Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro'

The results of the first free elections in Yugoslavia since World War II, held in 1990, set the stage for the civil war that broke out in summer and fall 1991. In those elections, strongly nationalist parties or coalitions won in each of the republics. In Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and to some extent in Macedonia, nationalists asserted anticommunism in order to bolster their appeal and their legitimacy internationally, while the new Socialist Party of Serbia (nee the League of Communists of Serbia) and the League of Communists in Montenegro effected Ceausescu-like transformations by turning nominally socialist parties into openly nationalist ones.

The article examines the features of public attitudes, national consciousness and foreign policy of Serbia in the context of its relationship with the countries of the Western Balkans. On the basis of modern Serbian scientific literature and opinion piece, the author analyzes the current crisis state of Serbian society, which was the result of the policy of S. Milošević and the heirs of the ideas of Serbian nationalism. The main attention is paid to Serbia’s relations with the newly formed states after the collapse of the SFRY - Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro and North Macedonia - from the point of view of the problem of joining of these countries the EU and NATO. The author analyzes the political and psychological atmosphere in Serbian society, the moods and plans of the authorities of modern Serbia, as well as the views of the right-wing nationalist politicians and scientists in relation to neighboring states. The study acquaints the reader with Serbia’s foreign policy plans and their results in the context of the formation of a new national identity based on the «Saint Sava myth», Serbian Orthodoxy and Serbian ethnic nationalism. An important place in the formation of Serbian identity is occupied by the revision of the concept of the history of Yugoslavia, which leads to the deformation of historical consciousness and the dominance of ethno-national identity over all other types of identity, and above all, over civic identity. The author believes that the new identity now being formed in Serbia leads to the rejection of modern reforms based on the rule of law, human rights, pluralism and tolerance. The author concludes that for stabilization in the Balkans it is necessary to find a point of integration common to all peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, regardless of their nationality. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a key link in the process of stabilizing the region. But all the other states of the Western Balkans are facing the same task. The researcher examines the role of Russia in the domestic life and foreign policy of Serbia and, in general, in the Western Balkans region, which has not yet resolved the problems of the transition period.

Nationalism in Slobodan Milošević’s SpeechesThe fall of Yugoslavia showed economic, national, ideological and political problems. Thus, there was a strong rise of hidden nationalisms among nations living on the same territory, such as Slovenian, Croatian, Bosnian, Serbian, Montenegrin and Macedonian from the 1980s.The aim of the article is to show how Slobodan Milošević’s nationalism was rising in his speeches in the period between 1988 (when he came to power) and 1992 (when the new constitution of FRY was adopted). The author analyzed eleven speeches made during the debates in the Serbian Parliament, during sessions of the Socialist Party of Serbia and during meetings with people in such cities as Gazimestan, Belgrade, Novi Sad, Bor and Niš. In his speeches Milošević raised such subjects as the question of Yugoslavia, the question of Serbian nation living on the whole territory of Yugoslavia, the role of Serbia in the creation of Yugoslavia. Additionally, he was blaming “enemies” (such as Slovenia, Croatia, Albanians from Kosovo) for the collapse of Yugoslavia and the war in the 1990s. He was using a language of populism and propaganda to enhance his goals and tried to be emotionally close to his nation.

The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.

Abstract The Serbo-Croatian language was but one of the casualties of the wars of the Yugoslav secession, as it was discursively forcefully split into first two, then three, and recently four allegedly separate languages. The first line of division was promoted by Serbian and Croatian nationalist linguists during the early nineties, soon to be followed by the invention of a standalone Bosnian language, even though contemporary linguistics agrees that Serbo-Croatian, with its regional varieties (as a standardized polycentric language), is a single language. Coming late into the fray, nationally-minded linguists from Montenegro achieved the state-driven proclamation of Montenegrin as a separate language to be in official use within the state only in 2007. Backed by the state, a coterie of nationalist literary theorists and linguists started discursively promoting Montenegrin in academic and public spaces, mostly via the dubious quasi-academic journal titled Lingua Montenegrina. This article explores the manners in which Montenegrin nationalist linguists discursively created what they dub to be a language entirely separate from all variants of Serbo-Croatian, which are mostly contained in encomiastic texts about key nationalists, attempts to classify several allophones and phonemes as well as to assert the purported primordial character of the language.

This paper investigates the official tourism websites for the Balkan countries of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia, and Turkey to learn about its depiction of the nation for an international tourism market. The research combines Pauwels’ (2012) multimodal discourse analysis method designed for cultural websites with Smith’s (1998) six main institutional dimensions to seek out potential nationalistic patterns involving the state, territory, language, religion, history, and rites and ceremonies. The findings mostly involve verbal and visual signifiers that have a historical context to them such as antiquity, communism, Yugoslavia, religion, irredentism, the Ottoman Empire, and national identity. The findings illustrate that official websites, while being sensitive not to alienate international tourists, portray a sense of nationalism but do so in a different way, based upon the historical experiences and unique features of each country surveyed.

AbstractMost studies of the antibureaucratic revolution have focused on political elites and activists in Serbia, Montenegro, and the autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo. Recent scholarship has focused on individual participants, often workers, and takes their agency seriously. Building upon such research, this article explores the antibureaucratic revolution as a particular manifestation of a larger sociocultural process, constitutive of long-term structural changes across the whole of Yugoslavia. An analysis of workplace documents and local newspapers in northwest Croatia demonstrates that antibureaucratic sentiment was not the prerogative of Serbian and Montenegrins but of Yugoslav citizens more generally. Yugoslavs were conditioned by the party-state to be critical of bureaucracy. Workers began to admonish the expansion of administrative positions, which they blamed for their falling living standards. Despite decentralizing and autarkic tendencies in political and economic life in late socialist Yugoslavia, working class discontents (and representations of it) remained remarkably similar across republican boundaries. In Rijeka and its environs, a shift does not occur until in mid-1988. Condemnations of nationalism become more urgent and a skepticism toward the mass protests occurring in Serbia is palpable from this point onward.

