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Vaschenko, Vitalii. "Analysis of the modern inter-ethnic conflict : case study of Kosovo /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FVaschenko.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.
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Tarquinto, Michael S. "Serbia and Montenegro : together forever or one-night stand? /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FTarquinto.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): John Leslie, Stephen Garrett. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-79). Also available online.
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Ardolic, Mimoza. "Kosovo & Montenegro : Why Different Outcomes?" Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1911.
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<p>Abstract</p><p>University of Växjö, School of Social Sciences</p><p>Course: PO 5363, Political Science</p><p>Title: Kosovo & Montenegro – Why Different Outcomes?</p><p>Author: Mimoza Ardolic</p><p>Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt</p><p>Date: 2008-01-15</p><p>The purpose of this study has been to assess why the pursuit for independence turned out to be a matter of such difficulty in the case of Kosovo and not in Montenegro, seeing as they are two apparent similar cases.</p><p>The research questions are:</p><p> How can it be that two analogous situations where two regions (Kosovo and Montenegro), quite similar in several aspects, want independence from the same country (Serbia) result in so different outcomes?</p><p> Why has Kosovo’s attempt to achieve self-government been such a difficulty?</p><p> Why did Montenegro manage to achieve autonomy without (great) difficulties?</p><p>The findings are that despite the similarity between these two cases, they have ample differing characteristics as well. The factors detected are that whilst the Kosovo conflict is characterized by: a troublesome history, no common ground, an existing deep hatred, Russian opposition and the nationalist Milošević; the Montenegrin case is set apart by: an intertwining, rather peaceful history, friendly relations, Russian cordiality and the nationalist Djukanović.</p><p>The interpretation of these elements according to the nationalist theory is as follows: Milošević and Djukanović (and their ideology: nationalism) are the real causes. The other elements are mere means to their ambition for nation building. The difference between these two men and the elements (their means) explains the different outcomes in the two cases.</p>
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Vladisavljevic, Nebosa. "Serbia in turmoil : the collapse of Communism, mobilization and nationalism." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.415502.
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Bozeva-Abazi, Katrin. "The shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian national identities, 1800s-1900s." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19473.
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The nation-state is now the dominant form of sovereign statehood, however, a century and a half ago the political map of Europe comprised only a handful of sovereign states, very few of them nations in the modern sense. Balkan historiography often tends to minimize the complexity of nation-building, either by referring to the national community as to a monolithic and homogenous unit, or simply by neglecting different social groups whose consciousness varied depending on region, gender and generation. Further, Bulgarian and Serbian historiography pay far more attention to the problem of "how" and "why" certain events have happened than to the emergence of national consciousness of the Balkan peoples as a complex and durable process of mental evolution. This dissertation on the concept of nationality in which most Bulgarians and Serbs were educated and socialized examines how the modern idea of nationhood was disseminated among the ordinary people and it presents the complicated process of national indoctrination carried out by various state institutions. The historical data examined demonstrate that before the establishment of their sovereign states ordinary Serbs and Bulgarians had only a vague idea, if any, of their national identity. The peasantry was accustomed to defining itself in terms of religion, locality and occupation, not in terms of nationality. Once the nation state was established peasants had to be indoctrinated in nationalism. The inculcation was executed through the schooling system, military conscription, the Christian Orthodox Church, and the press. It was through the channels of these state institutions that a national identity came into existence.
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Asplund, Malin. "The Legitimacy of Secession and the Case of Montenegro." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-667.
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<p>Rätten till självbestämmande har traditionellt sett inneburit att staters suveränitet respekterats. Konceptet har dock kommit att applicerats på andra plan i större utsträckning, då man har argumenterat för rätten till nationellt självbestämmande. En gemensam kultur, eller liknande, har på så vis fungerat som underlag för secessionsrörelser. Secession kan ha allvarliga konsekvenser för de involverade politiska enheterna. Det kan även vara ett koncept svårt att implementera i verkligheten då det berör territoriella aspekter såväl som ifrågasätter vilka som hör till den utbrytande rörelsen. En teoretisk ram användbar för utvärdering av secession har därför sammanställts i denna uppsats, baserad på tre typer av secessionsteorier som applicerats på och jämförts med fallet Montenegro. Ramen bygger på en teoretisk diskussion rörande definitioner av nationalism, nationer och identitet. Dessa definitioner grundas på en civil och medborgerlig förståelse av nationalism, där identitet beskrivs som en dynamisk företeelse. Secessionsramen har därefter applicerats på fallet Montenegro som nyligen blivit en självständig stat. En utvärdering av fallet har sedan bedrivits, baserad på en historisk översikt av landet. För att understryka komplexiteten med secession presenteras sedan argument mot secession som inte bör betraktas som en lösning på etniska konflikter. Alternativa lösningar på sådana presenteras därefter vilket ger en insikt i multiculturalism. Sådana lösningar innebär alla en risk för att etniska gränser etsas fast istället för löses upp. Montenegros secession kan dock betraktas som legitim då relativts stabila demokratiska och liberala institutioner gått att finna även innan secessionen. Folkomröstningen var även den legitim och influerad av medborgarskap snarare än etnicitet.</p><br><p>The principle of self-determination traditionally refers to respect for state sovereignty. It has been increasingly employed to lower level communities as they have argued their right to national self-determination. National groups have, based on a common culture or likewise, made claims to secession. Secession can have severe consequences for either one of the two political units. It can also be extremely difficult to implement as it involves territorial aspects and the fundamental question of who belongs to the national group wishing to secede. A framework for evaluating the legitimacy of secession is developed in this thesis, based on three general types of secession theories applied and compared to the case of Montenegro. The framework builds upon a theoretical background defining what is meant by nationalism, nations and identity. The language used in this essay is therefore that of constructivism, rooted in the civic idea of nationalism. The belief that human identities are dynamic and subject to change is a crucial assumption. With the aid of an historical presentation of Montenegro, an evaluation of the region’s independence is made. To underline why secession should be implemented with care, arguments against secession are then presented. Secession should not be confused with a solution to ethnical tensions. Alternatives to secession are thus demonstrated, showing the complexity of the multiculturalist field in general. Multicultural policies risk fixing ethnical lines rather than dissolving them. The secession of Montenegro is legitimate as relatively stable democratic and liberal tradition existed prior to independence. The referendum in Montenegro was, more over, determined by a well organised referendum where civil elements dominated over</p>
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Kissopoulos, Lisa. "Nationalist Conflict and Elite Manipulation in Serbia and India." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186753678.
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Merry, Adrienne. "Socio-cultural aspects of functional regionalization in the cross-border area between Montenegro, Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia (SCAFRB)." Thesis, Lille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL1A025.
