise en cause du principe même d'une politique culturelle étrangère au début des années 1990, de conserver les instituts culturels qu’ils avaient dans les capitales française et allemande et, le cas échéant, d’en créer. Dans quelle mesure les instituts culturels polonais, slovaques, tchèques et hongrois à Paris et à Berlin s’attachent-ils, dans les années précédant et suivant l’entrée de leur pays dans l’Union européenne, à se positionner comme lieu de dialogue interculturel – ce qui leur permettrait de jour un rôle moteur dans le processus d'intégration européenne ? L’analyse repose sur une étude empirique jusqu’alors non existante des objectifs, de la mise en œuvre et de la réception par le public de la programmation de ces institutions entre 2000 et 2008. À partir des résultats, ce travail propose des pistes de réflexion sur l'orientation future de ces institutions
The enlargement of the European Union to include an additional ten countries in 2004 required a deepening of the intercultural dialogue among member states. National cultural institutes abroad are part of the public structures able to carry up this dialogue. Presenting abroad the culture of their country, these institutions are indeed well suited – it is their specificity and essential purpose – for encounter and direct exchange between representatives of various cultures. Nonetheless, these institutions face many critics in the early 21st century. After questioning the principle of a foreign cultural policy itself in the early 1990’s, Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic and Hungary have chosen to keep the cultural institutes they had in the French and German capitals and, if needed, to create some more. To what extent did Polish, Slovak, Czech and Hungarian cultural institutes in Paris and Berlin, position themselves as a place of intercultural dialogue in the years preceding and following the accession of these countries to the European Union, thus allowing them to be a driving force in the European integration process? The analysis relies on a previously unavailable empirical study of objectives, implementation and reception by the audience of the program of these institutions between 2000 and 2008. Building on the results, this work suggests lines of enquiry regarding the future orientation of these institutions
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Snider-Giovannone, Marie-Noëlle. "Les Forces alliées et associées en Extrême-Orient, 1918-1920. Les soldats austro-hongrois." Thesis, Poitiers, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015POIT5009.

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Cette thèse intitulée : Les Forces alliées et associées en Extrême-Orient, 1918-1920 - Les soldats austro-hongrois, concerne un épisode fort méconnu de la Première Guerre mondiale, terminée par le décret du 24 octobre 1919. « Quiconque, écrit M. George F. Kennan, tente de donner, sous un petit format, une idée valable des origines de l'intervention alliée en Sibérie, s'impose une tâche presque impossible » . Le retour en 1920 d'un soldat austro-hongrois italophone, en provenance de Chine, a généré cette thèse, il interpelle et interroge. Que sont allées faire les Forces alliées et associées en Russie en 1918 ? Les raisons de l'intervention se définissaient dans la reconstitution d'un front oriental pour soulager le front occidental, le soutien aux Armées blanches luttant contre les Armées rouges, le rapatriement des Légionnaires tchéco-slovaques. Mais il n'en fut rien. Dans ce conflit, le nationalisme utilisé et galvaudé servit à Masaryk pour fonder la première République tchéco-slovaque, le 28 octobre 1918. Les pays de l'Entente et les États-Unis qui l'ont soutenu dans cette démarche n'ont poursuivi qu'un objectif, le démantèlement de l'Empire austro-hongrois. Outre la fin des Habsbourg, l'Entente ainsi que celles et ceux qui détenaient le pouvoir décisionnel voulaient la disparition des monarchies, excepté celle de l'Empire britannique. Tandis que les soldats des corps expéditionnaires français, britannique et italien, aidés des Légionnaires tchéco-slovaques, combattaient les bolcheviks, Alliés et associés négociaient avec le pouvoir de Lénine. Le refus de l'Occident de reconnaître le gouvernement de l'amiral Koltchak, le fit échouer. Trahi, livré aux maximalistes d'Irkoutsk par les Tchèques, il fut exécuté le 7 février 1920. L'intervention des Forces alliées et associées en Extrême-Orient ciblait un objectif politico-économique. À la fin de 1919, le Conseil supérieur interallié (C.S.I.) rapatria d'abord les corps expéditionnaires, et seulement ensuite les prisonniers. À leur retour, les détenus austro-hongrois italophones connurent de douloureuses difficultés en Italie
The title of my thesis: The Allied and Associated Forces in the Far East, 1918 to 1920, The Austro-Hungarian Soldiers, is about a greatly ignored event of the First World War which was ended by a decree on October 24, 1919. “Whoever, writes Mr. George F. Kennan, attempts to describe in a brief manner, a valid idea of the beginning of the Allied intervention in Siberia, is taking on an almost impossible task”.The return in 1920 of an Italian speaking Austro-Hungarian soldier, coming from China, generated this thesis as he challenges and questions. What were the Allied and Associated Forces going to do in Russia in 1918? The reasons for the intervention were explained as: the reorganization of the Eastern Front to bring some relief to the Western Front, the support of the White Armies against the Red Armies and the sending of the Czechoslovakian Legionnaires back to their home. But none of this happened.In this conflict, the employed and misused nationalism helped Masaryk establish the first Czechoslovakian Republic on October 28, 1918. The countries of the Entente and the United States which supported him in this endeavor had only one objective in mind, the dismantling of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Besides the end of the Hapsburgs, the Entente as well as those who held decisive power wanted the disappearance of monarchies except the one of the British Empire. While the French, British and Italian Expeditionary Forces helped the Czechoslovakian Legionnaires fight the soldiers of the Red Army, the Allied and Associated Forces negotiated with Lenin. The refusal of the West to recognize Admiral Koltchak's government led to his fall. Betrayed and turned over to the Bolsheviks of Irkutsk by the Czechs, he was executed February 7, 1920.The objective of the intervention by the Allied and Associated Forces in the Far East was essentially political and economic. At the end of 1919, the Interallied Superior Counsel (C.S.I.) first sent home the Expeditionary Forces and only later the prisoners. Upon their return, the Italian speaking Austro-Hungarian detainees were confronted with many painful obstacles and difficulties in Italy
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PENESCU, Ioana. "The impact of party programs on voting behavior in Bulgaria, Slovakia and Romania : or does nationalism matter?" Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5349.