This paper looks at how the marriage metaphor structures the discourse concerning the relationship between political parties in Serbia. In January 2007, in the first general election to be held in Serbia since its union with Montenegro was dissolved in 2006, no party succeeded in gaining an absolute majority. Eventually, after more than three months of coalition talks, the main pro-reform parties agreed to form a government: the conservative and moderately nationalist right-leaning Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), together with the pro-Western Democratic Party (DS). Compiling a small data collection from the leading Serbian dailies and political weeklies we have tried to track the metaphors through highly argumentative discourse in regard to the formation of political coalitions and their break-up. The main aim of this study is to show how the metaphors may be mapped and used as a vehicle of public discourse for achieving overt or covert political and ideological objectives on the complex political scene in contemporary Serbia. We will also argue that Serbian political discourse is highly gendered, as gender roles, manifested through the assignment of wife and husband roles to political parties, are clearly delineated according to the traditional male-female dichotomy, implying stereotypical traits and patriarchal values characteristic of Serbian culture.

From the 1950s through 1990s, ethnomusicology in Yugoslavia represented the sum of several distinct research traditions that, by and large, overlapped with the borders of six constituent republics: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia. Although the overarching national framework quickly disintegrated with the onset of the Yugoslav wars of succession in the early 1990s, localized research within particular borders was largely unaffected. The triumph of militant nationalism, the sweeping social changes, and the attendant musical transformations across the region raised issues of researchers’ accountability. Faced with unimaginable violence in the name of national identity and cultural difference, what should, or can, an ethnomusicologist do?

The village of Lovćenac is located in the region of Bačka, practically halfway between the cities of Novi Sad and Subotica, and has a population of about 4,000. After World War II it was settled by Montenegrins from the region known as "Old Montenegro". Today, the residents of Lovćenac are faced with great challenges of ethnic and national identification. The village is a stronghold of Montenegrin nationalist feeling in Serbia, and the only place where Montenegrin "traditional" culture has been preserved to this day. Having studied Montenegrins in Serbian towns and cities, my intention was to study the identity formula of a rural Montenegrin community in Serbia, and it was with this aim that in 2009 I conducted a study of Lovćenac villagers' identity, using observation and the interview as methodological tools. I paid particular attention to the study of alternative parameters of ethnic identity, specifically the phenomenon of masculinity, which in this case could provide an important analytical instrument. In this particular case, masculinity is manifested through specific and adapted forms of aggresivity, heterosexuality, authoritarianism, laziness etc. These syndroms and concepts are important for self-determination, but also for description, making ethnic boundaries sharper and more distinct. This concept has proved to be especially useful in the case of identification with smaller ethnic (clan) and regional groups, i.e. in intragroup classification. Masculinity has turned out to be an important regulator of interethnic and intraethnic relations, that is, a relational category that is invoked and used when descent, regional affiliation, religion and language are insufficiently clear criteria for ethnic systematization and operationalization.

The historical period after the beginning of the global economic crisis has accelerated the transformation of the Balkan subsystem of the European system of international relations. In a strategic sense, the European Union faces a complex dilemma: to Europeanize the Balkans, or to risk the balkanization of Europe. The European Union, together with the United States, has overcome the scenario of European balkanization. Symbols for this were the completion of the process of joining NATO Albania, Montenegro, and Macedonia. It is critically important to overcome the conflict between Serbia and Kosovo. Russia is trying to maintain its influence in Serbia, which remains the last Russian outpost in the Balkans. Serbian society remains divided into a liberal pro-European segment focused on European and Euro-Atlantic integration, and a nationalist segment that hopes to reestablish the "Great Serbia" project on the verge of the 21st century. The peace in the Balkans can only bring the completion of the process of including this region into the system of European and Euro-Atlantic integration.

The research presented in this paper is a part of the project "Condition, Factors and Development of European Identity in Serbia and Montenegro" which is financed by the Ministry for Science and Protection of Environment of the Republic of Serbia. The goal of this research is to determine the relation between the achievement motive and locus of control on the one hand, and European identity on the other. These motivational factors were selected as the indicators of the active orientation of persons, which is a psychological prerequisite for the development of consciousness of the people and the society as a whole. The research was carried out during 2003 with the sample of 2635 subjects from four regions of Serbia and Montenegro, of both sexes, different levels of education, 18 to 43 years old. The scale EUROID2002 was applied to measure the European and national identity. The achievement motive was measured with the MOP2002 scale, and locus of control with LOKKON2002. All these instruments were created at the Department of Psychology in Novi Sad. The canonical correlation analysis was used to process the data. The results point to the existence of two statistically significant regularities in the relation between the achievement motive and European identity. The achievement of the goal, which is experienced as a source of pleasure and followed by the need to compete with others, was related to two factors of social identity, namely with the need to preserve national identity and with the exclusive national attachment. Thus, the results indicate that the persons for whom competition with others is a significant goal also express a higher degree of nationalism. Furthermore, the results indicate that the degree of nationalism is higher with the higher degree of persistence in the competition with others. In the relation between the locus of control and European identity, three statistically significant regularities were obtained. If the faith in the power of destiny is more pronounced, the need to preserve national identity and exclusive national attachment is also more pronounced. Stronger internal locus of control is related to greater openness for technological progress. Furthermore, the results indicate that those who in achievement situations attach great importance to the activities of other people also have a more pronounced pro-European orientation.