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Une nouvelle régulation macroéconomique et socio-économique dans la région centrale des Balkans conduisant à accélérer la croissance économique est à la fois nécessaire et possible. À partir d'une revue de littérature sur les différentes théories des développements macroéconomiques et en particulier les théories de la localisation, cette étude montre que du point de vue de la plupart des démocraties occidentales la région centrale des Balkans est toujours une région très instable en Europe. Une régionalisation fonctionnelle des Balkans est une énigme du point du développement, aussi bien pour les Balkans que pour l'Europe. De plus, pour l'Europe le défi est de former une communauté fonctionnelle dans une zone composée d'un grand nombre de communautés nationales qui ont connu des conflits nationaux très intense ces dernières décennies et dont les traces sont toujours très présentes aujourd'hui. Le défi pour les instances gouvernementales et de gestion des communautés locales est de savoir comment construire une transition viable pour passer d'une communauté qui dysfonctionne sur le plan socioculturel a un système intègre un système intégré et fonctionnel permettant un développement socioculturel et économique. L'étude analyse les forces et faiblesses d'une région particulière des Balkans, la région des montagnes du Sharr, et les possibilités de mettre en place une coopération transfrontalière entre différentes cités de manière à catalyser le développement socio-économique. Plusieurs projets auxquels a participé l'auteur de l'étude sont présentés. Les enjeux sont importants et les défis très incertains<br>New social-economic macro-regionalization in the Central Balkans, leading to accelerating the pace of economic growth in the monitored area, is both necessary and possible. From a review of the literature it is clear that in the view of most western democracies the Central Balkans still remains the most unstable region in the western world. Functional regionalization of the Balkans is a developmental enigma for the Balkans as well as for Europe. Secondly, for Europe, the challenge is to form a functioning community originally in an area composed of a number of different national communities that have recently been in the most harmful national conflict. The challenge of local government community is how best to construct a viable transition from a dysfunctional socio-cultural community to an integrated functional global socio-cultural system.The study analyses the strengths and weaknesses of a particular Balkan area, the Shaar Mountains area, and the possibilities to set up trans-borders cooperation between several cities in order to enhance socio-economic development. Several projects the author has participated to are presented. The stakes are high, and the challenges still uncertain
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Guzina, Dejan. "Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state, the case of Serbia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ52322.pdf.
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Guzina, Dejan Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state; the case of Serbia." Ottawa, 2000.
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Berjan, Sinisa <1979>. "Rural governance and livelihoods systems diversification in the Western Balkans: comparative case studies of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6663/1/Berjan_Sinisa_tesi.pdf.
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Agriculture is still important for socio-economic development in rural areas of Bosnia, Montenegro and Serbia (BMS). However, for sustainable rural development rural economies should be diversified so attention should be paid also to off-farm and non-farm income-generating activities. Agricultural and rural development (ARD) processes and farm activity diversification initiatives should be well governed. The ultimate objective of this work is to explore linkages between ARD governance and rural livelihoods diversification in BMS. The thesis is based on an extended secondary data analysis and surveys. Questionnaires for ARD governance and coordination were sent via email to public, civil society and international organizations. Concerning rural livelihood diversification, the field questionnaire surveys were carried out in three rural regions of BMS. Results show that local rural livelihoods are increasingly diversified but a significant share of households are still engaged in agriculture. Diversification strategies have a chance to succeed taking into consideration the three rural regions’ assets. However, rural households have to tackle many problems for developing new income-generating activities such as the lack of financial resources. Weak business skills are also a limiting factor. Fully exploiting rural economy diversification potential in BMS requires many interventions including improving rural governance, enhancing service delivery in rural areas, upgrading rural people’s human capital, strengthening rural social capital and improving physical capital, access of the rural population to finance as well as creating a favourable and enabling legal and legislative environment fostering diversification. Governance and coordination of ARD policy design, implementation and evaluation is still challenging in the three Balkan countries and this has repercussions also on the pace of rural livelihoods diversification. Therefore, there is a strong and urgent need for mobilization of all rural stakeholders and actors through appropriate governance arrangements in order to foster rural livelihoods diversification and quality of life improvement.
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Berjan, Sinisa <1979>. "Rural governance and livelihoods systems diversification in the Western Balkans: comparative case studies of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6663/.
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Agriculture is still important for socio-economic development in rural areas of Bosnia, Montenegro and Serbia (BMS). However, for sustainable rural development rural economies should be diversified so attention should be paid also to off-farm and non-farm income-generating activities. Agricultural and rural development (ARD) processes and farm activity diversification initiatives should be well governed. The ultimate objective of this work is to explore linkages between ARD governance and rural livelihoods diversification in BMS. The thesis is based on an extended secondary data analysis and surveys. Questionnaires for ARD governance and coordination were sent via email to public, civil society and international organizations. Concerning rural livelihood diversification, the field questionnaire surveys were carried out in three rural regions of BMS. Results show that local rural livelihoods are increasingly diversified but a significant share of households are still engaged in agriculture. Diversification strategies have a chance to succeed taking into consideration the three rural regions’ assets. However, rural households have to tackle many problems for developing new income-generating activities such as the lack of financial resources. Weak business skills are also a limiting factor. Fully exploiting rural economy diversification potential in BMS requires many interventions including improving rural governance, enhancing service delivery in rural areas, upgrading rural people’s human capital, strengthening rural social capital and improving physical capital, access of the rural population to finance as well as creating a favourable and enabling legal and legislative environment fostering diversification. Governance and coordination of ARD policy design, implementation and evaluation is still challenging in the three Balkan countries and this has repercussions also on the pace of rural livelihoods diversification. Therefore, there is a strong and urgent need for mobilization of all rural stakeholders and actors through appropriate governance arrangements in order to foster rural livelihoods diversification and quality of life improvement.
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Erdem, Muhammed F. "The Role of Elites in the Formation of National Identities: The Case of Montenegro." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7020.
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This study aims to answer two interlinked central questions with respect to Montenegrins’ divide over statehood and identity: Why and how Montenegrins, whom were once called ‘the purest and the best of Serbs’, sought to end their century-long common state experience with Serbia and instead establish their own nation-state in 2006, and what explains the rise of Montenegrin national identity and its transformation into nationalism? In attempting to answer these questions, it traces the historical development of Montenegrin national thought dating back to the early 20th century when Montenegro was annexed by the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Through the use and examination of opinion polls, newspaper articles, political and ethno-cultural state policies implemented by the ruling political elites, and their interviews, public speeches, and press conferences, this study also seeks to unveil how Montenegrin-ness evolved over time.
The central argument running through this thesis is that Montenegrin nationalism as a political phenomenon was precipitated through elite competition. In their competition over social, political, or economic resources, the Montenegrin elites, through the implementation of political and ethno-cultural state policies and the active use of media outlets, managed to turn certain facts and events into points of reference for the citizens of Montenegro in the way they identify themselves. Thus, those events have become the basis of people’s belonging to a certain community and helped demarcate that specific community (Montenegrins) from that of Serbs. Backed by the reconstructed meaning of Montenegrin-ness, this emerging Montenegrin national consciousness facilitated the breakup with Serbia and the declaration of independence on 21 May 2006.
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Hislope, Robert Lee Jr. "Nationalism, ethnic politics, and democratic consolidation: a comparative study of Croatia, Serbia, and Bosina-Hercegovina." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243525546.
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Hislope, Robert Lee. "Nationalism, ethnic politics, and democratic consolidation : a comparative study of Croatia, Serbia, and Bosnia-Hercegovina /." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487863429095533.
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Huennekens, John Preston. "The Serbian Paradox: The Cost of Integration into the European Union." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/83453.
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This project addresses the Republic of Serbia’s current accession negotiations with the European Union, and asks how the country’s long and often turbulent history affects that dialogue. Using Filip Ejdus’ concept of historical memory and Benedict Anderson’s “imagined community” theory of nationalism, this paper discusses how Serbia has reached a critical moment in its history by pursuing European integration. This contradicts their historical pull towards their longtime ally Russia. What role does historical memory play in these negotiations, and is integration truly possible? Additionally, how is Serbia’s powerful president, Aleksandar Vucic, using the Europeanization process to strengthen his hand domestically?<br>Master of Arts
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Khan, Mahmood Nawaz. "Genocide, Territory, and the Geopolitics of International Adjudication: The Judgment of the International Court of Justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11991.