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Defence date: 17 January 2003
Examining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI - co-supervisor) ; Prof. Richard Breen (EUI/Nuffield College, Oxford - supervisor) ; Prof. Geoffrey Evans (Nuffield College Oxford) ; Prof. Michael Keating (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Books on the topic "Nationalism – Slovakia"

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Nationalism and democratisation: Politics of Slovakia and Slovenia. Aldershot, Hampshire, England: Ashgate, 2002.

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Schwitzer, M. K. Slovakia: The path to nationhood. London: M.K. Schwitzer, 2002.

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Slovakia, 1918-1938: Education and the making of a nation. Boulder: East European Monographs, 1985.

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Stein, Eric. Czecho/Slovakia: Ethnic conflict, constitutional fissure, negotiated breakup. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997.

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Political change in post-Communist Slovakia and Croatia: From nationalist to Europeanist. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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Kiliánová, Gabriela. Identität und Gedächtnis in der Slowakei: Die Burg Devín als Erinnerungsort. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2011.

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Slavistický ústav Jána Stanislava SAV, ed. Historický význam a odkaz diela osobností slovenského národného obrodenia. Bratislava: Slavistický ústav Jána Slanislava SAV, 2014.

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Nurmi, Ismo. Slovakia, a playground for nationalism and national identity: Manifestations of the national identity of the Slovaks, 1918-1920. Helsinki: Suomen Historiallinen Seura, 1999.

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Bakoš, Vladimír. Question of the nation in Slovak thought: Several chapters on the national-political thought in modern Slovakia. Bratislava: VEDA, 1999.

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Bakoš, Vladimír. Question of the nation in Slovak thought: Several chapters on the national-political thought in modern Slovakia. Bratislava: VEDA, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nationalism – Slovakia"

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Kamusella, Tomasz. "The Slovak Nation: From Czechoslovakia to Slovakia." In The Politics of Language and Nationalism in Modern Central Europe, 803–904. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230583474_11.

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Kováč, Jaroslav. "Migrants’ Access to Social Protection in the Slovak Republic." In IMISCOE Research Series, 379–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51241-5_25.

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Abstract This chapter discusses the accces to social benefits and social rights for nationals and foreigners in the Slovak Republic. The transformation of the social welfare system in the new republic has been a lengthy process. The current social security system is based on fairness, personal participation and solidarity. The Slovak social security system is not based on nationality and its main part builds on the social insurance system including the health insurance. The direct financial support especially for families with children and the assistance scheme for those in need also represent important parts of the welfare system in Slovakia.
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Fisher, Sharon. "The Battle between “Nationalists” and “Europeanists”." In Political Change in Post-Communist Slovakia and Croatia, 3–22. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230600881_1.

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Maxwell, Alexander. "Fickle Nationalism: Slovakia’s Shifting Ethno-Linguistic Borders." In The Palgrave Handbook of Slavic Languages, Identities and Borders, 230–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-34839-5_11.

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Kellas, James G. "‘Mitteleuropa’ (Austria/Osterreich, Hungary/Magyarország, the Czech Republic/Ćeská Republika and Slovakia/Slovenská Republika)." In Nationalist Politics in Europe, 146–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230597273_11.

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Dekker, Henk, Darina Malová, and Remko Theulings. "What Makes a Slovak a Nationalist?" In Democracy, Socialization and Conflicting Loyalties in East and West, 139–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14059-6_5.

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Fisher, Sharon. "The Fall of the “Nationalists”: 1998 in Slovakia and 2000 in Croatia." In Political Change in Post-Communist Slovakia and Croatia, 149–68. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230600881_7.

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Vašečka, Michal, and Viera Žúborová. "Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for Slovak Citizens Abroad." In IMISCOE Research Series, 427–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51245-3_25.

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Abstract This chapter provides an overview of Slovak diaspora policies with a focus on social protection. It shows that the country’s diaspora policies have focused on educational and cultural engagement of ethnically defined Slovak nationals residing abroad, with a goal of improving knowledge of the national culture and language of citizens abroad.
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Jelinek, Yeshayahu A. "In Search of Identity: Slovakian Jewry and Nationalism (1918-1938)." In A Social and Economic History of Central European Jewry, 207–27. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429334535-10.

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Paul, David W. "Slovak Nationalism and the Hungarian State, 1870-1910." In Ethnic Groups and the State, 115–59. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003372059-4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Nationalism – Slovakia"

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Klincakova, Gabriela. "THE NATIONALIST POPULISM AND RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM AS A THREAT OF ESTABLISHED DEMOCRACY IN SLOVAKIA." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.051.

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