The majority of Croats in Montenegro are the native population traditionally living in the Bay of Kotor, the town of Budva and Bar and its surroundings. A minority of them are immigrants or their descendants. As early as during the Austro–Hungarian rule over the Montenegrin coast, and especially during the Yugoslav period, they inhabited the area of today’s Montenegro, mostly its inland towns. This paper primarily aims to present and analyse the size of the Croatian population in Montenegro in general and at the level of its administrative units. To do so, it uses data from the censuses conducted from 1948 to 2011, which recorded national affiliation, among other things. In the context of those censuses, one can argue that, during their conduct, it was possible to declare oneself as a Croat, and that a major share of the population avoided declaring themselves as such although they could, based on their ethnic characteristics. Accordingly, the second aim of the paper was to attempt to determine, in the context of the 2011 census, which is a source of plenty of relevant data, not only the number of declared Croats but also those who were undeclared as such, but could certainly be considered to belong to the same linguistic, religious and cultural community as Croats. For this paper, that wider unit was termed the Slavic Catholic community (Slavic–Catholic), which is already recognised in language as the Central South Slavic area (Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro), among other things as a certain “opposite” of the Slavic–Orthodox and Slavic–Muslim communities of the same spatial scope. To better understand the position of Croats in Montenegro, and especially their reluctance to declare Croatian national affiliation, which is more and more evident over time, an integral part of the paper is an appropriate presentation of historical circumstances that have framed their past and present identity positioning. The first data on the presence of Croats in today’s Montenegrin area refers to the period of Slavic settlement of South-east Europe, which took place until the beginning of the 7th century. According to the work of the Byzantine emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus (945–959), “On the Governance of the Empire”, during their settlement, Croats occupied the former Roman province of Dalmatia (which, according to the author, “started from the surroundings of Durrës and Bar and stretched to the Istrian mountains and to the river Danube in width”), as well as Pannonia and Illyricum. According to the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja, probably written by the (Arch)Bishop of Bar Gregory in the period 1177–1189, upon settlement the Slavs had founded a state, the backbone of which was on the coast, between Istria and today’s northern Albania. According to the Chronicle, that coastal belt was divided into White and Red Croatia, which stretched from Duvanjsko Polje further south. Besides, Byzantine 11th- and 12th-century writers mention Croats and Croatia in the context of the area of today’s Montenegro. However, from the beginning of the 9th century, that is, the point in time from which one can continuously follow the political development in the Adriatic–Dinaric belt, or the area of the former Roman Dalmatia, it is certain that four smaller Slavic principalities existed between the rivers Cetina and Bojana: Neretva, Zahumlje, Travunia and Duklja. In the mid 11th century, Duklja, Travunia and Zahumlje were united into a state at the initiative of the rulers of Duklja. The expanded state of Duklja, ruled by the Vojislavljević dynasty, gained international acknowledgement since the papacy recognised it as a separate kingdom and a strong lever for maintaining its own identity, manifested in the existence of a state religious centre in the form of the Catholic metropolis of Bar. Such circumstances could have suggested the emergence of a much wider state unit, located approximately between the rivers Neretva and Drim on the one side and the Adriatic and the river Tara on the other, which would have implied the formation of an ethnic body. However, events unfolded in a different direction. Since the mid 12th century the state of Duklja had been losing ever more power, completely falling under the ruler of neighbouring Orthodox Serbia at the end of the same century. During that time the Schism of 1054 acquired full significance. The 1204 establishment of the Latin Empire, with its seat in Constantinople, led to a strong polarisation between Catholicism and Orthodoxy. In such conditions, upon establishment of its own church in 1219, the Serbian dynasty of Nemanjić began to carry out mass Orthodoxisation of the Zahumlje and Duklja areas to ensure their loyalty. Primarily exposed to religious conversion were Slavic Catholic people, who, at that time, shared many similarities with the neighbouring Orthodox in the entire area of the Adriatic–Dinaric belt in terms of external manifestations of their Christian identity, significantly marked by the tradition of Cyril and Methodius. Coastal, communal centres in the area of today’s Montenegro, Kotor, Budva and Bar, at the time still largely Romanesque, but eventually Slavicised, and their “belonging” or gravitating Slavic population, as well as the Albanian population located next to gradually Albanianised Ulcinj, along the river Bojana and in Malesia, were left Catholics. The territorial relations between Catholics and Orthodox established at the time have largely remained relevant until modern times. In the area of today’s Montenegro, the Slavic Catholic population was in principle reduced to a distinct minority concentrated in and around the coastal communes. As the Serbian state weakened from the mid 14th century, those communes gradually merged with the western states, and ultimately with the Venetian Republic. They remained under its rule until the end of the 18th century. After that, they were mainly part of the Austrian Kingdom of Dalmatia until 1918. Under those conditions, sharing the social climate with the population of the eastern Adriatic coast, who spoke the same language and shared the same religion, from the mid 19th century the Slavic Catholic population of today’s Montenegrin coast became involved in the processes leading to the constitution of the Croatian nation. The political and social development of the Orthodox population in Montenegro took a different course. By integrating into the de facto Serbian Orthodox Church, they began acquiring Serbian ethnic characteristics. However, given the disintegration of the Serbian state on a part of today’s Montenegrin territory, a new state emerged in the form of Zeta, centred in sub-Lovćen Montenegro and ruled by the Balšić dynasty and the Crnojević dynasty. During the Ottoman rule, which began in the late 15th century, sub-Lovćen Montenegro retained a certain autonomy, which became the basis for the formation of the Montenegrin state close to its current borders in the late 17th century. While the Montenegrin population “remained” in the identity sphere of proto-national Serbs due to Orthodoxy, imbued with the cult of the Nemanjić dynasty, its peculiar development enabled them to acquire own ethnic consciousness. The dichotomy between the Montenegrin and Serbian sense of identity has not been overcome to this day, which is becoming increasingly clear in the division of the Orthodox population between the national Montenegrins and the national Serbs. With the disintegration of Austro–Hungary and the emergence of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, that is, Yugoslavia, the Slavic Catholic population in the area of today’s Montenegro found itself permanently separated from the political, or at least administrative framework defined by the Catholic majority, after almost five hundred years. Instead, it became a distinct minority group in an environment that was continuously exposed to strong Serbian influences, even after Montenegro gained independence. Over time, following the processes of migration towards the coast, it also became a minority in settlements where it once represented the only or majority population. Under those conditions, strongly marked by latent or real contradictions in the relations between Croats and Serbs and often radical manifestations of Serbian identity in their environment, for the Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro, the declaration of Croatian identity became a kind of burden that not everyone was ready or able to bear. In that context, among other things, it is worth looking at the data presented, which points to a decline in the share of Croats in Montenegro. Equally, attention should be paid to the data from the 2011 census, which indicates a kind of mass declaration of “alternative” forms of ethnicity on the part of the Slavic–Catholic population. According to the first census, the one of 1921, which covered the population of all parts of today’s Montenegro, 313,432 inhabitants lived on its soil, of which between 11,380 and 12,145 were Croats and other members of the Slavic–Catholic community. According to that census, which took no account of the national determinant, but recorded the religious and linguistic ones, the share of members of that community in the total population inhabiting the area of today’s Montenegro was between 3.6% and 3.9%. The censuses after 1945, which, as pointed out, covered the national determinant and were conducted in socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991), Federal Republic of Yugoslavia / the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro (1991–2006) and in independent Montenegro (since 2006) recorded the following shares of Croats in Montenegro: 6,808 (in 1948), 9,814 (in 1953), 10,664 (in 1961), 9,192 (in 1971), 6,904 (in 1981), 6,244 (in 1991), 6,811 (in 2003), and 6,021 (in 2011). It is evident from the first censuses that part of the Slavic–Catholics in Montenegro did not declare themselves as Croats. This is primarily the case in Bar and its surroundings, where the declaration of Montenegrin nationality has permanently prevailed. Since 1971, a large number of people formerly declared as Croats began to declare themselves as “Yugoslavs”. Following the disintegration of Yugoslavia, in the 2003 and 2011 censuses, that type of declaration lost significance. However, no “return” to the declaration of Croatian national affiliation occurred, but rather the adoption of Montenegrin identity, rejection of the declaration of nationality, declaration of regional affiliation, etc. The analysis conducted in the context of the 2011 census shows that only a small part of the total Slavic–Catholic community in Montenegro declared themselves as Croats. Basically, only 5,931 people did so, if the total share of Croats (6,021) is reduced by 90 Orthodox who are probably registered as Croats for family reasons. At the same time, 29 Bosnians, 5,667 Montenegrins, 68 Yugoslavs, three Muslims, 569 nationally undeclared persons, 376 regionally declared persons, 112 Serbs and one Serb Montenegrin declared their affiliation with Catholicism. According to the insight into the share of the native Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro in 1921 and the share of Croats in the 1953–1971 censuses, it can be stated with a high level of certainty that those 6,825 respondents belonged to the Slavic Catholic population. The total share of the Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro in 2011 was larger than the sum of Croats (5,931) and the mentioned 6,825 persons, which amounted to 12,756, given that it should be increased by a certain number of respondents, primarily among Bosnians, Montenegrins, Yugoslavs, nationally undeclared and regionally declared who declared themselves as agnostics, atheists, unidentified Christians or refused to declare their religion. Primarily based on a comparison of the share of such persons within the municipalities of Boka Kotorska (Herceg Novi, Kotor, Tivat), where it is extremely high, with their shares in other Montenegrin municipalities, it could be argued that in 2011, the total share of Croats and other members of the Slavic–Catholic community amounted to approximately 15,000 or 2.4% of the population of Montenegro.