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xi, 189 p.<br>Human rights advocates have championed the establishment of a regime of international legal accountability for grave violations of human rights, including genocide. Despite recent advances in establishing a regime of responsibility for individuals, when the International Court of Justice pronounced its 2007 judgment on the first case of state responsibility for genocide, Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro, it exonerated Serbia of the most serious charges. Key to the Court's judgment was its spatialized definition of genocide as 'destruction in part' and its acceptance of Serbia's calculated strategy of legal immunization of establishing the Bosnian territory it sought to annex as a formally separate political entity. Considering the Court's latitude of interpretation regarding these spatial and territorial factors in light of the law, this thesis argues that geopolitical considerations influenced a judgment that will greatly limit the future possibility of any state or individual being found responsible for genocide.<br>Committee in charge: Shaul Cohen, Co-Chair;
Alexander B. Murphy, Co-Chair
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Ba, Oumar. "La politisation des partis à caractère ethnique dans les pays postcommunistes d’Europe Centrale et Orientale : une comparaison des trajectoires de la Bulgarie, la Serbie, le Monténégro et le Kosovo." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40052.
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Les révolutions de l’Est ont induit la fragmentation des Etats qui s’est accompagnée, sur le plan interne par une renaissance des partis ethniques ; ce qui ne va pas sans poser de problèmes à la démocratie politique. Les transitions et a fortiori les consolidations démocratiques font émerger un double phénomène d’interaction entre les acteurs et le système, dans la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Les partis ethniques se politisent alors que le système s’ouvre à l’acteur ethnique. On assiste donc à un réajustement évolutif du système devant la nouvelle donne. Le système s’ouvre aux nouvelles demandes à caractère ethnique de différentes façons et à différents degrés : entre la légalisation et la tolérance. Côté acteurs, les partis ethniques rentrent progressivement dans le jeu politique ; de différentes façons et à différents degrés. Dans notre champ problématique les relations interactives se déploient entre acteurs multi-niveaux (partis-Etats) et dans les divers champs (politique, sociétal et juridique). Leurs connexions sont croisées entre l’espace étatique et internationale, public et civil, politique et sociétal ; avec les Etats d’accueil ou d’origine, mais aussi, les Etats-tiers. Ils sont à velléités indépendantistes ou simplement des lobbies politiques. Nous avons essayé de mettre en lumière les principaux aspects de la complexité de la question ethnique dans les jeunes démocraties politiques ‘‘en consolidation’’. La problématique ethnique des PECO peut-elle nous aider à compléter en actualisant certaines visions généralistes des sciences politiques ? Les acteurs impliqués sont ainsi invités à éviter les pièges des nationalismes perçus comme ‘‘mesquins’’, voire ‘‘chaotiques’’ tout en servant la cause d’une plus souple intégration politique alias la ‘‘paix démocratique’’<br>The revolutions of Eastern induced fragmentation of States were accompanied internally by a revival of ethnic parties, which is not without its problems in political democracy. Transitions and even more democratic consolidation are emerging a double phenomenon of interaction between actors and the system in search of a new equilibrium. Ethnic parties then politicize the system opens the ethnic actor. We are witnessing an evolutionary adjustment of the system to the new situation. The system opens to the new demands ethnic ways and to different degrees: between legalization and tolerance. Side actors, are gradually returning ethnic parties in the political game, in different ways and to different degrees. In our problem the field deploy interactive relationships between multi-level actors (parties-States) and in the various fields (political, societal and legal). Their connections are crossed between the State and international space, public and civil, political and social, with host countries or origin, but also the third States. They are separatist ambitions or simply political lobbies. We tried to highlight the main aspects of the complexity of the ethnic issue in young democracies political '' in consolidation ''. The ethnic problem of CEEC can help us to complete updating some general visions of political science? The actors involved are invited to avoid the pitfalls of nationalism perceived as '' petty '' or '' chaotic '' while serving the cause of a more flexible policy integration to the ‘‘democratic peace’’
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Ardolic, Mimoza. "Greater Albania - The Next Crisis in the Balkans?" Thesis, Växjö University, Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5430.
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<p>The Balkans has suffered from quite a few problems as a result of the countless ambitious endeavors for great states of the ethnic groups residing in the Peninsula. The most recent great state idea to have caused troubles in the region is the Serbs’ Great Serbia (i.e. Yugoslvia), which caused a cycle of wars, the latest one being the war in Kosovo in the late 1990s. This thesis attempts to evaluate the rumors of yet another great state in the making – or rather awakening again: the attempt at a Greater Albania, and whether the Albanians in the Balkans are still harboring the idea of any such state. Particular emphasis is placed upon the following questions:</p><p> </p><ul><li>Where does the idea of a Greater Albania stem from?</li><li>Is a Greater Albania today still on the Albanians’ agenda as a real political plan?</li><li>What speaks for and against a Greater Albania? Is the idea even feasible?</li></ul><p> </p><p>The findings indicate that none of the Albanian communities residing in the Balkan region wish for a Greater Albania, nor do their leaders. The Serbs nonetheless maintain that an Albanian threat exists and has done so ever since 1878 when the idea of a Greater Albania first arose. However, according to the results of this study, their claims lack credibility. Everything indicates that today, and with Albania striving for membership in the European Union, the idea of a Greater Albania has been left in the past.</p>
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Popovic, Dunja. "Economic inequality and Nationalism : Relationship between the discourse of Nation and the National and economic reforms in Yugoslavia, Case Study: Serbia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-327039.
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Taking into consideration that national identity and nationalism are not purely political, and trying not to simplify the factors that led to fallout of the state, I will try to research the history of Yugoslavia in relation to economic reforms and the discourse in literature and media. Most analysis turn to ethno-nationalism and deep-rooted hate. However, this master thesis will take into consideration some other variables, like the economic reforms and the role of the media, literature and political elites that followed. The main hypothesis is that the implementation of the economic reforms that were introduced during transition weakened the previous economic system in Yugoslavia and that these reforms went hand in hand with the rise of nationalism in the media and literature caused the rise of nationalistic discourse in different parts of Yugoslavia. The main hypothesis is that the implementation of the economic reforms that went hand in hand with the nationalistic discourse in the media and literature caused the rise of nationalism in different parts of Yugoslavia. The most important unit around which I will define the main research is the question of neoliberal reforms and its effects on the nation and the national discourse through media and literature in former Yugoslavia. This is going to be a research on the consequences of those variables in Yugoslavia and the rise of ethno-nationalism in Serbia, and with that respect, the main research question will be: ‘’What is the relation between the economic reforms, politics, literature and media on the rise of nationalism in Yugoslavia before the fallout?’’ Additional questions are: ‘’How did economic reforms in the 1960s affect the rise of nationalism?’’, How did media, literature discourse and the political elite affect the rise of nationalism?’’ This thesis describes the break-up of Yugoslavia in relation to economic reforms and literature and media, perceiving it as a political, economic, as well as a cultural project.
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Levi, Dejan. "Negotiating tropes of madness : trauma and identity in post-Yugoslav cinemas." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/negotiating-tropes-of-madness-trauma-and-identity-in-postyugoslav-cinemas(70e003f1-291b-4fb4-b14a-b1ec628750c5).html.
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This thesis examines how madness has been used in post-Yugoslav cinemas to facilitate thinking about experiences of the break-up of the SFRY throughout the 1990s and 2000s, its consequences and implications for the future. The study conceptualises post-Yugoslav film cultures as public spheres in which artistic and industrial practices are often combined to create meaning around the core themes of trauma and identity in post-Yugoslav cultures. Working with seven feature-length titles from a range of post-Yugoslav successor states (Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Macedonia and Kosovo) I illustrate how images of madness have been essential in the cultural processing of events of the 1990s. Whilst featuring individuals suffering mental instabilities and disturbances, and sometimes asylums or mental health institutions, I contend such films are not ultimately concerned – on a thematic level – with mental health, but instead focus on the use of such characters in a metaphoric capacity for engaging core themes of Yugoslav break-up, conflicts, and difficulties of subsequent transition. Using the semantic/syntactic approach to genre, I identify two common ways in which madness is used on a textual level to engage these core themes. The first of these, the ‘inside-out asylum trope of madness’, is concerned with the use of the asylum in films which assess critically the dominant political ideologies of the successor states in question at a time when political pluralism was not yet established by the transition process. Films discussed include Burlesque Tragedy (Marković, 1995), Marshall Tito’s Spirit (Brešan, 1999), and Kukumi (Qosja, 2005). The second trope is the ‘multiple realities trope of madness’ in which the presentation of diegetic reality on screen is adapted to reflect various conceptualisations of trauma and loss arising from Yugoslav break-up and transition. Here the films include Loving Glances (Karanović, 2003), Fuse (Žalica, 2003), Mirage (Ristovski, 2004) and Land of Truth, Love and Freedom (Petrović, 2000). Across the films selected, it is madness which ultimately provides a diverse pool of metaphors and images for an assessment of Yugoslavia’s traumatic demise and the ensuing process of picking through the debris of its ideology, cultural practices, values and ways of living for precisely what might be salvageable and what should be discarded.
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Duško, Vujačić. "Proračun intenziteta erozije zemljišta u Polimlju (Crna Gora i Srbija) i Širindareh slivu (Iran) korišćenjem WIntErO modela." Phd thesis, Univerzitet u Novom Sadu, Prirodno-matematički fakultet u Novom Sadu, 2019. https://www.cris.uns.ac.rs/record.jsf?recordId=110194&source=NDLTD&language=en.
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Predmet ovog rada predstavlja geografski prostor sliva Lima od Plavskog jezera do brane HE ''Potpeć'', kao jedne prostorno-funkcionalne cjeline,koji se prostire na teritorijama država Crne Gore (2334 km <sup>2</sup>), Srbije (2407,7 km <sup>2</sup> ) i Albanije (115,5km <sup>2 </sup>) i Širindareh sliv na NE Irana.Korišćenjem računarsko-grafičkog metodaprograma "WintErO", u proučavanju oticanja i intenziteta erozije, vrijednosti površina (površina slivova, površina između izohipsi i sl.) i dužina, tj.rastojanja sa karte (dužina glavnog vodotoka, dužina linije vododjelnice i sl.) veoma precizno je obrađena,što nije uvijek bio slučaj kod primjene mehaničkih instrumenata, planimetara i kurvimetra. Obradom dobijenih fizičko-geografskih inputa, nakon unosa podataka, dobijeni su rezultati. Detaljan prikaz ove računarsko grafičke metode predstavljen je u rezultatima ove doktorske disertacije.Dio istraživanja ovog doktorskog rada obavljen je na području sjeveroistoka Irana, u slivu Širindareh. Oko 100 miliona hektara iranske teritorije je izloženo eroziji ili drugim hemijskih i fizičkih degradacija.Erozija vodom ugoržava velike površine u Iranu,uništavajući pri tom plodna poljoprivredna zemljišta. Skoro 35 miliona hektara Irana je pod uticajem različitih vrsta erozije vodom. Ova činjenica je bila povod i izazov da se i ova istraživanja dijelom osvrnu na ovu problematiku u Iranu, testirajući pri tomnovopripemljeni model WIntErO na jednom od slivova u Iranu.<br>The subject of this paper is the geographical area of the Lim Basin from Plav Lake to the dam "Potpeć", as a spatial-functional unit, spreading in the territories of the countries of Montenegro (2,334 km2), Serbia (2407,7 km2) and Albania 115.5 km2). In mathematicalgeographical terms, the research area is between 42 ° 37 'and 43 ° 30' north latitude and 17 ° 10 'and 17 ° 23' east longitude. The research area is located in the north of Albania, east and north-east of Montenegro, and in the southwest of Serbia. Using the computer-graphic method of the "WintErO" program, in the study of the erosion and intensity of erosion, the surface values (surface of the basins, the area between isohipins, etc.) and length, The distance from the map (the length of the main watercourse, the length of the line of the water line, etc.) is very precisely processed, which was not always the case with the use of mechanical instruments, planimeters and curvimeters. By obtaining the obtained physicalgeographic inputs, after entering the data, results were obtained. A detailed view of this computer graphic method is presented in the results of this doctoral dissertation. Part of the research of this doctoral thesis was done in the area of the northeast of Iran, in the Shirindareh basin. About 100 million hectares of Iranian territory are exposed to erosion or other types of chemical and physical degradation (Kheirodin, 2016). Erosion by water entangles large areas in Iran, destroying fertile agricultural land (Sadeghi, 2017). Almost 35 million hectares of Iran are under the influence of various types of water erosion (Zakerinejad and Maerker, 2015). This fact was also a cause and challenge for the research to partly look at this issue in Iran, testing the new WIntErO model on one of the basins in Iran.
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Zajoncová, Veronika. "Kandidátske krajiny EU: zhodnotenie prípravy na pristúpenie." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-200118.
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The thesis describes the process of enlargement of EU, with emphasis on circumstances, which influences the enlargement process, with current candidate countries (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Iceland, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey) and the new member state Croatia as example. The thesis is divided into three chapters; first chapter presents basic information about phases of the process. Second chapter deals with previous enlargements of European Community, or EU. Third chapter analyzes current candidate states, presents their political and economical characteristics and current stage of the process. A part of the third chapter predicts future development and possible date of the entry of each candidate state.
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Giustina, SELVELLI. "L' "ideologizzazione" degli alfabeti in Bulgaria e Croazia nel contesto post-imperiale e post-socialista." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10278/3749591.
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My thesis analyses the relationship between writing systems and ethnic cohesion in the processes of national identity construction in Bulgaria and Croatia. I investigate the role played by alphabetic questions in the course of some critical moments of socio-politic passage in both of the countries, corresponding to the inter-war and post-imperial period and to the most recent post-socialist one. With such aim, I consider several texts related to “alphabetic disputes” (in reference with the Cyrillic/Latin debate), coming from representatives of the intellectual and cultural field, integrated in some cases with official legal documents related to writing matters and inscribed in the respective signification space at a national and international ideological level. The aim is to highlight the fact that delicate questions in the field of writing systems with the respective choices on the matter reflect the positioning of the countries in different political and cultural contexts, representing the attempt to construct a national narrative in line with the historical moment and the dominant identitary ideology. In addition to this, I will prove that the national construction serves itself of the element of the alphabet in order to affirm in a highly symbolic way its identity in relation to a significant “Other”, in what can be interpreted as a symptom of an assimilatory fear that has never been appeased, characteristic of the Balkan area.