Studies examining the reification of nationhood narratives in history textbooks have typically focused on memories rooted in trauma (stories of loss of territory, victimhood, and perpetual enmity with neighbours), although glorification of the nation, ideas of who belongs to the nation, and what constitutes the nation, are also found in joyful memories. In this article, I examine how memories of joy are accounted for in a classical nation-building subject such as history. Which discursive strategies do textbooks use in instilling particular images of the nation in pupils’ heads, and how do they differ from those used in non-joyful events? Relying on content analysis of history textbooks currently used in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia, I examine how ‘joyful’ memories are represented in memories of ‘banal’ and everyday joy (memories of sports events, music, literature, and popular culture), and in memories of ‘hot’ or explicit nationalism (memories of victories in battles, reclaiming territory, etc). I conclude with reflections on the usefulness of studying memories of joy when examining issues of nation-building, national identity, and nationalism.

ABSTRACTThe article was conceived as a guided tour through the Balkan Peninsula including descriptions of two selected towns from Hungary, Croatia, Rumania, Bulgaria, Greece, Albania, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. It gives a summary of Western perceptions of the Balkan towns as noted by Western Europeans who visited the area in different periods from the seventeenth century onwards. The civilization they found and described there was a part of an entity encompassing the material and spiritual culture of urban life in the Near East. During the nineteenth century the Balkans underwent major political changes and contemporary travellers' reports were rich with observations about the process of ‘Europeanization’ of the Balkan towns. During the process which meant nationalism and fragmentation in what had been a fairly uniform culture area, paradoxically, ‘Balkanization’ was the final result.

Када су крајем 1915. и почетком 1916. окупиране српске краљевине Србија и Црна Гора, преостала српска војска нашла се на територији Грчке. Уз помоћ савезника је опорављена, опремљена и реорганизована, а затим пребачена на Солунски фронт у првој половини 1916. С обзиром на то да је државна територија била окупирана, једини извор њеног попуњавања постали су добровољци. Онима који су се са српском војском повукли преко Албаније придружили су се хиљаде нових, који су пристизали са Источног фронта, из Сјеверне Америке, а у мањем броју из других дијелова свијета. Кроз рад пратимо три војне формације српске војске које су у потпуности или у значајној мјери биле састављене од добровољаца, како грађана Србије, који из различитих разлога нису подлегали војној обавези, тако и од страних држављана, махом српске националности, који су се ставили на расположење Србији. Чланак је заснован на објављеним и необјављеним документима, стручној литератури и мемоарским дјелима. When in late 1915 and early 1916 the Serbian kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro were occupied, the remaining Serbian army was in the territory of Greece. With the Allies’ help, the army recovered, was equipped and re-organised, and transferred to the Salonika Front in the first half of 1916. As the state territory was occupied, volunteers became the only source for replenishing the army. Those who withdrew through Albania together with the Serbian army were joined by thousands of new soldiers, arriving from the Eastern Front, North America and, in smaller numbers, from other parts of the world. In this paper, we follow three military formations of the Serbian army entirely or significantly consisting of volunteers, both Serbian nationals, who were not conscripts for different reasons, and foreign nationals, mainly of Serbian ethnicity, who put themselves at the service of Serbia. The paper is based on published and unpublished documents, professional literature and memoirs.

The article illustrates the policy of wielding the hero as a symbolic political and nationalizing instrument in the Montenegrin, Ottoman, and Serbian armies before the Balkan Wars. The heroic became an integral part of other social disciplines (such as schools). Besides standing in a clear interdependent relationship, these social disciplines represented a necessary result of various centralizing processes of the governing elites. The primary efforts for the nationalization of the population were undertaken in the pre-/post-military life, in which the role of different state agents was equally important. Hence, the grid of the social disciplines became ever denser, which led to the uniformity of the heroic. This process enabled the legitimization of the ruling elites, subsequent actions in war, and heroization among recruits. The article argues that uniformity of the heroic is lacking in the Ottoman context. Given the ideological context and intellectual background of the preachers of nationalism, the consistency of the Ottoman heroic narrative before, during, and after military service is missing. The article shows that the so-called medievalism closely linked to the heroic offered a framework for constructing continuity between the immediate and distant past, providing meaning to someone’s death. A link between the past, the present, and the future was established, which constructed the nation’s primordial character and the feeling of ancient hatred towards an imaginary enemy.