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Holopírková, Petra. "Western Balkans and Austrian position on the EU integration of Western Balkans." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-4952.
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Rozbor oficiálních stanovisek EU k rozšíření EU o země Západního Balkánu (Chorvatsko, Makedonie, Černá Hora, Albánie, BiH, Srbsko, nově Kosovo) ukazuje na zdrženlivost EU k vlastnímu aktu přijetí. Přes všechna prohlášení o vůli přijmout tyto země, tato vyjádření zůstávají spíše proklamací, bez vyhlášení konkrétních dat přijetí těchto zemí do společenství. Na rozdíl od Rakouska, která jako jediná země EU deklaruje co nejrychlejší rozšíření EU o země Západního Balkánu přímo ve vládním programu jako prioritu své zahraniční politiky. Motivace Rakouska je založena na důkladné ekonomické analýze situace, kdy Rakouské investice do těchto zemí jsou nejvyšší ze všech zemí EU. Mezi Rakouskem a zeměmi Západního Balkánu a Rakouskem probíhá čilý obchod i pohyb osob, na který ostatní země EU nejsou ještě připraveny. Překážkou rychlého přijetí se tedy jeví důvody povahy nikoliv ekonomické, ale politické. Evropská unie se shoduje na roku 2008 jako na roku klíčovém v přístupových jednáních. V době publikace této práce ovšem EU nebyla s to jako celek schválit nezávislost Kosova. Minimálně tento bod zůstává otevřen k dořešení v roce 2008 spolu s dalšími body týkajícími se příštího rozšíření. EU má v této chvíli (duben 2008) jasno, že favorizovanými kandidáty pro přístup jsou Chorvatsko, Makedonie a Albánie, zatím bez konkrétního data přístupu.
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Ogou, Dogba Blaise. "Les évolutions de la règle électorale dans les systèmes politiques transitionnels : les élections législatives en Europe du Sud-Est (1989-2009)." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0019/document.
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Le sujet central de cette thèse concerne les évolutions de la règle électorale dans les régimespost-communistes et traite de la contribution de ces évolutions à la démocratisation dessystèmes politiques de l’Europe du Sud-Est, à partir d’un échantillon d’Etats (Albanie,Bulgarie, Macédoine, Roumanie et Serbie-Monténégro). La transition démocratique et lechangement de régime impliquent la construction d’une nouvelle légitimité politique. Cettelégitimité passe par les élections qui sont au coeur de la démocratie. Ce travail cherche àcomprendre comment sont choisies les règles régissant ces élections. Le choix du systèmeélectoral est, dans une grande mesure, la conséquence de plusieurs processus. L’accent mis surles facteurs déterminants de l’adoption et de la réforme électorale permet de comprendre lesmotivations et les objectifs des évolutions de la règle électorale en Europe post-communiste.L’étude de la législation réformée et l’analyse du comportement des acteurs électorauxpermettent de constater que les leaders politiques ont très souvent contourné le sensdémocratique de la norme électorale. Dans cet échantillon d’Etats, les évolutions de la règleélectorale ont eu des conséquences relatives sur le nombre des partis politiques représentés auParlement. Le changement de régime a favorisé l’alternance des majorités électorales etparlementaires. Cette alternance démontre que les principes démocratiques des électionscontribuent à la stabilisation démocratique, même si le contexte et les enjeux politiques propresà cette région favorisent une relative instabilité des majorités parlementaires etgouvernementales<br>The central subject of this thesis concerns the developments of the electoral rule in postcommunistregimes and discusses the contribution of these changes to the democratization ofpolitical systems of Southeast Europe, from a sample of states (Albania, Bulgaria, Macedonia,Romania and Serbia-Montenegro). Democratic transition and regime change involves theconstruction of a new political legitimacy. This legitimacy is through elections that are at theheart of democracy. This work seeks to understand how the rules are chosen these elections.The choice of electoral system is, to a large extent, the result of several processes. The focus onthe determinants of adoption and electoral reform to understanding the motivations and goalsof the developments of the electoral rule in post-communist Europe. The study of the reformedlegislation and behavior analysis of electoral allow players to see that the political leaders haveoften bypassed the democratic sense of the electoral standard. In this sample of countries,changes in the electoral rule had consequences on the number of political parties represented inParliament. Regime change has favored the alternation of parliamentary and electoralmajorities. This alternation shows that the democratic principles of elections contribute to thedemocratic stabilization, even if the context and the political stakes in this region favor a relativeinstability of parliamentary and government majority
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Soulier, Pauline. "L'instrumentalisation du nationalisme à l'ère post-communiste : Serbie et Biélorussie." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BORD0101.
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Au début des années 1990, la Serbie et la Biélorussie n’empruntent pas la voie démocratique. Après une timide amorce de cette transition, les prises de pouvoir par S. Milošević et A. Loukachenka suspendent, pour un temps plus ou moins long, la démocratisation. Outre l’originalité des régimes qu’ils instaurent, ce sont leurs techniques d’accès au pouvoir qui interpellent. Ils ne commettent pas un putsch, mais détournent le processus de démocratisation de la région. Alors que les Etats voisins s’appuient sur le nationalisme et cherchent les originesde la nation pour bâtir des régimes inspirés de l’Occident et débarrassés du communisme, S. Milošević et A. Loukachenka récupèrent cette logique de redéfinition identitaire pour s’opposer à la démocratie avec, au début,le consentement du peuple.Cette recherche vise à comprendre comment ces deux leaders politiques travestissent les idéologies démocratiques et nationalistes, pour mettre en place des régimes anachroniques. Pour cela, nous étudierons d’abord leur définition de la nation et nous chercherons à comprendre, à la lumière de travaux spécialisés, comment est réécrit le roman national (M. Ferro, P. Nora, P. Ricoeur, A.-D. Smith et G.-L. Mosse), et comment sont repensés les fondements protonationaux de la nation (E. Hobsbawm). Nous analyserons ensuite, à l’aide de certains auteurs, la mise en œuvre du mouvement nationaliste (M. Hroch) et la façon dont les deux leaders séduisent le peuple par un discours populiste plus efficace que ceux de leurs concurrents démocrates (P.-A.Taguieff), pour mettre en place, en définitive, les premières démocraties illibérales d’Europe (I. Wallerstein et C. Schmitt)<br>In the early nineties, Serbia and Belarus do not take the democratic path. After hesitant beginnings in this transition, S. Milošević and A. Loukachenka suspend the process of democratisation for a certain length of time. Besides the originality of the regimes they instaured, their methods of taking power raise questions. They do not carry out a putsch but redirect the democratisation process of the region. While the neighbouring statesn lean on nationalism and look for the origins of the nation to build regimes inspired by the West and free from communism, S. Milošević and A. Loukachenka seize upon this reasoning of redefining identity to oppose democracy with the initial consent of the people.This research aims to understand how these two political leaders twist the democratic and nationalist ideologies to establish anachronistic regimes. To this end, we will first study their definition of the nation and we willattempt to understand, in the light of specialised litterature, how the national narrative is rewritten (M. Ferro, P. Nora, P. Ricoeur, A.-D. Smith and G.-L. Mosse), and how the nation’s protonational foundations are redesigned (E. Hobsbawm). Using certain authors, we will then analyse, the implementation of the nationalist movement(M. Hroch) and the way the two leaders attract people with a populist discourse more effective than those of their democrat competitors (P.-A. Taguieff) to ultimately implement the first illiberal democracies in Europe (I. Wallerstein and C. Schmitt)
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Řehořová, Veronika. "Transformace západního Balkánu se zvláštním důrazem na roli Stabilizačního a asociačního procesu." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124998.
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This dissertation thesis is focused on the analysis of changing relations between the Western Balkan countries (WB) and the European Union (EU) against background of actual transformation processes in these countries. The Western Balkans represents a group of countries which were not part of so-called Eastern Enlargement of the EU, but are also slowly heading towards the EU. The EU distinguishes three groups of countries within the WB: Croatia has become an acceding country; then here is a group of candidate countries (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), Montenegro, Serbia), and the last group is formed by so-called potential candidate countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo). All of these above mentioned countries are part of the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) which nowadays represents the core of the Enlargement Policy of the EU and stands for the main research topic of this thesis. The thesis also comprehends the history of the enlargement process of the EU and the basic theoretical concepts of the (EU) enlargement. The "transformation" chapter includes a theoretical grounding too. Three hypotheses were verified (mainly) by results of transformation, evaluation of Copenhagen criteria by the European Commission, and by the statistical methods (Principal Components Analysis and Cluster Analysis) based on a number of economic and demographic indicators.
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MARJANOVIC, Dragana. "An empirical study of the changes in the attitudes about nationality-related issues among the Serbian population related to the political context of 2000-02." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6342.
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Defence date: 29 June 2006<br>Examining board: Prof. Jaap Dronkers, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Dejan Jović (Stirling, UK) ; Prof. Michael Keating (European University Institute) ; Prof. Aleksandar Pavković (Macquarie, Australia)(Co-Supervisor)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017<br>By using empirical data, this research considers whether there are changes in the saliencies of attitudes about nationality-related issues in contemporary Serbia, and if so, whether they can be linked to the political context of the period. Demonstrating the susceptibility of the saliencies of these attitudes to ‘external’ influence is its main goal. I maintain that this research is best framed by a constructivist approach to the study of nationalism. This thesis also addresses the ongoing debate concerning the origins of the late eighties and early nineties resurgence of nationalism in Serbia. A particular emphasis is devoted to the consideration of the role of the political elites in the emergence of the ethnic conflicts of former Yugoslavia and in general. The data included in the analyses have been collected by the Centre for Policy Studies, the United Nations Developmental Program and the World Value Survey. The period examined in most depth is 2000-02 encompassing the Milosevic regime change. Additionally, an analysis of the ‘nationalizing’ content of the most read newspaper Blic is conducted in order to provide evidence of the transmittance of the ‘nationalizing’ potential of political events and processes through the media to the public. The conclusion of these analyses is that there are detectable changes in the saliencies of the attitudes about nationality-related issues in Serbia during the period 2000 - 02 and these changes are attributable to the corresponding political context.
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Kruszec, Agata. "Serbskie ludowe słownictwo mitologiczne i obrzędowe." Praca doktorska, 2011. https://ruj.uj.edu.pl/xmlui/handle/item/53344.
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Tot, Antonije. "Nationalism in the contemporary political landscape in Serbia (2017-2021)." Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/24989.
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The subject of this thesis is a discourse analysis of select opinion pieces by the regular contributors writing for four Serbian online media outlets (Večernje novosti, Politika, Danas, and Nova) in the period between 2017 and 2021, for the purpose of identifying the nature, prevalence, and positioning of Serbian nationalist ideology between the two major political blocs in the contemporary political landscape in Serbia. The aforementioned outlets were chosen to represent the two sides of the political divide (pro-government and pro-opposition) and two different styles of political communication (neutral and tabloid), while the chosen time period reflects the decline of Serbia from a full democracy to a hybrid regime, as assessed in the Freedom House Report (2020), limiting the scope of the analysis to a political system which conforms to the theoretical model of competitive authoritarianism, with all of its implications on the media sphere. After scanning the four outlets for texts featuring themes relevant to Serbian nationalism, a hundred and twenty five (125) were included in the analysis and categorized according to the prevalent discourse(s) featured within, as defined in the methodological section. These were then related to the theoretical models of banal and virulent nationalism, the distinction between nationalism and populism (demagoguery), as well as to the “First” and “Other” Serbia discursive frame. The results of the analysis show that Serbian nationalist discourse is featured much more prominently in the writings of pro-government media actors, but that banal nationalism is ubiquitous across the political divide.<br>O tema da presente tese é uma análise do discurso de artigos de opinião selecionados pelos colaboradores regulares que escrevem para quatro meios de comunicação online sérvios (Večernje novosti, Politika, Danas e Nova) no período entre 2017 e 2021, com o objetivo de identificar a natureza, prevalência e posicionamento da ideologia nacionalista sérvia entre os dois principais blocos políticos no cenário político contemporâneo da Sérvia. Os meios de comunicação acima mencionados foram escolhidos para representar os dois lados da divisão política (pró-governo e pró-oposição) e dois estilos diferentes de comunicação política (neutro e tablóide), enquanto o período de tempo escolhido reflete o declínio da Sérvia de uma democracia a um regime híbrido, conforme apurado no Freedom House Report (2020), limitando o âmbito da análise a um sistema político conformado ao modelo teórico do autoritarismo competitivo, com todas as suas implicações na esfera mediática. Depois de explorar os textos dos quatro meios, com temas relevantes para o nacionalismo sérvio, cento e vinte e cinque textos (125) foram incluídos na análise e categorizados de acordo com o(s) discurso(s) predominante(s) apresentado(s), conforme definido na seção metodológica. Estes foram então relacionados com os modelos teóricos de nacionalismo banal e virulento, a distinção entre nacionalismo e populismo (demagogia), assim como com o quadro discursivo “Primeira” e “Outra” Sérvia. Os resultados da análise mostram que o discurso nacionalista sérvio conhece maior destaque nos textos dos autores dos mídia pró-governamentais, mas que o nacionalismo banal é omnipresente em todo o espetro político.
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Malbašić, Damjan. "Capitalization of nationalism: Consequences of Abuse of Public Spirit in Serbia." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-328563.
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Since the time when Serbia was one of the six republics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ), the country has been through very difficult cultural, political and ideological challenges and changes. While the dominant socialist ideology in former Yugoslavia, organized around Tito's idea of "brotherhood and unity", helped to pacify and diminish differences between various ethnic and religious groups, Serbian society during the period of the Miloševic regime has deployed different ideological patterns characterized by national pride, territorial integrity, and the policy of "all Serbs in one country" politics. These ideas were brought together under the banner of securing national and cultural identity, as well as territorial integrity. When discussing dominant political discourses, contemporary societies in the Western Balkans are characterized as societies "in transition", moving from socialism to capitalism and liberal democracy which is often equated with the path to the European Union. If we're to discuss the new geopolitics of Western Balkans, we cannot avoid discussing the nationalism and it's own rigid framework formed during the eighties and all the consequent mutations thereof. The direct corellation between nationalism as an ideology and it's applications either through policy or...
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Živković, Marko Dusǎn. "Serbian stories of identity and destiny in the 1980s and 1990s /." 2001. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:9997195.
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Hach, Tomáš. "Politika rozšiřování Evropské unie: Černá Hora, Makedonie, Srbsko." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350904.