Parliament is the body of legislative power and, along with the government and the head of state, it plays the most important role in the state. The article concerns the analysis of the parliamentary institutions in the countries of the former Yugoslavia, i.e. Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia, the Republic of Montenegro, the Republic of Kosovo, the Republic of Serbia, the Republic of Slovenia and the Republic of Macedonia. The method used in the study was a system analysis and a comparative method, thanks to which we can see the similarities and differences in the functioning of the parliaments. In the analyzed countries, parliaments are subjects that influence political processes and the creation of law. The creators of the constitution had to take into account the traditions of parliamentarism as well as the complicated nationality situation in the countries.

AbstractIn late 1912, the Ottoman imperial armies suffered a series of quick defeats at the hands of the Balkan League, comprising Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro, resulting in significant territorial losses. The Ottoman defeat in the Balkan Wars (1912–13) often stands at the center of teleological accounts of a neat and linear transition from Ottoman Empire to Turkish Republic. These teleological readings see the Ottoman defeat as a historical turning point when Ottoman elites turned nationalist, discovered Anatolia, and embraced the Turkish core. This article contends that such approaches frame late Ottoman history in anticipation of the later reality of nation-states, and overlook the messy and historically complex nature of the collapse of empire and the emergence of the nation-state. Although the defeat was certainly shocking for the Ottoman ruling elite, I argue that it initiated an era of debate rather than one of broad consensus. Similarly, the defeat neither marked the end of the Ottoman Empire nor heralded the coming of the Turkish Republic, but rather reinvigorated the Ottoman imperialist project.

In the 19th century, the Balkan problem was a major political issue in Europe. The Balkans were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for hundreds of years. Other great empires became increasingly involved in Balkan affairs: the Russian Empire and the Habsburg Empire of Austria (after 1867 Austria-Hungary). They divided the Balkans into their spheres of influence. The nations of the Balkans were culturally diverse. The process of forming the consciousness of nations was complicated; nationalisms and conflicts were growing. Religions were of great importance – Catholicism, Orthodoxy, Islam. Apart from tiny Montenegro, only the Serbs have fought heroically for independence since the early 19th century, making great sacrifices. Gradually they gained it: first, autonomy within the Ottoman Empire, then they became an independent principality, and finally an independent kingdom. From the mid-19th century until the end of World War I, they passed a total of five constitutions: 1835, 1869, 1888/9, 1901, 1903. They were based partly on the French (1814, 1830) and Belgian (1831) Basic Laws. All constitutions were relatively modern and liberal, at a high European level. In the article the author analyses and presents the most important contents of these constitutions. Over the years, a conviction was developed that it was Serbia that would unite and liberate the Balkan nations under its leadership. The author shows how the end of the First Great War brought a clash between the idea of a Greater Serbia and the ambitions of the Balkan nations living under Austro-Hungarian rule. The Kingdom of Serbs-Croats-Slovenes (Kingdom SHS) was established-full of internal troubles from the beginning.

The actions of Balkan insurgents during Eastern Crisis of 1875-1878 were closely followed by Giuseppe Garibaldi and his supporters as well as by the Italian politicians and writers that were a part Mazzini?s school of thought. Garibaldi actively sustained the insurgents and his red shirts went to fight in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first year of the Crisis. When the uprising evolved into a war of Serbia and Montenegro against the Ottomans the involvement of red shirts as well as the one of volunteers in general was considerable reduced, with the exception of the Russian contingent under the commandment of the Russian general Mikhail Chernyaev. However, the interest for the ongoing developments in the Bosnia and Herzegovina only changed the form, since Italian politicians and journalists made several projects trying to mobilize Italian general public to support South Slav cause. The Venetian writer Marco Antonio Canini even imagined a confederal solution for the nations in the Danube basin thus trying to overcome the conflicts between the nascent nationalisms that could dispute among them the territorial heritage of the Austria-Hungary after its projected demise. None of the projects were put in practice, but they remain as testimony of Italian interest and involvement into the Great Eastern Crisis and its consequences.

The issue of war crimes and suffering of the population during the Second World War is very complex since it still in many cases serves as a subject of manipulation, in addition, a large number of crimes and suffering is very difficult to investigate and reliably determine the exact number of victims. After the end of the war, it was necessary to show as many victims as possible in order to get as many war reparations as possible, but over time the numbers began to serve the purpose of manipulation to strengthen nationalism, especially Serbian, which can be seen in the number of Jasenovac victims, which without any arguments reached as many as 800,000. If we take the official data on war losses during the Second World War, we will see that Yugoslavia had 1,706,000. casualties while the UK had around 450,900 deaths in total and the US had 418,500 casualties. So it is interesting that Yugoslavia's losses are greater than the total losses that Britain and the United States had together, which ultimately carried the brunt of World War II. In addition, it is important to emphasize that Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged from World War II with enormous human and material losses. 541,717 inhabitants were killed and about 417,000 residential buildings were destroyed. Of that number, more than 103,000 related to the suffering of Bosniaks. Taking the losses in Yugoslavia, it is evident that the losses of Bosnia and Herzegovina are greater than the losses of Serbia, Vojvodina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro combined. The following reasons can be used as an answer to the question „why?“, and that is primarily bad doctrine and strategy of war, desire for power and conflict of ideologies, as well as violent implementation of national state projects, the Greater Serbian project and the Greater Croatian project, with the aim of creating a homogeneous space. ¸ It is very important not to observe the events from the Second World War, especially the sensitive ones, globally, but separately, because only in this way will research not mislead us. Crimes should be viewed in the context of events and the responsibilities of commanders and perpetrators. As for the suffering of the population, it is evident that the most tragic fate is mostly borne by Bosniaks since they were under attack by all ideologies and their formations, but their greatness stems from the fact that their pain and position did not lead them to evil. Thus, Bosniaks are the only people who did not have their own fascist movement, nor did their formations organize targeted attacks on places where residents of other denominations lived. It is obvious that they never accepted Ustasha crimes and racial politics, they distanced themselves even more from evil at the very beginning, and there were energetic actions to protect their neighbors, while on the other hand there is no indication that Serb or Croat neighbors stopped to protect their Bosniak neighbors. Instead of being rewarded for their anti-fascism and nobility by the new government, Bosniaks are again under open attack, and for some areas it is evident that this repression resulted in more suffering during the „liberation“ than during the entire war. What is especially unfortunate is the fact that even today there are attempts to manipulate the numbers of victims by mostly Greater Serbia protagonists, who seek to relativize history and continue to spread hatred, telling untruths or distorting historical facts.