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Tomáš Hach - The Politics of EU Enlargement: Montenegro, Macedonia, Serbia Abstract The diploma thesis deals with the topic of the politics of EU enlargement and perspectives of future developments in this area. Its main objectives are to define the politics in theory, to introduce it in the context of the Western Balkans and apply it to the three selected cases - Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The work considers the historical development since 1990's as an important factor with a huge influence on current negotiation, and therefore the thesis pays high attention to that. Besides the historical excursion, the thesis deals with topics of political development, introduces the status of current negotiations and the relationship between the European Union and certain countries since the establishment of the first official contact. Through the comparative case study, despite differing positions of states within the framework of negotiations, it is highlighted that all countries share common problems. The method of compliance and non-compliance generates common problems as well as underlines the particular specifics. An important contribution is also the comparison of individual countries based on fulfilment of the Copenhagen criteria in the context of current affairs.
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Sousa, Ricardo Alexandre Encarnação. "Yugoslavia: from wars to European integration: perspectives from university students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia and Kosovo." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/15130.
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What are the conditions for meaningful reconciliation in post-conflict societies? This was the
departure research question for this research project focusing on the former Yugoslavia, in
particular on the territories of the three largest former republics: Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia, Serbia, and Kosovo, due to the latter’s respective specificities.
Starting out from a general hypothesis: the fulfilment of a set of political, social and
economic conditions fosters and enables tolerant and peaceful coexistence among the peoples
of the former Yugoslavia, this then shaped and thus defined the main research objectives:
understanding the way in which the post-war educational systems have or have not
contributed to reconciliation between the various nations and peoples of the region; the
prospects of European integration as an engine for pacification; the role of hate speech
formulated in the media and culture and as well as the means of overcoming it.
Through research that interweaves with the professional activity of the author – a
journalist with extensive experience in coverage of the region – and deploying a combination
of qualitative and quantitative methods (a survey answered by over 270 students from the
countries under study), this dissertation strives to provide new clues for approaching
nationalist phenomena and perspectives (taking into account the responses of students to the
survey this thesis put forward) on reconstructing post-conflict societies and furthermore
identifying a set of conditions that must first be verified before ever achieving what this
dissertation defines as reconcivicnation, a civic reconciliation of nations.<br>Quais as condições para a reconciliação em sociedades pós-conflito? Esta foi a pergunta
central de partida que orientou a investigação, que incide sobre a antiga Jugoslávia, em
particular sobre os territórios das três maiores antigas repúblicas: Bósnia-Herzegovina,
Croácia, Sérvia, acrescentando o Kosovo, pelas especificidades que encerra.
Partindo de uma hipótese geral: a concretização de um conjunto de condições
políticas, sociais e económicas permitirá um convívio mais tolerante e pacífico entre os povos
da antiga Jugoslávia, foram considerados e definidos os objetivos principais da pesquisa: a
compreensão da forma como a educação – o sistema educativo dos vários países e entidades
constituintes – contribuiu ou não, após as guerras, para a reconciliação entre as várias nações
e povos da região; as perspetivas de integração europeia como motor, ou não, de pacificação
da região; o papel do discurso do ódio formulado nos media e na cultura e formas de o
superar.
Através de uma investigação que se cruza com a actividade profissional do autor –
jornalista com vasta experiência na cobertura da região – e utilizando uma combinação de
métodos qualitativos e quantitativos (um inquérito que foi respondido por mais de 270
estudantes dos países em estudo), esta dissertação pretende trazer novas pistas para a
abordagem dos fenómenos nacionalistas e perspectivas de reconstrução de sociedades pósconflito,
considerando as perspetivas dos estudantes que responderam ao inquérito e
apontando um conjunto de condições que se devem verificar para que seja atingido aquilo que
esta dissertação definirá como “reconcivicnation”, uma reconciliação cívica das nações.
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Robertson, James. "Discourses of democracy and exclusion in the streets of Belgrade , 1968 - 1997." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1939.
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In June 1968 students at the University of Belgrade occupied their Faculties for a week in protest at social inequalities. They denounced the Yugoslav bureaucracy and proclaimed their solidarity with the working class. Three decades later, in the winter of 1996-97, the University of Belgrade was once again on strike, as students took to the streets daily for five months, protesting the annulment of the Serbian election results by Slobodan Milošević. Their discourse of democracy was far removed from that of 1968. This thesis seeks to examine the changes in these discourses of democracy and the exclusions they implied.
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Řezáčová, Veronika. "Srbská menšina v Kosovu a vztahy mezi Kosovem a Srbskem v letech 2008 - 2013." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-337816.
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The thesis is analyzing relations between the Serb minority in Kosovo, Kosovo proper and Serbia from 2008 to 2013 by using Robert Brubaker's "Triadic Nexus" concept that defines a relation between a national minority, a nationalizing state and an external national homeland. The Triadic Nexus will be supplemented by David Smith's "Quadratic Nexus" concept with the addition of an international actor that would be the United Nations and the European Union. In the north and the southeast of Kosovo lives a huge Serb community that does not recognize Kosovo's independence since 2008. From 2008 to 2013 Kosovo authorities were trying to integrate Serb minority into Kosovo society, however in most cases unsuccessfully. Kosovo Serbs kept relations with Serbia, especially thanks to the existence of parallel Serb institutions in these parts of Kosovo. The position of the Serb minority in the Kosovo`s society is analyzed through the legal framework and their (non)integration into the administrative and political institutions of the Kosovo proper. This should provide hints if and how the Serb minority in Kosovo was or was not persecuted. The thesis further enlightens, through the analysis of the Serb minority`s integration in parallel Serb institutions, how big of a problem the parallel Serb institutions pose...
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Rákociová, Silvia. "Zločin a genocida ve světle rosudku MSD." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-313975.
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The crime of genocide in the light of a judgment of the ICJ This diploma thesis addresses the influence of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) decision1 on the crime of genocide. On 22nd March 1993 Bosnia and Herzegovina brought an action against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRJ) before the ICJ. FRJ was charged with the breach of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Convention). After 14 years, the ICJ held decision on 26th February 2007. In the beginning, the Court had to solve procedural issue concerning the position of the Respondent in the dispute and after it positive answer, it could proceed to consider the merits of the case. The important part of the Decision is dedicated to the responsibility of a state for the genocide. Although the Convention did not explicitly anchor it, the Court deduced it by interpretation of the Article I. The prohibition on the genocide is then recognized not only under the customary law, but also in the Convention. Consequently "the Court observes that the obligations in question in this case (...) and the responsibilities of the States (...) are obligations and responsibilities under international law. They are not of a criminal nature."2 Therefore, the standard of proof is not as high as beyond reasonable doubts...
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Whyte, Angela C. "Placing blame or finding peace: a qualitative analysis of the legal response to rape as a war crime in the former Yugoslavia." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/94.
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This thesis is a qualitative analysis of the international legal response to rape as war crime in the former Yugoslavia. Through the examination of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the case law it has generated, this thesis addresses the question will the androcentric characteristics of law found in domestic rape cases be replicated at the international level? More specifically this thesis undertakes an examination which questions will international law be able to adequately amplify and listen to women voices, or will the women’s words be silenced by the rule of law? The following research is loosely informed by Carol Smart’s (1989) sociology of law theory combined with Liz Kelly’s (1988) notions of coping, resisting, and surviving. The purpose of using Kelly’s theory is to go beyond viewing women as inevitable victims of sexual assault. The methodological approach is both qualitative and inductive. It draws on data from the ICTY structure, Statute, Rules of Procedures and Evidence, case law and transcripts and women’s stories presented outside the legal realm.