Within contemporary geopolitical processes, respect for the rights of national minorities is no longer the discretion of a state, but rather is an indirect or direct international regulation of the minority issue. In the beginning of the 1990s, the political economical crisis and disintegration of the former SFRY opened the national question, that was considered to be permanently and successfully solved, in the most dramatic way, and ethnic conflicts and clashes followed the desintegration of the country. With the formation of a new states on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, the existence of numerous and different national minorities ("old" and "new") required a different approach to their protection and integration in complex political circumstances. Thus, the position of the so called new minorities drastically changed since they formed constituent nations in the former SFRY, while after secession they remained separated from their home nations and became national minorities almost overnight. Out of Serbia, in former Yugoslav republics live nearly half a million persons belonging to Serbian nationality as new national minority. The paper discusses the position and rights of the Serbian minority in the post Yugoslav states (Slovenia, Croatia, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro) as well as in some neighboring member states of the European Union (Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria). In addition to the analysis of basic demographic indicators (number and spatial distribution) that determine the realization of the rights and freedoms of each minority, the paper examines the issue of protecting the national, cultural and linguistic identity of Serbs, as well as the ways of its preservation and improvement. Although the social and legal status of the Serbian minority is determined by European standards, the analysis points to their undefined status, since they still do not recognize the status of a national minority in some countries, and that they are in practice faced with more or less assimilation. In order to fully realize minority rights and improve the position of the Serb minority, ratified international documents, bilateral agreements, national laws, as well as well-designed policies and assistance from the home state are of great importance.Respecting basic human rights and freedom, as well as national minority protection, represent the basic factors of stability, security and democratic and socio-economic development of every country.

The article analyzes the philosophical problems of legal Slavistics associated with the formation of the updated pan-Slavic state-legal ideology aimed at the development and improvement of Confederate and Federal forms of Slavic Association. The author consistently investigates conceptual, civilizational and geopolitical obstacles of the Slavic unity connected with religious, military-political and nationalist dissociation of the Slavic peoples. At the same time, the presented work suggests ways to overcome the anti-Slavic political and legal dogmas, with the help of education aimed at the formation among the Slavs of the pan-Slavic doctrine of the primacy of the Slavic communal-tribal system, built on the basis of archaic socialism (mutual responsibility and mutual assistance); Veche rule; freedom, denial of all forms of slavery; linguistic kinship; organic unity of personal and community interests, with the recognition of the unconditional primacy of sovereign values over private; as well as the supremacy of spiritual and moral principles over material needs. In practical terms, a legal project is proposed for the development of the Union State of the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation, which in the form of government can be a collegial Republic, in the form of state-territorial structure - a Confederation with a tendency to federalization and a democratic-polyarchic state regime. In addition, the author believes that from a civilizational point of view, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia are predisposed to unite in the West Slavic Confederation-the Great Vagria or Venea; Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, having common historical, state and religious - Orthodox roots are obliged within the framework of reunification to create the East Slavic Confederation-Svetlorossia; in the Balkans, led by Serbia, it is necessary to revive the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia with the inclusion of the Republic of Serbia, the Republic of Montenegro, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, the Republic of Bulgaria, the Republic of Serbia Krajina. Slovenia and Croatia should be merged into the Croatian-Slovenian Federation. In the future, Slavic confederal unions and the Federation, together with the Slavic communities beyond the national borders of the Slavic Nations ( for example, Sorbs in Germany) for the preservation of their identity and the free development have the potential to unite in a pan-Slavic Union state - the Great Vseslav. It is advisable to elect a collegial Republic as a form of government of the great all-Russia; a form of state-territorial unity of the Confederate-Federal Union of Slavic peoples, communities and States with a socially guaranteed regime of political democracy.

Case Nos.2 BvR 2115/01, 2 BvR 2132/01, & 2 BvR 348/03.60 Neue Juristische Wochenschrift 499 (2007). At <http://www.bundesverfassungsgericht.de>.Bundesverfassungsgericht (Federal Constitutional Court of Germany), September 19, 2006.On September 19, 2006, the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany (Bundesverfassungsgericht) held in jointly decided Case Nos. 2 BvR 2115/01, 2 BvR 2132/01, & 2 BvR 348/03 that a failure to provide consular information to foreign nationals pursuant to Article 36 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations (VCCR) violates the guarantee of a fair trial as provided by the German Constitution (Grundgesetz). The result is in contrast to a recent U. S. Supreme Court decision in Sanchez-Llamas v. Oregon, a strikingly similar case.The defendants, two nationals of Turkey and two of Serbia-Montenegro, were arrested in the course of different criminal investigations. They were informed of their rights as defendants as guaranteed by Germany's law of criminal procedure. The prosecuting authorities failed, however, to provide information on the defendants’ right to contact the consular staffs of their own countries in compliance with the VCCR. Three defendants were found guilty of murder and sentenced to lifetime imprisonment by the district court (Landgericht) of Braunschweig. The district court of Hamburg found the fourth defendant guilty of a robbery that resulted in the death of a victim, and sentenced him to eleven years’ imprisonment. Since the defendants refused to make statements, the criminal courts relied, inter alia, on the testimony of the police officers questioning the defendants after their various arrests. During the subsequent criminal proceedings, the defendants, presumably out of ignorance, made no attempt to invoke their consular rights, and the district courts seemed to be equally unaware of those rights.