The analysis reveals that while written law (including the interpretation and application of the law) is somewhat aware of the experiences of women, it falls short of adequately responding to the needs of women. A detailed look at the women’s stories of war revealed diverse experiences not captured in the legal realm. The women’s stories spoke of concerns beyond sexual assault and other crimes identified by the ICTY Statute. This thesis also introduces alternatives or complimentary approaches to law when dealing with war crimes. These alternatives include women’s local groups and truth commissions. This thesis also identifies the criminological relevance of studying war crimes (as defined by international law) and crimes of war and marks an important step in understanding rape and war from a criminological perspective.<br>February 2005
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Duric, Jovana. "Nacionalismus v Srbsku na konci 20. století: Zločin a turbofolk jako krytí autokracie." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-398084.
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Crime and turbofolk as a cover to autocracy? Nationalism in Serbia at the end of the 20th century Abstract: In this MA. thesis it will be investigated how, by the influence of the politics of Milosevic in the 1990s, implemented by the political elite gathered around him, a rise of crime, war profiteering and the development of a new popular culture genre of turbofolk appeared in Serbia. Such socio-political conditions, supported by a strong media propaganda by the regime, turned out to be the key pillars of Milosevic's autocratic rule. Special emphasis will be given to a new cultural phenomenon that struck this region in the period - the phenomenon of "turbofolk" as the dominant music genre of the time, that completes the picture of Serbian society during the 1990s. Overwhelmed with elements of kitsch and baroque, this popular music genre which originated in the restaurants of central Serbia suburbs, has become an unavoidable part of everyday life of young people, whose new idols were individuals who measured their success by the number and importance of their criminal ventures. The emergence of turbofolk, therefore, is considered in light of the birth of the new socio-political circumstances. But it is interesting to note that turbofolk, with some adjustments, remains the dominant musical genre in Serbia...
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Krestovská, Dina. "Přístup hlavních srbských politických stran k nacionální otázce ve druhé a třetí Jugoslávii." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350522.
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This theses deals with the research on the development of attitude of main Serbian political parties to the nationalist question and Serbian nationalist program. Results of this research reveal how in the past quarter century changed the attitude of the Serbian parliamentary parties on the Serbian national question, depending on the key milestones of development (origins and development of multi-party system, the war in the early 90s; escalation of the Kosovo crisis). Among others things theses deals with differences between the declared programs and principles and the real party politics. During the research were also analyzed programming and factual modifications of attitude to the mentioned issues for the following parties: Socialist Party of Serbia, Democratic Party, Serbian Renewal Movement, Serbian Radical Party, Democratic Party of Serbia and the Citizens Union of Serbia. Heuristically work is primarly based on published sources: the relevant programs; resolutions of the party congresses and conferences; speeches of key representatives of the ementioned parties.
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Bozanich, Stevan. "Masculinity and mobilised folklore: the image of the hajduk in the creation of the modern Serbian warrior." Thesis, 2017. https://dspace.library.uvic.ca//handle/1828/8402.
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Based on Hobsbawm’s notion of “invented traditions,” this thesis argues that the Serbian warrior tradition, the hajduk, was formalised from the folk oral epic tradition into official state practices. Using reports from the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, military histories of Yugoslavia’s Second World War, and case files from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), this thesis shows how the hajduk epics were used to articulate war programs and formations, to construct perpetrator and victim identities, and to help encourage and justify the levels of violence during the Yugoslav wars of succession, 1991-1995. The thesis shows how the formalising of the invented hajduk tradition made the epics an important part of political and military mobilisation for at least the last two centuries. During Serbia’s modernisation campaign in the nineteenth century, the epic hajduk traditions were codified by Serbian intellectuals and fashioned into national stories of heroism. While cleansing territories of undesirable populations during the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, the hajduks were portrayed in the tradition of nation builders by the Kingdom of Serbia. The hajduk tradition was also mobilised as Nazi Germany invaded Yugoslavia in 1941, with both Draža Mihailović’s Četniks and Tito’s Partisans appropriating the historic guerrilla tradition. During the “re-traditionalisation” period under Slobodan Milošević in the 1980s, the invented hajduk tradition was again mobilised in the service of war. As Bosnian Muslim bodies were flung from the Mehmed Sokolović Bridge in Višegrad in 1992, the Serbian perpetrators dreamed of themselves as avenging hajduks thus justifying a modern ethnic cleansing.<br>Graduate
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Miklošovič, Martin. "Srbská a chorvátska propaganda počas rozpadu Juhoslávie." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-397963.
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The role of the media in inciting hatred and nationalist passions in the break-up of socialist Yugoslavia (SFRY) is a well-known and notable fact. The aim of the thesis is a selective comparative content analysis of Serbian and Croatian press during the break-up of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1990-1991 on the example of two daily journals, namely Zagreb's Vjesnik and Belgrade's Politika. It is a period closely preceding the military conflict after the declaration of independence of Slovenia and Croatia in June 1991. The intention of this work is to find out in what form the propaganda, as defined below, appeared in the selected press. The second task will then examine how its occurrence varied over time, depending on ongoing events. While the relationship of state power and media in this case is already well-known and has been the subject of research on a number of occasions, the selective content analysis should show what elements are used in particular to activate the public. The aim of this work will be to gain a segment of a complex image, analyze one type of medium and content component arguments used to support positions of state regime, national agitation and arousing hostility to opponents of current political power and their intentions, whether from the other...
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Höfer, Karel. "Komparativní volební inženýrství v postjugoslávském prostoru." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-322429.
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Bc. Karel Höfer Komparativní volební inženýrství v postjugoslávském prostoru KP IPS FSV UK Diplomová práce ABSTRACT The thesis deals with the topic of electoral engineering and electoral design in the Post- Yugoslav area. It can be classified within social sciences as a part of political science, specifically as a part of comparative political science and electoral studies. The subject of this thesis is electoral design and electoral engineering. Its cases are political and electoral systems in the Post-Yugoslav area up to 2012. The importance of this topic consists in the fact that it is not entirely explored topic. On that account it deserves attention from both empirical and theoretical perspective. The research of electoral design and electoral engineering is one of the most promising courses of contemporary political science. The Post-Yugoslav area offers an ideal environment for comparative political science in general and comparative approach due to its common historical and institutional grounds, but different political and institutional development after the disintegration. The primary objective of this work is the comparison of electoral design and electoral engineering in the Post-Yugoslav area. An important component of this work is also original and comprehensive theoretical framework for a...
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Svobodová, Iveta. "Volně dostupné digitální knihovny v zemích bývalé Jugoslávie." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-367988.
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The thesis focuses on freely available digital libraries in the field of science, research and education in the countries of former Yugoslavia. The work is divided into theoretical and practical part. The theoretical part introduces the basic terminology and the issue of freely available digital libraries. The main part of the thesis is based on the findings of freely available digital libraries in the countries of former Yugoslavia. Their structured overview is an annex to this thesis and a commentary on them is given in the practical part. The core of the thesis constitutes the results of analyzes of three digital libraries from the selected region. It aims to analyse, describe,compare and assess selected systems. The practical part presents the descriptions and analysys of the selected systems. Next chapter includes the comparison of their qualitative and quantitative parameters. The conclusion of the work brings final assessment of the knowledge.