The last twenty years has seen an increasing presence of Balkan organized crime groups in security reports and newspapers’ headlines. This does not mean that mafia groups did not exist during Socialist Yugoslavia – even if its collapse and the following war made criminals and smugglers useful for politicians and leaders to maintain their power; it rather means that Balkan organized crime came outside its traditional areas of action in Serbia, Montenegro and Albania: less territorial and nationalist than it was before, it is now gaining prominence in an international scenario, making agreements with Italian and South American mafias – the so-called Holy Alliance – to manage drug routes towards Western Europe. One of the most interesting factors concerning Balkan mafia groups today is their presence in countries which traditionally do not have a history of organized crime, such as the Scandinavian states. One of the reasons lies in the wide percentage of immigrants moving from Balkan countries to Sweden or Norway. Since the wars of the 1990s in the former Yugoslavia, war-crimes fugitives were able to become common criminals in these countries, such as the infamous Želiko Raznjatović (“Arkan”). However, year by year, these gangs grew larger, taking advantage of the “expertise” and the resources gained during the war. In particular, the most spectacular case – the Våstberga helicopter robbery in 2009 – showed how these groups operate with military-style precision, utilize a wide number of participants, and have at their disposal laerge amounts of weapons and money. This paper will draw on the importance of Scandinavian – Balkan mafia relations in relation to three main criminal areas: drug and weapon smuggling and human trafficking, in order to underline the role of diasporas in enforcing organized crime groups and the extent to which these mafias could be a threat for the stability in both Eastern and Western Europe.

This is a surprising-and disquieting-judgment which raises serious questions about the role of the Court. The Legality of Use of Force cases began in 1999 when the Federal Republic ofYugoslavia (FRY)2 first brought an action against ten NATOStates for their use of force in Kosovo.3 In December 2004 the Court decided unanimously that it had no jurisdiction to decide the cases. However, this unanimity masked a fundamental disagreement between the judges: it is apparent from the Joint Declaration of Judges Ranjeva, Guillaume, Higgins, Kooijmans, Al-Khasawneh, Buergenthal and Elaraby that the judges were strongly divided, by eight to seven, on the reasoning which led them to agree that there was no jurisdiction.

This paper presents our recent knowledge concerning the fauna of centipedes (Chilopoda) in Serbia and Montenegro. In this study 5 species are considered as new for the fauna of Serbia, but only one for Montenegro. There exist 42 centipede species and subspecies in Serbia, and 43 species and subspecies in Montenegro; these have been classified into 13 genera and 8 families (Serbia) and into 17 genera and 8 families (Montenegro).

The author deals with a set of questions that have emerged after the secession of the Republic of Montenegro from the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, and they are as follows: international legal continuity of Serbia, membership of the two now independent states in various international organizations, the issues concerning the succession between Serbia and Montenegro, regulation of various individual rights of the citizens from the former State Union, etc.

A Concealed Fragment of the History of Montenegro: The Incorporation of Montenegro into Serbia in 1918The circumstances accompanying the incorporation of Montenegro into Serbia in November 1918 were marked by an internal conflict in the Montenegrin nation, which, to be specific, was the conflict between King Nicholas I and his supporters on the one side and the group of pro-Serbian former ministers in Montenegrin governments on the other side. The royal camp aimed at maintaining independence of the Kingdom of Montenegro, while the pro-Serbian camp’s aspiration was unconditional incorporation of the country into the borders of the Kingdom of Serbia and later into the unified South Slavic Kingdom. The pro-Serbian camp tipped the scales in its favour as it organised the illegal National Assembly on the territory of Montenegro, which decided about the unification of Montenegro and Serbia and the dethronement of King Nicholas I. The consequences of this state of affairs led to a significant number of uprisings of the Montenegrins allied with the royal camp. Out of these, the Christmas Uprising gained a rank of a symbol. Montenegrin-Montenegrin and Montenegrin-Serbian fights involved considerable losses on the part of the people of Montenegro and the country’s architectural wealth, yet they solidified the national awareness of the Montenegrins, and the cult of this awareness made it possible to regain independence after 88 years of strong bonds with Serbia.

Entomological research and literature data on longhorn beetles (Coleoptera Cerambycidae) indicate the presence of 78 species on the mountain Fruska Gora, Serbia. Nineteen species are listed as rare on the territory of Serbia and Montenegro. Based on information about their bionomy and general distribution, these species are divided into five groups: a group of species with narrow ranges; a group of species whose range border passes through the territory of Serbia and Montenegro; a group of species which develop on only a few botanical species; a group of species for which the territory of Serbia and Montenegro is not their range border, but which are found rarely; and species introduced to Europe.

Background/Aim: Patients in developing countries do not always receive adequate painrelieving treatment. Monitoring of analgesic consumption is of great importance, since this can help assessing the quality of painful condition management. The aim of this paper is to present a five-year consumption and costs of drugs with analgesic effects in developing countries, exemplified by Serbia and Montenegro, and indicate the main reasons for their (in)adequate prescribing. Methods: The observational, retrospective, cross-sectional study was conducted in order to analyse consumption of all analgesics, both opioid and non-opioid, in Serbia and Montenegro, as developing countries. The data concerning analgesic consumption and drug prices were obtained from annual editions of the publications of the Medicines and Medical Devices Agency of Serbia and Montenegro. The WHO methodology with defined daily dose (DDD) as a unit of measure (it is defined by the number of DDD per 1000 inhabitants per day) was used in these publications. Results: In the course of the fiveyear period (from 2015 to 2019) in Serbia, the total allocations for analgesic therapy had a rising trend; from about 43.6 million to 63.3 million of Euros, while in Montenegro expenditures showed annual variations with highest value in 2018. Most of the money in both countries was invested in M01A group of drugs, for which the highest consumption was also recorded. Significantly higher consumption of opioid analgesics in Montenegro comparing with Serbia was observed in the same period, and it predominatly reflected the difference in fentanyl (N02AB03, transdermal patch) prescribing. In Montenegro, consumption of M01group of drugs was prominently higher in comparison to M01AE group during the whole five-year period, similarly like in Serbia in which this was not the case only in 2018. Conclusions: Taking into account the importance of analgesics for everyday medical practice, more rational prescribing of these drugs is necessary both in Serbia and Montenegro in the future.

The aims of this research are the establishment of the level and the structure of European and national identity of the citizens of Serbia and Montenegro, as well as the establishment of relations between socio-demographic characteristics of the subjects (regional belonging, age, level of education) and European identity. The sample consisted of 2853 subjects from four regions (Vojvodina, Sumadija with Belgrade, Southern Serbia, and Montenegro), divided into two age groups and two levels of education. To evaluate certain components of national and European identity, we applied EUROID2002 scale (Francesko et al., 2002). The application of the cluster analysis method defined three groups of subjects of various social identity profile: 1. multi-layered identity (European and national), 2. national exclusivity and 3. undifferentiated social identity. As factors of differentiation of subjects in the respect of European and national identity, there emerged regional belonging, age and educational level. Besides, the results show that the level of education is the most important factor in the creation of this form of social identity.

Five hundred and twenty species have been recorded for the fauna of Noctuidae (Lepidoptera) in Serbia (Vasic, 2002). In addition to this, there are the research data for Mt. Durmitor in Montenegro (about 260 species have been recorded for the fauna of Noctuidae in Montenegro). The species Mythimna languida (Walker, 1858), Mythimna congrua (H?bner, 1817), and Mythimna riparia (Rambur, 1829), represent species of the genus Mythimna (Lepidoptera: Noctuidae, Hadeninae) new for the fauna of Serbia and Montenegro. These species were found in the Bay of Kotor or Boka Kotorska (Southwest Montenegro). The finding of Mythimna languida represents the northernmost finding of that species in Europe.

Daphne malyana Blecic (Thymeleaceae) is an endemic species of the western part of the Balkan Peninsula, distributed in the mountains, canyons and gorges of N. Montenegro, E. Bosnia and W. Serbia. The comparative morphoanatomic investigations have included four distantly separated populations of the species D. malyana, i.e. two from Serbia, from the ravines of Sokoline and Vranjak on Mt. Tara, and two from Montenegro, in the canyons of the Tara and Piva rivers. Comparative morphoanatomical studies have shown the presence of general adaptive characteristics of a specific, conservative xeromorphic type, slightly differing in each population. Principal component analysis (PCA) and canonical discriminant analysis (CDA) of 20 morphoanatomical characteristics of the leaves and stems have shown a clear distinction between the populations from the river Piva canyon (Montenegro) and those from the Sokoline ravine (Serbia), on one side, and those of Vranjak gorge (Serbia) and of the river Tara canyon (Montenegro) on the other side. It may be assumed that the mild morphological variability of the isolated populations of the Balkan endemic species D. malyana in the canyons and gorges seem to have been affected by the microclimate conditions in their habitats.

The author illustrates the key issues of processes of the FR Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) before the International Court of Justice in The Hague (ICJ). Focused on explanations for the ICJ determination of the legal foundations for jurisdiction in accordance with international law, he gives legal remarks on reasons why the ICJ was able to consider them in the case of the Bosnia and Herzegovina vs. FR Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) and why it decided to lack jurisdiction in the cases against NATO. Examinations of the legal facts of the state responsibility do not prejudge questions of the jurisdiction of the ICJ that should be open in the case between Croatia and Serbia and Montenegro. The author's remarks follow the preliminary procedure of the ICJ and help consider the real state of all instituted proceedings.

In this study, the authors analyzed the problematic use of pornographic websites and Internet sex addiction in representative samples of respondents from different age groups including 2948 respondents from Serbia and 1486 from Montenegro. A standard questionnaire of 33 questions with answers in binary form was used. In addition to epidemiological indicators, the study also included nine family risk factors and six risk factors associated with early psychosocial developmental disorders. Finally, the social profiles of Internet sex addicts in Serbia and Montenegro were described. The results of the research showed that Internet sex addicts are mostly young adults aged 20 to 30. The overall dependency rate was estimated within average limits. In general, Internet sex addiction is among the lowest of all behavioral addictions. The authors see the reason for this in the greatest potency of this addiction for the development of addictive patterns of behavior, but also in the great predictiveness of this addiction together with the gambling addiction for the emergence and development of other behavioral addictions. All examined risk factors (except for shyness and reticence) do "separate" Internet sex addicts from those who do not have the listed risk factors at zero level of significance. However, an examination of the prediction of Internet sex addiction using binary logistic regression showed that aggressive and criminal behaviors in early youth, followed by disorders in educational and emotional relations between parents and children, have the highest predictive values for Internet sex addiction. Social profiles are unclear and unstructured, and the authors explain this by the fact that biological, not sociological, and sociocultural factors play a dominant role in developing addictive patterns of behavior.

In the main part of the paper an analysis of liberalism and globalization has been offered. It has been argued in the third part of the paper that the process of association between Serbia and Montenegro and European Union would contribute substantially to the solution of the so called "coordination problem" in Serbia and Montenegro-the country heavily burdened and ravaged by its historical past, recent civil wars, NATO bombardment and corruptive economy.

Introduction: Atmospheric ozone attenuates ultraviolet radiation reaching the Earth?s surface. Since UV-B radiation is considered the principal factor of causing the skin cancers, cataracts and some immunological disorders, determination of total ozone column has become everyday practice. In Serbia and Montenegro, such determinations are not being done. Satellite data for the entire globe are accessible. Objective: The objective of our work was to collect and analyze data for the territory of Serbia and Montenegro, because ozone is an important parameter for the study of effects and protection from UV radiation. METHODS Data collected during TOMS (Total Ozone Measuring Spectrometer) experiment are presented for grid whose elements are 1? latitude by 1.25? longitude. Grid elements in which the territory of Serbia and Montenegro comprises more than 50% of the element area were taken to represent the territory of Serbia and Montenegro. Eleven grid elements were selected and average monthly values for 272 months in the period from 1978 until 2004 were collected. Data for the period between 1993 and 1996 were unavailable. Results: Mean values of total ozone column and mean monthly values of eleven grid elements differed very little. Differences were smaller than magnitudes of random error. Average annual values of total ozone column above the territory of Serbia and Montenegro were in the range from 316 Dobson units (DU) in 2002 to 347 DU in 1981. Annual cyclic changes of total ozone column showed spring maxima and autumn minima. Maximal recorded monthly value was 421 DU in March 1987 and minimal monthly value was 271 DU in October 2001. There was a trend of decreasing total ozone column values in the period between 1979 and 1992 at the rate of approximately 4.5% per decade. Conclusion: Mean total ozone column value above the territory of Serbia and Montenegro can represent total ozone column for the whole territory. Annual cycles with spring maxima and autumn minima are in accordance with oscillations observed for middle northern latitudes. The trend showing 4.5% decrease per decade in the period between 1979 and 1992 corresponds well to trends calculated for comparable locations.